Suchergebnisse

Résumé : La présente thèse porte sur le développement d'un modèle d'intervention au profit des agents de développement économique méso dans un contexte de co-innovation et au niveau de l'entrepreneuriat technologique. Grâce à une expérience de plus de quinze ans comme agent de développement économique, une problématique managériale a émergé tranquillement. Les agents de développement économique n'avaient pas à leur disposition les outils d'intervention qui leur permettent de faire face aux nouvelles réalités du développement économique par l'innovation. Une première question peut se poser: qu'est-ce qui a changé dans l'innovation ? Tout d'abord, les savoirs sont de plus en plus complexes et diffus. En effet, les sciences et les technologies, surtout si elles ont atteint un certain degré de maturité, se développent de plus en plus en fonction d'usages qu'elles pourraient remplir (ces derniers étant fonction des besoins exprimés par les usagers). Par ailleurs, tout en se complexifiant à cause de leurs ramifications, les technologies sont de plus en plus accessibles aux usagers, ce qui leur permet de ne plus être seulement consommateurs de technologie, mais également producteurs et codéveloppeurs de produits et services. C'est en ce sens que l'on voit exploser le développement des applications mobiles. En définitive, on passe d'une innovation qui est linéaire, développée en vase clos ou en collaboration entre entreprises et centres de recherche triés sur le volet, qui est par la suite valorisée puis éventuellement commercialisée, à une innovation de nature systémique à la fois portée par des entreprises, des gouvernements et des usagers, ce qui est convenu d'appeler désormais la co-innovation. Par contre, les moyens dont disposent les agents de développement économique ne sont plus adaptés à cette nouvelle réalité. En effet, les outils dont bénéficient ces derniers sont basés sur les principes suivants : 1) la spécialisation sectorielle selon le modèle de Porter (1993), avec la stratégie des grappes où les agents de développement économique faisaient de la concertation et de l'animation du milieu ou 2) la diversité sectorielle et individuelle (Florida, 2005; Jacobs, 1969), où l'on s'est concentré sur la formation entrepreneuriale et sur les visites aux entreprises pour les aider dans leur croissance. Ces stratégies ont été payantes en termes de concertation et de développement hyperlocal, mais sont à la recherche d'un nouveau souffle, notamment en matière d'intergrappes et de cohérence supralocale. Au tournant des années 1990, on voit apparaître la notion de systèmes régionaux d'innovation, qui sont une première tentative de penser le développement économique sous forme systémique. En revanche, les aspects normatifs ont vite disparu des recherches universitaires, ce qui n'a pas permis aux agents de développement économique de s'approprier ces notions, la plupart les trouvant trop compliquées pour y voir de réelles applications en matière d'intervention en développement économique. Enfin, depuis les années 2000, la notion d'innovation ouverte apparaît et suscite beaucoup d'intérêt chez les agents de développement économique, mais ceux-ci manquent encore de modèle afin de pouvoir l'utiliser de façon plus structurée, au-delà de la simple stratégie de gestion de la propriété intellectuelle, comme véritable outil de co-innovation. Ainsi, la question de recherche suivante a été dégagée des éléments issus de la profession et d'une revue de littérature exhaustive: quel nouveau modèle de développement économique (DÉ) basé sur la co-innovation et au niveau de l'entrepreneuriat technologique peut-on développer et quelles seront alors les nouvelles méthodes d'intervention pour les agents de DÉ ? Pour répondre à cette question, la théorie enracinée est apparue comme une méthode de recherche appropriée, car elle permettait la théorisation, essentielle dans le développement d'un modèle. Vingt et une entrevues ont été menées entre août et décembre 2012 entre le Québec, les États-Unis et la France. Les résultats de cette recherche sont les suivants : 1) le niveau d'intervention adéquat en matière de développement économique par l'innovation est le niveau régional, soit les agents de développement économique de type méso (entre le macro et le micro), 2) le processus de développement économique par la co-innovation est un processus intermédié en deux temps. En effet, les agents de DÉ méso travaillent à identifier des problématiques et des besoins communs à différents écosystèmes, et ce, en comptant sur leur réseau. Grâce à ce mécanisme, les agents de DÉ créent des communautés (surtout technologiques) autour desquelles des opportunités intrapreneuriales apparaissent. Celles-ci pourront se transformer en projets structurants qui, à leur tour, pourront déboucher sur des opportunités entrepreneuriales. 