Suchergebnisse

Inglés de Sousa no presenta la Amazonia del siglo XIX con una una mirada lírica o deslumbrada; la describe como resultado de un transcurso histórico que, empezando por la violencia de la conquista europea, genera pobreza y degradación, en oposición a la riqueza de quien, movido por el afán económico, alcanza lucro y estatus. Los espacios amazónicos representados en la obra de Inglés de Sousa portan siempre las marcas de la desigualdad social, de la precariedad de las infraestructuras y de la disputa política. El factor político aparece como móvil pernicioso de la situación de decadencia y deterioro de las comunidades de la rivera. Este trabajo invita a reflexionar sobre la degradación de la región como resultado de las acciones y procesos políticos-económicos registrados a lo largo de la historia. ; Inglês de Sousa considera a Amazônia do século XIX não a partir de um olhar lírico ou deslumbrado; descreve-a como resultado de um transcurso histórico que, começando pela violência da conquista europeia, gera pobreza e degradação, em oposição à riqueza de quem, movido pela gana econômica, alcança lucro e status. Os locais amazônicos representados na obra de Inglês de Sousa trazem sempre as marcas da desigualdade social, da precariedade de infraestrutura e da disputa política. O fator político aparece como móbil pernicioso da situação de decadência e deterioração das comunidades ribeirinhas. Este trabalho convida a refletir sobre a degradação da região como resultado de ações e processos político-econômicos registrados na história. ; Inglês de sousa considers the nineteenth century Amazon not from a lyrical or dazzled look; he describes it as the result of a historical course which, beginning with the European's violent conquest, generates poverty and degradation, as opposed to the wealth of those who, driven by economic gain, achieve profit and status. The Amazonian sites represented in Inglês de Sousa's books always show the brunt of social inequality, precarious infrastructure and political strife. The political factor appears as a pernicious motive of the situation of decay and deterioration of the riverside communities. This work invites us to reflect on the degradation of the region, as a result of political and economic actions and processes recorded throughout history.

A lo largo de la historia occidental el cuerpo ha sido tratado y concebido a través de diferentes matices tanto ideológicos como religiosos, con argumentos políticos, morales y científicos. El arte, especialmente, ha explorado la representación de éste desde la prehistoria hasta la actualidad evidenciando una necesidad en la creación de imágenes que lo signifique. Este abordaje lo han realizado los medios de comunicación, a través de la publicidad por ejemplo, así como también el cine. En los diferentes tratamientos se han utilizado elementos tales como la concepción de belleza, poder, identidad, culto, vida y muerte, etcétera. La presente propuesta consiste en una disertación acerca del cuerpo y el tratamiento de las imágenes representativas que integran la cultura visual e ideológica contemporánea teniendo como eje constructor la película "Las hijas del fuego" (2018), de Albertina Carri, que nos adentra a un universo de cuerpos diversos e imperfectos que no reflejan la hegemonía histórica-sexual de lo corporal, permitiendo así un debate acerca del tratamiento actual del cuerpo, la norma, la destrucción y la autoconstrucción del mismo y su representación. ; Throughout Western history, the body has been treated and conceived through different nuances, both ideological and religious, with political, moral and scientific arguments. Art, especially, has explored its representation from prehistory to the present day evidencing a need in the creation of images that mean it. This approach has been made by the media, through advertising for example, as well as the cinema. In the different treatments, elements such as the conception of beauty, power, identity, cult, life and death, etc. have been used. The present proposal consists of a dissertation about the body and the treatment of the representative images that make up the contemporary visual and ideological culture, having as a constructive axis the film "Las hijas del fuego" (2018), by Albertina Carri, which introduces us to a universe of diverse and imperfect bodies that do not reflect the historical-sexual hegemony of the corporeal, thus allowing a debate about the current treatment of the body, the norm, the destruction and self construction of the body and its representation ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Shakespeare remains topical in politics under various regimes, both authoritative and democratic. A few recent events have reminded us of this