Suchergebnisse

Welche Krisen hat der Rassismus durch die Kämpfe Schwarzer Menschen im deutschen Kolonialreich erfahren? Während der langen 30 Jahre der Kolonialpolitik wurde Rassismus biopolitisch und gesellschaftsprägendes Paradigma. Ulrike Hamann zeigt, welche spezifi

Welche Krisen hat der Rassismus durch die Kämpfe Schwarzer Menschen im deutschen Kolonialreich erfahren? Während der langen 30 Jahre der Kolonialpolitik wurde Rassismus biopolitisch und gesellschaftsprägendes Paradigma.Ulrike Hamann zeigt, welche spezifischen Artikulationen des Rassismus wann aktuell waren und wie diese sich mit der kolonialen und nationalen Politik verbanden. Ausgangspunkt der Analyse sind dabei erstmals nicht die »Rasse«-Theorien, sondern die Widerstände dagegen in einer postkolonialen Lesart. Durch die Schriften von Mary Church Terrell, W.E.B. Du Bois und Rudolf Duala Manga Bell werden die Artikulationen des deutschen Rassismus benannt - aber auch gesellschaftliche Gegenbilder entworfen.

In vielen bundesdeutschen Großstädten leben auch fünf Jahre nach dem Sommer 2015 noch mehr Geflüchtete in staatlichen Unterkünften als in Wohnungen. Die Ursachen hierfür sind sowohl auf der Ebene struktureller Einschränkungen (u.a. Asylgesetz und Wohnsitzauflage), als auch individueller Benachteiligungen durch Vermieter*innen zu finden. Das weitaus größte Hindernis stellt jedoch der immense Mangel an leistbarem Wohnraum dar. Im folgenden Artikel soll anhand von vier Großstädten exemplarisch dargestellt werden, in welchen Rahmenbedingungen die Geflüchteten suchen (müssen), welches Angebot sie vorfinden und wie groß der Bedarf an leistbarem Wohnraum ist.

After the initial moments of political protest have passed, urban protest movements and neighbourhood initiatives often face the challenge of establishing a sustainable organizing structure in their neighbourhoods and of creating long-lasting collaborations, including maintaining relations among various participants and heterogeneous political actors in the city. This paper analyses the political practice of Kotti & Co, an urban neighbourhood initiative that has been active in political struggles pertaining to social housing and displacement and working against racism and neoliberal urban politics in the super-diverse city of Berlin. In the larger context of urban protest movements since 2011, the initiative managed to overcome a series of political challenges and to build a long-lasting organizing practice. The authors identify Kotti & Co as a 'community of struggle' that was able to foster a lasting movement through three elements of sustainability. The protest first managed to build bridges across and beyond its members' differences (class, migration background, sexual orientation) by finding a common set of political demands and social practices as well as by establishing collective place-based subjectivities. These place-based subjectivities have contributed to overcoming conventional identity politics by forming a new kind of political identity through the struggle itself. ; Peer Reviewed

Zusammenfassung
Das Ringen um und die Forderung nach gesellschaftlicher Teilhabe ist Gegenstand sozialer Bewegungen - so auch der Mieter*innenbewegung Berlins. In diesem Aufsatz möchten wir darstellen, warum der urbane Kontext besonders geeignet ist, Forderungen nach Teilhabe zu stellen und welche konkreten Forderungen nach materieller, politischer und kultureller Teilhabe von der Berliner Mieter*innenbewegung artikuliert werden. In einem zweiten Teil begründen wir, warum gerade die postmigrantischen und sozial gemischten Nachbarschaften der soziale Raum sind, in denen Teilhabekonflikte in einer sich diversifizierenden Gesellschaft zu universellen Teilhabeforderungen führen. In diesen Nachbarschaften entsteht in communities of struggle eine postidentitäre politische Kollektivität.
Der Artikel basiert auf jahrelanger participant action research als Teil der mietenpolitischen Bewegung Berlins, sowie auf teilnehmender Beobachtung, qualitativen narrativen Interviews, die im Jahr 2013 mit Mitgliedern der Gruppe Kotti & Co stattgefunden haben, und auf Interviews, veröffentlicht in Hamann et al. (2015). Beide Autor*innen sind selbst aktiv in der Mieter*innenbewegung - Ulrike Hamann bei Kotti & Co und Lisa Vollmer bei Stadt von Unten.

In this thematic issue, we attempt to show how migrations transform societies at the local and micro level by focusing on how migrants and refugees navigate within different migration regimes. We pay particular attention to the specific formation of the migration regimes that these countries adopt, which structure the conditions of the economic, racialised, gendered, and sexualized violence and exploitation during migration processes. This interactive process of social transformation shapes individual experiences while also being shaped by them. We aim to contribute to the most recent and challenging question of what kind of political and social changes can be observed and how to frame these changes theoretically if we look at local levels while focusing on struggles for recognition, rights, and urban space. We bring in a cross-country comparative perspective, ranging from Canada, Chile, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, and to Germany in order to lay out similarities and differences in each case, within which our authors analyse these transformative forces of migration.

In this thematic issue, we attempt to show how migrations transform societies at the local and micro level by focusing on how migrants and refugees navigate within different migration regimes. We pay particular attention to the specific formation of the migration regimes that these countries adopt, which structure the conditions of the economic, racialised, gendered, and sexualized violence and exploitation during migration processes. This interactive process of social transformation shapes individual experiences while also being shaped by them. We aim to contribute to the most recent and challenging question of what kind of political and social changes can be observed and how to frame these changes theoretically if we look at local levels while focusing on struggles for recognition, rights, and urban space. We bring in a cross-country comparative perspective, ranging from Canada, Chile, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, and to Germany in order to lay out similarities and differences in each case, within which our authors analyse these transformative forces of migration.