3) L'agent de développement économique est à la fois un intrapreneur (qui défend ses projets dans sa propre structure organisationnelle) et un exopreneur (qui défend ses projets dans différentes communautés). Les résultats de cette recherche ont d'ores et déjà servi à la mise sur pied de nouvelles formes d'intervention au niveau méso avec le développement du programme de financement de la Ville de Montréal PR@M-Est, qui est basé directement sur les principes de co-innovation. Par ailleurs, les recherches suscitent de l'intérêt dans plusieurs agglomérations en France et auprès des professionnels en développement économique au Québec et en France. Enfin, des recherches subséquentes ont été identifiées afin de venir compléter le corpus de savoir en matière de développement économique par la co-innovation, notamment en ce qui concerne le partage de rente économique (monétisable ou non) entre les initiateurs de démarches co-innovantes et leurs contributeurs. ; Abstract : For a few years, economic developers have integrated innovation to their practice as the engine for economic development. It is now well understood that innovation and economic development are intertwined with the seminal work of Schumpeter more than a century ago. Many researches have been done since, but the very dynamic nature of innovation, and thus the economic developers' actions, needs constant reassessment. Innovation is changing from a linear perspective where firms, research centers and universities try to develop and commercialize new products and services, based on scientific researches, the so-called Public-Private Partnership, to a systemic form where firms, research centers and universities are still involved in the innovation process, but where more and more Public-Private-People Partnerships can occur. Why is innovation becoming a systemic process? One of the explanations lays in the greater complexity of knowledge and a greater distribution of it. In the meantime, more people can access technologies, as it is seen with the blooming of mobile applications. Since then, the way of innovation process occurs is dramatically changing, and more contributors can join the process, including as usual private companies or government, but also users. What is new with the users is that they are not only involved for commercialization purpose, but now also as co-developers and co-creators. By acknowledging those shifts, economic developers should also change the way they are acting to foster economic development and innovation. So, it is time to develop new forms of intervention in a context of co-innovation. They have to step back to see that their actions are done at the macro level (even if it has been practiced at the regional level) and generally based on industrial concentration with MAR and his industrial districts, on one side and specialization, on the other side with Porter and his clusters' strategy. The idea is to nourish innovation by geographical, cultural, institutional and social proximity. In doing so, it helps tacit knowledge to flow from one company to another and to bring to the market new products and services more rapidly. Economic developers works with geographic proximity and implements clusters strategies all over the world with different results. So the mechanistic aspect of the strategy is not that simple. Actually, clusters are now shifting to a systemic perspective and try to open-up collaboration between clusters and enhance cross sectorial projects. It also has been demonstrated that innovation is more about people than organizations. Since Jacobs, and later with Florida, the spotlight has been put on the individual as the engine of creativity and innovation. Jacobs thought that knowledge is embedded in the individual expertise, and Florida worked on the creative class which represent about 30% of the population, and who is made of people who promote creativity and changes in some place, generally cities. With Jacobs and Florida, the quality of place is critical because it can help to attract talents. At that micro level also, works on the entrepreneur-opportunity dyad is important. With the neo-classic theory, entrepreneurs can use information asymmetry to exploit opportunities and bring their creativity to the market. Entrepreneurs are very special in essence, even though it has not been establish that they have some special traits, it seems that they have in common a way to act creatively and transform this creativity into opportunities and economic development. For economic developers, it means to develop supportive actions towards entrepreneurs: training, entrepreneurs club, special funding for example. But, the difficulties lay in: how can economic developers develop a more structured model for their interventions to entrepreneurs? Moreover, some do believe that these micro levels approaches can be self-organized and that there is no need for public policy towards entrepreneurs. At the meso level, economic developers can improve, particularly regarding the Regional Innovation System (RIS), the way they can foster business serendipity across networks. Since Chesbrough has defined the concept of open