unique phenomenon. In 2012, Gregory Doran staged his Julius Caesar against an 'African' setting and brought the play to a festival in Moscow. The performance contained a warning against a popular leader's abuse of authority, and in view of Russian politics sounded as a hint at Vladimir Putin's running for a third presidential term.We do not mean to say that Russia leads in Shakespeare-related excesses, but there is a special coloring to it. For instance, a 10-year-old boy reciting Hamlet's monologue To be or not to be was detained by the police in the center of Moscow, allegedly for begging; and then there were accusations of theatre director Kirill Serebrennikov (staging A Midsummer Night's Dream at Gogol-Center in Moscow), and theater manager Aleksei Malobrodsky was charged with embezzlement, following which public protests were organized in their defense.All these incidents bring to mind Tsar Alexander II's disapproval of Shakespeare's 300th anniversary and the plans of its celebration in the Russian Empire. In this paper, I try to trace the history of 'involving' the playwright in current politics, and the myths emerging along the way. ; Шекспир политически актуален во все времена и во всех культурах, при разных формах правления — авторитарных и демократических. Достаточно вспомнить недавние события, связанные с именем драматурга. В 2012 г. Грегори Доран выпустил своего «африканского» «Юлия Цезаря» и побывал со спектаклем на гастролях в Москве. Его предупреждение о том, что авторитарный правитель может попытаться узурпировать всю полноту власти, было воспринято как намек на возвращение В. Путина на очередной президентский срок.В России ситуация не более скандальная, чем в других странах, но имеет свой колорит: задержание полицией на Новом Арбате якобы за попрошайничество 10-летнего мальчика, декламировавшего монолог Гамлета «Быть или не быть», полукриминальная ситуация вокруг спектакля «Сон в летнюю ночь» режиссера Кирилла Серебренникова, обвинения в хищении средств театрального менеджера Алексея Малобродского, гневные выступления в их защиту общественности.По этому поводу можно вспомнить, как в свое время Александр II неодобрительно высказался о планах празднования 300-летнего юбилея Шекспира в Российской империи. В своей статье я попытаюсь проследить эволюцию политизации творчества британского драматурга, реальную и мифическую.

Until the 1990s, beaked whales were one of the least understood groups of large mammals. Information on northern bottlenose whales (Hyperoodon ampullatus) and Baird's beaked whales (Berardius bairdii) was available from data collected during whaling, however, little information existed on the smaller species other than occasional data gleaned from beach-cast animals. Recent research advances have been plentiful. Increasing global survey effort, together with morphometric and genetic analyses have shown at least 22 species in this group. Longitudinal field studies of at least four species (H. ampullatus, B. bairdii, Ziphius cavirostris, Mesoplodon densirostris) have become established over the last three decades. Several long-term studies support photo-identification catalogs providing insights into life history, social structure and population size. Tag-based efforts looking at diving, movements and acoustics have provided detail on individual behavior as well as population structure and ranges. Passive acoustic monitoring has allowed long-term and seasonal monitoring of populations. Genetic studies have uncovered cryptic species and revealed contrasting patterns of genetic diversity and connectivity amongst the few species examined. Conservation concern for these species was sparked by mass strandings coincident with military mid-frequency sonar use. Fat and gas emboli have been symptomatic indicators of mortalities related to sonar exposure, suggesting that their vulnerability stems from the physiological exertion of extreme diving for medium-sized whales. Behavioral response experiments have now shown that beaked whales appear to cease foraging and delay their return to foraging and/or leave the area in association with exposure to mid-frequency signals at low acoustic levels. Future priorities for these species will be to (1) continue field-studies to better understand smaller-scale habitat use, vital rates and social structure; (2) develop better detection methods for larger-scale survey work; (3) improve methodology for monitoring energetics, individual body condition and health; (4) develop tools to better understand physiology; (5) use recent genetic advances with improved sample databanks to re-examine global and local beaked whale relationships; (6) further quantify anthropogenic impacts (both sonar and other noise) and their population consequences (7) apply acquired data for realistic mitigation of sonar and other anthropogenic impacts for beaked whale conservation. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