This article examines how state regulations, market barriers, racist discrimination as well as NGOs interact and create internal border regimes by enabling, as well as restricting, access to social and civil rights connected to housing and the freedom of movement and settlement for refugees. Our contribution builds on an analysis of federal and state regulations on housing for refugees who are either in the process of seeking asylum or have completed the process and have been granted an asylum status in Germany. The analysis aims to dissect the workings of these regulations in order to develop a detailed understanding of how these internal border regimes define barriers and access to social and civil rights. In addition to legal and regulatory barriers at the federal, state, and local levels, we identify several other barriers that affect if, how, and when refugees are able to enter local housing markets. We will examine these barriers based on an exemplary analysis of the situation in the cities of Berlin and Dresden, whereby we will apply concepts from border as well as citizenship studies to obtain a deeper understanding of the processes at hand. While contributions to the realm of border studies have so far mostly concentrated on national or EU borders, our approach follows recent literature that emphasises the need to analyse the workings of borders internal to nation-states but has so far not addressed local variations of the ways in which refugees are able to access their right to housing. In taking up this approach, we also stress the need to look at local dimensions of an increasing civic stratification of refugee rights, which past research has also conceptualised primarily on the national level. In both cities, we have collected administrative documents and conducted interviews with refugees, NGOs, and representatives from the local administration. Based on this material, we analyse the workings of administrative barriers at the state and local levels along with market barriers and discriminatory practices employed by landlords and housing companies at the local level. In most cases, these conditions restrict refugees' access to housing. We will contrast these obstacles with insight into the strategies pursued by refugees and volunteers in their efforts to find a place to live in the city.

In this article, we focus on ways in which 'internal migration industries' shape the housing location of refugees in cities. Based on empirical studies in Halle, Schwerin, Berlin, Stuttgart and Dresden, we bring two issues together. First, we show how a specific financialised accumulation model of renting out privatised public housing stock to disadvantaged parts of the population has emerged that increasingly targets migrant tenants. With the growing immigration of refugees to Germany since 2015, this model has intensified. Second, we discuss how access to housing is formed by informal agents. While housing is almost inaccessible for households on social welfare, the situation is even worse for refugees. This situation has given rise to a new 'shadow economy' for housing that offers services with dubious quality for excessive fees. Bringing these two issues together, we argue that housing provision to refugees has become a new business opportunity. This has given rise to a broad variety of 'internal migration industries' that provide the housing infrastructure, but also control access to housing. This not only results in new opportunities for profit extraction, but actively shapes new patterns of segregation and the concentration of refugees in particular types of disadvantaged neighbourhoods.

In recent years, the question of how urban spaces support the arrival of immigrants has found increased attention among scholars. The emerging discussion uses terms like arrival cities, arrival neighbourhoods, arrival spaces, arrival contexts, or arrival infrastructures to refer to local conditions which support immigrant inclusion. This discussion, however, tends to focus empirically and conceptually on neighbourhoods or cities with long-standing migration histories. Connected to this, arrival spaces are often conceptualised as spaces with strong migrant support networks and economies, as well as with high levels of functional diversity and a high fluctuation of residents. Less focus is placed on the question of if and how destinations that lack these characteristics support the arrival of new immigrants. This contribution focuses on this by discussing existent conceptualisations of arrival spaces and contrasting them with empirical illustrations of peripheral estate neighbourhoods in east German cities that have experienced a substantial population loss since the 1990s, resulting in the partial demolition of housing and infrastructure. Since the refugee migration to Germany starting in 2015, the population dynamic in these neighbourhoods has changed substantially. We contrast these developments with the literature on arrival contexts in order to reflect the strengths and weaknesses of the concept, specifically regarding the conditions in new destinations where migrant networks and economies are still emerging, functional diversity is low, and the role of residential fluctuation is unclear. While this article draws on empirical material, its major objective is to point out the blind spots in the current discussion around arrival spaces. It develops questions and offers a research agenda that introduces a wider and more varied set of neighbourhoods into the evolving research agenda on arrival spaces.

Der Bericht gibt einen Überblick über die Ergebnisse des Projekts "Nachbarschaften des Willkommens", das zwischen 2017 und 2021 die Bedingungen für sozialen Zusammenhalt in Nachbarschaften mit zunehmender Diversität durch Fluchtmigration erforscht hat. Dabei ging das Projekt der Frage nach, wo Vorstellungen und Praktiken des sozialen Zusammenhalts vorherrschen, die auch neue Bewohner_innen und Nutzer_innen mit Fluchthintergrund inkludieren, und wo dies nicht der Fall ist. In diesem Kontext fragte das Projekt insbesondere danach, wo Geflüchtete, die im Quartier wohnen oder es nutzen, Zugänge zu zentralen Res- sourcen wie Wohnraum, Unterstützung, Teilhabe und Mitbestimmung erhalten und wie diese Zugänge lokal ausgehandelt, entschieden und gelebt werden. Diese Fragen wurden in vier Nachbarschaften untersucht, die unterschiedliche sozioökonomische Zusammensetzungen so- wie unterschiedlich ausgeprägte Migrationsgeschichten aufweisen. ; The report provides an overview of the results of the project Nachbarschaften des Willkommens ("Welcoming Neighbourhoods"), which from 2017 to 2021 researched the conditions of social cohesion in neighbourhoods with increasing diversity due to refugee migration. In doing so, the project explored the question of where ideas and practices of social cohesion that include new refugee residents and users prevail, and where this is not the case. In this context, a leading research question was where refugees living in or using a neighbourhood gain access to key resources such as housing, support, and participation, and how access to these resources is negotiated, decided, and lived locally. These questions were studied in four neighbourhoods which have different socio-economic compositions and migration histories.