innovation, a more systemic approach to innovation seems to be accepted by economic developers. But, once again, there is lot of work to do to better understand how economic developers can put into practice those new approaches. Thus, neither the macro level approach, which is too mechanistic, nor the meso approaches level, which is to complex, nor the micro level, which doesn't allow public policy, seem to offer a proper answer to economic developers with the systemic approach of innovation. This dissertation tries to answer the following question: What model can be developed for economic developers in context of co- innovation and technological entrepreneurship? Grounded theory as presented by Corbin and Strauss (2008) was the methodology in this survey. As it is permitted in grounded theory, the literacy has been completed by works on complexity theory, network theory and structural holes and co-innovation. Twenty-one interviews have been conducted in Montréal, the Province of Québec province, France and The United States between August and December 2012 with economic developers, scientific and technological parks managers, co-creation spaces organizers and entrepreneurs. The main conclusions of this research in an academic perspective are: 1. The correct level to support co-innovation is the meso level: this level allows macro and micro level actions to be coherent in a more interdependent perspective. The meso level is a medium term perspective at the regional level. The economic developers mostly use projects and communities of practice to do their actions regarding co-innovation; 2. The process for the economic development through co-innovation is intermediated and two-fold: a) Economic developers identify common needs in their ecosystems through their networks. In doing so, they create communities in which intrapreneurial opportunities occur. Some of these intrapreneurial opportunities lead to structuring projects. b) These projects open-up entrapreneurial opportunities that help regional economic development; 3. Finally, Economic developers are both intrapreneurs (leading project in their own organisations and exopreneurs (leading projects in communities). But as we want to develop something operational for economic developers, we also created an algorithm, which will help them to structure co-innovation actions (how to identify needs, communities, partners, etc.), but also a guide to use the right co-innovative tool at the right moment in their process of co-innovation. Some results of this research has been put into practice with the new program as PR@M-Est at the City of Montréal, this program is based on business serendipity and on co-innovation principles. This research shows some interest in France also. Of course this research has some limits, particularly with the size and the diversity of the sample, but we are confident it could open the way to further research in the field.

Issue 45.2 of the Review for Religious, March/April 1986. ; Vocation Ministry A Sociological View of Commitment Religious and Secular Institutes Imagination Within the Act of Faith Volume 46 Number 2 March/April, 1986 REvIEw FOR REI,IGIOUS (ISSN 0034-639X), published every two months, is edited in collaboration with the faculty members of the Department of Theological Studies of St. Louis University. The editorial offices are located at'Room 428:3601 Lindell Blvd. St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. REVIEW EOt~ REI.IGIOUS is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute of the Society of Jesus, St. Louis, M O © 1986 by REVIEW FOR RELtGIOOS. Composed. printed and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, MO. Single copies: $2.50. Subscription U.S.A. $ I 1.00 a year; $20.00 for two years. Other countries: add $4.00 per year (postage). Airmail (Book Rate) $18.00 per year. For subscription orders or change of address, write REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS: P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, MN 55806. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Dolores Greeley, R.S.M. Iris Ann Ledden, S.S.N.D. Richard A. Hill, S.J. Jean Read Editor Associate Editor Review Editor Contributing Editor Assistant Editor March/April, 1986 Volume 46 Number 2 Manuscripts, books for review and correspondence with the editor should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELIGtOUS; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd., St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the department "Canonical Counsel" should be addressed to Richard A. Hill, S.J.; J.S.T.B.; 1735 LeRoy Ave.; Berkeley, CA 94709. Back issues and reprints should be ordered from REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. "Out of p~int~ issues and articles not published as reprints are available from University Microfilms International; 300 N. Zeeb Rd.; Ann Arbor, MI 48106. A major po~on of each issue is also available on cassette recordings as a service for the visually impaired. Write to the