A día de hoy, la navegación aérea transita por la vida de la gente sin componentes extraordinarios; pero hace ochenta años era una novedad. Para traer ese progreso se creó una infraestructura básica en la Baja Extremadura, con aeródromos en Herrera del Duque, Azuaga y Las Bardocas (Badajoz). Las líneas aéreas surcaron los cielos del Suroeste, de paso hacia Sevilla o Lisboa. Estos campos de vuelo eran pre-carias instalaciones que, en los años treinta, se orientarían al uso militar, potenciado durante el periodo 1936-1939. El de Azuaga tuvo una apasionante y breve historia, pues desapareció en los años cuarenta. Junto a esto, algunos hechos del comienzo de la Guerra Civil han quedado anclados en el desconocimiento y la propaganda. Los aparatos que la Alemania nazi sirve al bando rebelde tuvieron una importancia no menor en la correlación de fuerzas bélicas. Uno de aquellos, un flamante Junkers JU-52 trimotor, tomó tierra en los campos de una Azuaga aún controlada por los partidarios gubernamentales del Frente Popular. La cuestión se vio como un incidente capital en los acuerdos de neutralidad que las naciones firmaron y escasamente cumplieron. Todo un ejemplo de apoyo subrepticio y nada disimulado del expansionismo "imperial" de Adolf Hitler al bando rebelde o "nacional" encabezado por Franco. ; Nowadays, aircraft navigation concerns every-one without extraordinary elements. Eighty years ago it seemed to be radically new. For that progress in Lower Estremadura a basic infrastructure was created: aerodromes in Herrera del Duque, Azuaga and Las Bardocas, close to Badajoz. Airlines were crossing our skies on the way to Seville or Lisbon. These airfields were just precarious installations oriented to military use in the 1930s, mostly from 1936 to 1939. Azuaga's aerodrome lived a short and strong history till its vanishing in the 1940s. Furthermore, some events in the beginning of Spanish Civil War are not that well known because of propaganda. Aircrafts sent to the Nationalists by Nazi Government of Germany were really important. One of them, a great and new three-engine Junkers Ju-52, landed nearby Azuaga as the village was still con-trolled by people of Frente Popular. The issue was addressed in international Non-intervention Committee as a case of breach and undisclosed help of Hitler to nationalists supporters of Franco.

A lo largo de la historia los escritos de viajes han resultado interesantes y sugerentes por la información que aportan, la referencia a lugares concretos y la forma de percibir la realidad en función de quien escribe, entre otros niveles. Los temas tratados suelen referirse a la vida social, las costumbres del lugar que se ha visitado, incluso se describen las ciudades, resaltando los aspectos más llamativos. Pero no olvidemos que los relatos tienden a responder a unas coordenadas sociales, culturales, económicas y políticas propias del momento histórico en que se escriben. En este artículo exponemos –acaso de manera sucinta– algunos ejemplos de escritos que viajeros estadounidenses han dejado acerca de La Mancha en general y de Valdepeñas en particular. Centraremos nuestro estudio fundamentalmente en el siglo xix y primer tercio del siglo xx, tratando relatos y comentarios variopintos sobre las gentes, la pobreza de los pueblos manchegos, las malas comunicaciones, y otros muchos aspectos que quedan reflejados en la retina del viajero, pasados luego por el cedazo de la observación crítica antes de ser plasmados en el papel. ; Throughout history travel writings have been interesting and suggestive thanks to the information they provide, the reference to specific places, and the way of perceiving reality based on who has written them, among other considerations. The discussed topics usually refer to the social life and customs of the place that has been visited, and cities are described, highlighting their most striking aspects. However, we cannot forget that the writings tend to respond to certain social, cultural, economic and political demands of the historical moment in which they are written. In this paper we intend to briefly outline some examples of travel writings that American travellers have written about La Mancha in general and Valdepeñas in particular. We will focus our study on the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth, dealing with stories and commentaries about people, the poverty of the people from La Mancha, bad communications, and many other aspects that are reflected in the retina of the traveller, then passed through the sieve of the critical observation before being expressed on paper.

1 recurso en línea (páginas 77-111) ; This article examines student movements in Argentina, Mexico and Brazil in the 1960s from a predominantly Latin American perspective. We concentrate on student experiences of the selected countries, their common strategies, bonds, networks, and the history of their struggle throughout the XX century. We highlight the massive and meaningful movements of 1968 and 1969, focusing on common points of analysis, such as the tension/articulation between democratizing and revolutionary proposals, anti-establishment positions regarding dialogue, the emergence of new forms of participation, radicalization, transformative proposals, as well as the ways in which State repression has been exerted, and some particularities of the different student movements of this time period. ; El artículo propone un acercamiento al estudio de los movimientos estudiantiles en Argentina, México y Brasil en la década del '60. Se privilegia una perspectiva latinoamericana que prioriza la mirada sobre las experiencias estudiantiles de los países analizados, sus estrategias comunes, vínculos y redes, su historia de luchas a lo largo del siglo XX. Se hace alusión a las masivas y contundentes movilizaciones en los años de 1968 y 1969, planteando algunos ejes de análisis común: la tensión/articulación entre propuestas democratizadoras y revolucionarias, la acción contestataria frente al diálogo, la emergencia de nuevas formas de participación, radicalización, propuestas transformadoras así como las modalidades en que fue ejercida la represión por parte del estado, que marcaron algunas particularidades de los movimientos estudiantiles en esa coyuntura. ; Cet article propose une approche de l'étude des mouvements étudiants en Argentine, Mexique et Brésil dans les années 1960. Nous privilégions une perspective latino-américaine qui souligne les expériences étudiantes des pays analysés, leurs stratégies communes, leurs liens et leurs réseaux, leur histoire de luttes tout au long du XXe siècle. Nous abordons les mobilisations massives et fermes des années 1968 et 1969, en proposant quelques axes d'analyse : la tension/articulation entre propositions démocratiques et révolutionnaires, l'action contestataire face au dialogue, l'émergence de nouvelles formes de participation, la radicalisation, les propositions. de transformation, ainsi que les modalités de répression étatique, qui constituent qeulques-unes des particularités des mouvements étudiants de cette étape décisive. ; Bibliografía y webgrafía: páginas 105-111.

Este trabajo reconoce que aunque existen avances muy significativos sobre la inclusi?n a la vida pol?tica de la mujer todav?a se debe potencializar mucho m?s el tema, es decir, pasar de la norma a la realidad y la vivencia de la mujer en la vida pol?tica. Con respecto a lo anterior podemos observar en la historia la gran lucha de las mujeres por lograr su reconocimiento y participaci?n en todos los ?mbitos de la sociedad, se tiene una mayor toma de conciencia y de lucha contra la desigualdad de g?nero, pudiendo lograr mucha m?s inclusi?n y aprendizaje respecto de la mujer. Aunque han pasado m?s de seis d?cadas desde que el 41 % de las mujeres en Colombia votaron por primera vez en el plebiscito del 1? de diciembre de 1957, hito que le abri? las puertas de la vida democr?tica al g?nero femenino, es poco el avance en la igualdad pol?tica entre hombres y mujeres en el pa?s, a pesar de los compromisos internacionales adquiridos de establecer medidas y acciones que materialicen el cierre de brechas ante la ley. ; This work recognizes that although there are very significant advances on the inclusion in the political life of women, the issue must still be further potentiated, that is, moving from the norm to the reality and experience of women in political life. With regard to the above, we can observe in history the great struggle of women to achieve their recognition and participation in all areas of society, there is a greater awareness and fight against gender inequality, being able to achieve much more inclusion and learning about women. Although more than six decades have passed since 41% of women in Colombia voted for the first time in the plebiscite of December 1, 1957, a milestone that opened the doors of democratic life to the female gender, little progress has been made. in political equality between men and women in the country, despite the international commitments acquired to establish measures and actions that materialize the closing of gaps before the law.

Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit widmet sich als Beitrag sowohl zur Körper- bzw. Geschlechtergeschichte als auch zur Selbstzeugnisforschung autobiographischen Texten aus den 70er bis 90er Jahren des 20. Jahrhunderts, in denen gynäkologische Krebserkrankungen eine zentrale Rolle einnahmen. Dabei liegt der Schwerpunkt auf dem Vergleich von Tagebüchern dreier Frauen aus dem Deutschen Tagebucharchiv in Emmendingen – einer Ärztin, einer Lehrerin und einer Sozialpädagogin- sowie publizierten Biographien Hildegard Knefs, Maxie Wanders, Ruth Picardies und Chilly Ants in Hinblick auf Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede in Aufbau, Sprache und vor allem behandelte Themen. Dies erfolgt zunächst unter Behandlung des historischen Kontextes durch Vermittlung medizinischer Hintergründe anhand von Fachbüchern aus dem Zeitraum, politischer Umstände mit dem Schwerpunkt auf die Frauengesundheitsbewegung sowie zuletzt der gesellschaftlich-öffentlichen Situation mit dem Kernpunkt der Tabuisierung des Themas Krebs. Hieran schließt sich der Vergleich der Texte im Bezug auf verschiedene Themen an mit den zentralen Aspekten: zum Einen die Kranke bzw. Patientin als soziale Figur und ihre Beziehung zur sozialen Welt, zum Anderen ihre Sicht auf die Krankheit mit den begleitenden Themen Krankheitsbewältigung, Krankheitsgewinn sowie Gedanken im Bezug auf Sterben und Tod. Hierbei wird auch Bezug genommen auf den Einfluss der Frauengesundheitsbewegung in der Darstellung und Gewichtung der einzelnen Themen. Zuletzt erfolgt eine zusammenfassende Schlussanalyse. ; This doctoral thesis is a contribution to body/gender history as well as research of testimonials in the form of autobiographical notes written between the 1970's and 1990's where gynaecological cancer diseases played a main part. The emphasis is the comparison of diaries belonging to three women taken from the German Diary Archive in Emmendingen – a doctor, a teacher and a social worker – as well as publicised biographies of Hildegard Knef, Maxie Wander, Ruth Picardie and Chilly Ant regarding similarities and differences in construction, language and above all, the issues examined. The process involved initially examining the historical context by looking at medical backgrounds using specialist literature from that period, political circumstances in particular the women's health movement as well as finally examining the social public aspect regarding the essential point of cancer being seen as a taboo subject. From this point onwards after comparing the notes with regards to different issues a central aspect could be seen: the patient as a social figure and her relationship with the social world and on the other hand, the way she saw the illness and associated questions like how to beat the illness, gain from illness as well as thoughts regarding dying and ultimately, death. The influence of the women's health movement is also referred to in the presentation and weighing up of the importance of individual issues. A conclusive final analysis rounds up the thesis.

English abstract:This article analyzes diaspora philanthropy by Filipino migrants
in Luxembourg. It shows the evolution of migrant organizations'
established philanthropic practices as reflected in the history and profile
of Filipino immigration to Luxembourg. Recently, however, direct remittances
have been challenged by the philanthro-capitalist orientation of
Meso Impact Finance, securing capital investment for small enterprises.
Luxembourg's impact investing in the Philippines is a result of intersecting
social forces: dominance of migration-development discourse,
ideological appeal of philanthro-capitalism, strong financial institutions
in Luxembourg, and the tight-knit Filipino community. However, traditional
philanthropy remains popular despite the undermining of direct,
non-profit remittances of migrants as shortsighted, unsustainable
development tool. It remains to be seen whether Meso Impact Finance
will gain a stronger hold in the market and replace direct philanthropic
remittances.Spanish abstract:Este artículo analiza la filantropía de la diáspora realizada por
inmigrantes filipinos en Luxemburgo. Usando métodos etnográfi cos se
muestra la evolución de las prácticas filantrópicas establecidas por las organizaciones
de migrantes y como éstas se refl ejan en la historia y el perfi
l de la inmigración filipina a Luxemburgo. Recientemente, las remesas
directas han sido cuestionadas por la orientación filantro-capitalista de
meso impacto financiero, asegurando inversiones de capital para pequeñas
empresas. No obstante, la filantropía tradicional sigue siendo popular
a pesar del debilitamiento de las remesas directas y sin fines de lucro
de los migrantes, como una herramienta de corta visión, insostenible e
irracional. Queda por observarse si el meso impacto financiero obtendrá
un mayor control en el mercado y reemplazará las remesas filantrópicas
directas.French abstract:Cet article présente des données ethnographiques et des analyses
critiques liées à la philanthropie de la diaspora philippine au
Luxembourg. Il montre que l'évolution des organisations migrantes établit
des pratiques philanthropiques comme le reflètent l'histoire et le profil de l'immigration philippine au Luxembourg. Récemment cependant
les transferts d'argent directs ont été concurrencés par l'orientation philantrocapitalistique
de la mésofinance à impact social qui sécurise l'investissement
de capitaux pour les petites entreprises. Pourtant, malgré
l'ébranlement des transferts d'argent directs et non-lucratifs des migrants
comme outil de développement à court terme et non pérenne la philanthropie
traditionnelle reste populaire. Il reste à voir si la mésofinance à impact social gagnera un ancrage plus fort sur les marchés et si elle remplacera
les transferts d'argent philanthropiques directs.