Xavier Society for the Blind; 154 East 23rd Street; New York, NY I0010. The Vowed Life in a Secularized World Desmond O'Donnell, O M.I. Father O'Donnell's earlier "Focused Freedom: To Someone in Formation"appeared in the issue of January/February, 1985. He is a General Councillor for his community and, though often on the road, may be addressed at its Generalate: Oblati di Maria; C.P. 9061; 00100 Roma Aurelia, Italy. ouring out a plethora of easy answers to complex questions does not bring us any closer to permanent solutions. Neither is it helpful to offer a new one-word solution for everything taking place in the Church at this time. And yet secularization might be a useful umbrella-word ~,to explain much, of what is taking place both, to the Church and to the vowed life today. If it is in fact found to be a satisfactory seminal term, it will also help us to focus rather than to diffuse our response. It can aid the process of discernment. Situating the Question The good news about our way of life is that a deep spiritual renewal is being experienced by many and that the importance of prayer is being rediscovered. There has been a notable updating in theology and real--if not always successful--attempts to build authentic faith-communities. There also is a growing freedom and practice of discernment about our apostolates and about our private lives as well. There is other news which does not' seem so obviously good, such as the large numbers who left us, the small numbers joining and the increasing median age. In some places, community life is moving towards becoming politely-shared space, enclosing many unspoken polarizations about deep realities among us. Authority has tended to go from heavy-handedness to 161 "i69/ Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 ¯ laissez-faire and so consensus about anything of serious communal signifi-cance is often hard to come by. Governments gradually move in to take over our institutions, either because we have chosen to let them or because they have helped themselves. The degree to which all this is related to secularization is disputable, but related it is, and I will try to show why this is so. Before we go into this, may I look at some more personal experiences of vowed people in most countries today--experiences which I think are related to secularization even more deeply than those mentioned above. Many of us have been through more or less severe vocational question-ing of some kind in recent years, because the rationale of our way Of life did not seem capable of answering the questions popping up all around us. Maybe it was triggered off by simply seeing one of our now-married novitiate companions do equally good apostolic work and do it well. It may also have been that we grew tired of mobility, or just vaguely short of motivation for the continual questioning of our chosen lifestyle. Many of us have found some new difficulties in prayer, as God seemed to withdraw and leaqe the world to evil pebple. Or maybe the emergence of so many small friendship-groups has left us out in the cold called "com-munity life." The variety of new prayer-forms and so many seminars, have a way of increasing our desire for some stability and wondering if it might not be found elsewhere, In response to'all of this, many felt the growing ambiguities and endless updating led them to personal selectivity in belief and practice. Others moved to the edge~of the storm by choosing some form of fundamentalism or an atheism' which expressed itself in mere social horizontalism while still remaining in the ~3ongregation. Some of us chose to becom~ left-wing unloving critics of the present and others moved to become right-wing uncritical lovers of the past, as the middle ground grew unpopular and became such a solitary exprience. These deeper and more personal phenomena~ are related to modernization and secularization too, as I will try to demonstrate. And so the response to these experiences, might first be to understand the meaning of modernization and the resultihg secularization-experience. Modernization The amount of knowledge in the world continues to increase because of constant research and it is rapidly diffused through very efficient communicatioh systems. Modernization is what happens when the knowledge is~ transferred into technology, which then has ~increasing and unforeseeable effects on economic growth, on social systems and on political decisidns. Inevitably the individual too is affected in his or her The Vowed Life in a Secularized World / 165 values, attitudes, beliefs and behavior. Most of us remember the discovery of plastic 'in the 40s, of the transistor in the 50s, of computers in the 60s, of microcomputers in .the 70s and now we observe technology move forward into genetic engineering in the 80s. All of these have affected people and systems in serious and often irreversibl~e ways. This march of modernization shows no signs of slowing down and often appears to have its own~self-propelled, autonomous