History proves that food security is closely related to social security, economic stability, political stability and national security or security. Therefore, one of Goal the National Medium Term Development Plans (RPJMN) for 2015-2019 is to realize economic independence by moving the strategic sectors of the domestic economy through increasing sovereignty / food security. Food security is closely related to improve the quality of Indonesian human resources. We hold community service in the area of South Kembangan, which has 9 Rukun Warga, but only 7 Rukun Warga are active in each activity. The total population in Kembangan Selatan Village are 30,169 people, consisting of 3,219 toddlers aged 0-4 years, 3,774 children aged between 5-9 years, 2,849 children aged between 10-15 years, 3,457 teenagers aged between 15- 19 years, 13,640 people aged 20-44 years, 3,230 people aged over 50 years. We chose urban area as our community service, where the people live in a house where the land area is not wide enough to grow crops in contrast to rural areas where the land is still large enough to grow crops. Not surprisingly, urban food needs are mostly produced from rural areas. Then how can each household use the limited land effectively, especially those who live in urban areas? In recent years Aquaponics technology has been introduced primarily so that people can use their yards effectively. Aquaponics combines aquaculture and hydroponics systems "that is, by utilizing organic waste fish farming as a source of nutrition in crop cultivation. Aquaponics continuously uses water sourced from ponds where water is raised for plants and then returned to fish ponds so that this forms a circulation. For this activity we conducted several trainings for the PKK activator groups in the Kembangan Selatan Village. We hope that these PKK drivers can apply Aquaponics technology in their respective regions. Training and aquaponics tools were made at the Child Friendly Integrated Public Space (RPTRA) park in South Kembangan. Our training on a number of topics: 1. Healthy, Independent and Prosperous Families, 2. Family Financial Management, 3. Family Food Security, 4. Aquaponics Training. The training conducted was an aquaponics technology pilot project for Kembangan Selatan Village. The purpose of this activity is establishing Food and Economy for each Household in the Kembangan Selatan Village.

La dictadura del capital financiero: el golpe militar corporativo y la trama bursátil es un libro que se inscribe en los estudios de las políticas económicas de la última dictadura cívico-militar de la Argentina, aunque a diferencia de las investigaciones precedentes el foco está colocado sobre los organismos y actores del sector financiero. Esta investigación no hubiese sido posible sin la creación de una oficina específica orientada a este objetivo en el seno de la Comisión Nacional de Valores y sin el acceso a los archivos de la Comisión de Asesoramiento Legislativo encontrados en el Edificio Cóndor en 2013. A través de la utilización de fuentes documentales el libro echa luz sobre uno de los espacios más opacos de la sociedad argentina: el sector financiero y los organismos estatales a él vinculados. Es justamente en la sistematización y análisis documental donde se encuentra la riqueza de esta investigación. Además, los autores realizan aportes de carácter teórico para comprender el periodo. Así, proponen nominarlo como dictadura militar cívico corporativa concentrada y caracterizar a la dinámica burocrática del Estado a partir del concepto de normalidad fraguada. ; "The financial capital's dictatorship: the corporate military coup and the market frame" (in Spanish La dictadura del capital financiero: el golpe militar corporativo y la trama bursátil ) is a book that falls within the studies of the economic policies of the last Argentine civic-military coup. Unlike previous researches on this matter, the focus is on the financial organisms and agents. This study would have been impossible without the creation of a specific oriented department within the Argentine National Securities Commission, and without the access to the Legislative Advisory Commission files, found in the Cóndor Building in 2013. Through the implementation of documentary sources, the book sheds light on one of the darkest periods on Argentina's history: the financial sector and government agencies intertwined. It is precisely on the systematization and documentary analysis where we found the valuable asset of this research. Moreover, the authors make theoretical contributions to the understanding of the period. In such way, they suggest labeling it as a concentrated civic-military corporate dictatorship, and they describe the government's bureaucratic dynamic from the concept of forged normality. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

Published online: January 2017 ; Der Beitrag beleuchtet die kontextuellen Herausforderungen und die Machbarkeitsfaktoren beim Anschieben des EU-Kohäsionsfonds in Spanien insbesondere unter dem Blickwinkel des konzeptuellen Impacts politischer Aktion im Rahmen der durch den Maastrichter Vertrag eingeleiteten Wende. Dabei bemüht sich die Autorin auch um die Aufdeckung der Auslöser von Schwachstellen, die auf der verpassten Gelegenheit beruhen, das von der EU-Kohäsionspolitik angebotene Potentialauszuschöpfen, was sich durch die Wahl von nicht nachhaltigen Modellen und vielfältige Schwächen im Systemnationaler Institution bemerkbar macht. Die wichtigsten Quellen bei der Beurteilung der Retroaktionszyklen zwischen den externen kontextuellen Faktoren und den inneren Spannungen bei den Implementierungsmodalitäten der EU-Kohäsionsfonds in Spanien stammen aus dem Generalarchiv der Verwaltung, dem spanischen Außenministerium, dem Staatssekretariat für Europäische Angelegenheiten sowie aus einer Reihe Interviews mit den wichtigsten Entscheidern aus dieser Domäne. ; This article aims to shed light on the particular insights of the contextual challenges and feasibility factors of EU cohesion funds implementation in Spain as a result of a conceptually seeded political agency impact at the Maastricht Treaty turning point. Furthermore, it aspires to point out the triggers of a fragility based on the neglected unfolding of the potentialities offered by EU cohesion policy via unsustainable innovation model choices and sharpened gaps in the national institutional system. The main sources selected to elucidate the retroaction cycle between external contextual factors and inner national tensions in the definition of precise modes of implementing cohesion funds come from the Spanish General Administrative Archives, the Spanish Foreign Affairs Ministry and the Spanish Secretariat of State for EU Affairs Archives, as well as from Oral History interviews with key decisionmakers on EU cohesion funds both at the European institutions and at the domestic level. ; Cet article vise à éclaircir les défis contextuels et les facteurs de faisabilité de la mise en œuvre des fonds de cohésion de l'UE en Espagne et ce, notamment du point de vue de l'impact conceptuel des divers agents politiques au moment de l'épisode-clé du Traité de Maastricht. La contribution aspire également à mettre en lumière les déclencheurs d'une fragilité basée sur le déploiement négligé des potentialités offertes par la politique de cohésion de l'UE à travers le choix de modèles d'innovation non durables et des lacunes accrues dans le système institutionnel national. Les principales sources sélectionnées pour élucider le cycle de rétroaction entre les facteurs contextuels externes et les tensions nationales dans les modalités d'implémentation des fonds de cohésion de l'UE en Espagne proviennent de l'Archive Générale de l'Administration, du Ministère espagnol des Affaires étrangères, du Secrétariat d'État des affaires européens, ainsi que d'entretiens d'histoire orale avec les principaux décideurs dans ce domaine.

[The late-Soviet social mobilization: the neformaly movement during the perestroika]The late-Soviet social mobilization was characterized by a mass grassroots organization of groups with numerous ideological orientations and political preferences. One of the significant influences came in the form of the informal or neformaly movement. Since 1987 the term is usually associated with socially oriented and political groups (from democrats to anarchists, from monarchists to social-democrats) that cooperated with each other in a broad spectrum of (often apolitical) initiatives in education, culture, environmental protection, sports, etc. They distanced themselves from the state and state-affiliated structures as well as from the new "democratic leaders" emerging from the old party elites. They relied upon horizontal organizational processes and aimed to saturate existing political structures with a new democratic content. Aleksandr Šubin's article describes the process of how the neformaly movement became a driving force for the establishment of political pluralism and the foundation of civil society in Russia.Publication history: Published original.(Published 8 February 2017)Citation: Šubin, Aleksandr V. (2017) "Den sensovjetiska sociala mobiliseringen: neformaly-rörelsen under perestrojkan", in Från perestrojka till Bolotnaja. Utvecklingen av ett ryskt civilsamhälle, special issue of Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, issue 7, pp. 27–55. DOI: https://doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.7.1 ; Den sensovjetiska sociala mobiliseringen karakteriserades av omfattande gräsrotsorganisering av grupper med olika ideologiska inriktningar och politiska preferenser. En av de mest inflytelserika miljöerna var den informella rörelsen, eller neformaly-rörelsen, som bestod av sociala och politiska grupper (med allt från demokrater till anarkister, monarkister till socialdemokrater) som samarbetade med varandra inom ett brett spektrum av initiativ inom utbildning, kultur, miljöskydd, idrott etc. De distanserade sig både från staten och andra officiella sammanhang, och från de nya "demokratiska ledarna" som kom från de gamla partieliterna. De skapade horisontella organisationsprocesser och syftade till att mätta de existerande politiska strukturerna med ett nytt demokratiskt innehåll. Aleksandr Šubins artikel beskriver hur den informella rörelsen etablerades som en drivande kraft för utvecklingen av politisk pluralism och lade grunden för det civila samhället i Ryssland.Publiceringshistorik: Originalpublicering.(Publicerad 8 februari 2017)Förslag på källangivelse: Šubin, Aleksandr V. (2017) "Den sensovjetiska sociala mobiliseringen: neformaly-rörelsen under perestrojkan", i Från perestrojka till Bolotnaja. Utvecklingen av ett ryskt civilsamhälle, specialnummer av Arkiv. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, nr 7, s. 27–55. DOI: https://doi.org/10.13068/2000-6217.7.1

В данной книге автор пытается решить задачу по уменьшению неравенства в распределении доходов, которое в настоящее время приобрело невероятные масштабы. Сэр Э. Аткинсон предлагает взглянуть на экономическое неравенство с нового ракурса, при этом все свои рассуждения он подкрепляет историческими данными, охватывающими столетний период эволюции современных обществ. Книга состоит из трёх частей. В первой части автор формулирует исследовательскую проблему, задаваясь следующими вопросами: что понимается под неравенством и какова сегодня его степень? Бывали ли в истории периоды снижения неравенства? Как трактует причины неравенства экономическая теория? Вторая часть посвящена конкретным политическим и экономическим мерам, которые автор предлагает реализовать для уменьшения неравенства. В третьей части приводится оценка реалистичности сформулированных во второй части предложений, а также анализируются все «за» и «против», которые могут возникнуть в ходе их обсуждения и внедрения. Журнал «Экономическая социология» публикует первую главу первой части книги1 «Предварительные установки» («Setting the Scene»), в которой автор вводит в курс дела читателей, рассуждая о неравенстве и его масштабах. Аткинсон демонстрирует, что само понятие «неравенство» имеет множество значений, и, прежде, чем разбираться в его причинах, необходимо решить вопросы, касающиеся его основных параметров. ; In this book addressing how best to reduce contemporary large-scale income inequality, Prof. Atkinson considers economic inequality from a new perspective, drawing on extensive historical data covering more than a century of evolution in modern societies. In the first of the book's three parts, the author explains his research motivation and poses the following questions. What does inequality mean? To what extent is it expanding today? Has history ever witnessed periods of declining inequality? How can economic theory explain inequality? The second part of the book is devoted to specific political and economic policies designed to reduce inequality. In the third part, the author assesses the extent to which the policies he proposes can be considered realistic, discussing the pros and cons of enacting and implementing them. The Journal of Economic Sociology publishes the first chapter "Setting the Scene," which puts readers in the picture by discussing the notion of inequality and its extent. Demonstrating the term's multiplicity of meanings, Atkinson argues that all questions concerning its main dimensions should be answered before searching for its foundations.