momentum. It took one hundred twelve years for photography to go from discovery to commercial product, fifty-six for the telephone, thirty-five for the radio, fifteen for radar, twelve for television and only five for transistors to find their way from the laboratory into the market. Again, as each of these products comes on the market, it touches--and in the case of genetic engineering, tampers with human nature and human systems in often lastingly significant ways, It is with the human effects of modernity that we are concerned and these are sometime.s good, sometimes evil, and often ambiguous. Moder-nity can lead to human community and comfort,-.or to pollution and poverty for millions; it can facilitate or disrupt human values; it can enrich °a poor country or steal its unrenewable sources of energy; it can help in the diffusion of truth or of lies through the media and it can pass on productive information or child,pornography. In each of our .lives it can .make the superfluous become the convenient, ~the convenient become the necessary and the necessary become the indispensable, thus changing human nature itself. ~ Peter Berger's definition summarizes, all this: "Modernization is the transformation of the world, brought about by the technological innova-tions of the last few centuries having economic, social and political dimen-sions all immense in scope." With many otherwriters he goes on to outline the many very,personal effects resulting from the economic, social, political ones in his definition, Secularization is a very significant one of these. Secularization It is important to stress that we are not talking here about secularism which is a theory, an ideology denying the existence of God or at least his action and relevance in the world. Nor is secularization .to be equated with atheism when in fact it might be the very opposite experience for many who are desperately trying to hold on toGod who seems to be withdrawing from them. And certainly it would be simplistic to think that secularization is the same as materialism, Secularization is claimed to.be more a fact than a theory, a reality more than an ideology, a process taking place more than.a point of view. While it "i64/ Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 can lead to secularism, materialism, or atheism, it is in fact none of these. Some religious people find words like secularism, materialism and atheism convenient labels for what is happening in the Church or in_the vowed life today and it may be a description in some cases, but it is not addressing the deeper and more pervasive reality we call secularization. Secularization manifests itself when explanations of reality previously attributed to mythical or religious sources, are shown to have .rational ones, as when the~scientist takes over from the witch doctor, the. psychologist assumes some previously priestly functions or when a technological discovo ery,disintegrates a theological theory. A group of Animists in Java lost their gods a few years ago when a new seismographic station began to foretell and explain volcanic eruptions more accurately than the local holy man, The Diak people of Borneo lost their fear of and their belief in their forest gods when bulldozers razed the jungle. For some people, the study of a good theology of providence could have a similar effect. These people are experiencing secularization. In a similar way, many modern Christians first felt uncomfortable and then felt their faith questioned by a good church-history book, an accurate TV documentary, a skilled psychiatrist, two men on the moon, an old law proven pointless, a church authority found unworthy, a symbol disappear-ing or a culture collapsing~-all more or less the result of modernization. The resulting discomfort and questioning within the individual person, is close to the secularization-experience. It is an experience of no longer having one overall reference-point--a feeling of increasing disintegration. If you are experiencing that somehow God is withdrawing because religious explanations are increasingly less necessary, that the quantum of the secular is increasing at the expense of the sacred, that maybe~ God is now less necessary as a postulate for human living or that because of modern evidence your longheld experience of God is no longer a comfort-able one, you are probably undergoing the pressure of the secularization-experience. This is not a decisionnor even a desire to become an atheist; even if it could lead to it. Nor is it necessarily the result of "giving in" to materialism or to less-than-moral behavior, admitting, of course, that both of these can easily increase its momentum. If you are not undergoing the experience of secularization, then it is still important to uiaderstand it, because most of the peopl~ you are trying to evangelize, especially in the developed world, are probably experiencing it. It is from this fact that the present great missiological question arises--how announce the Good News of Jesus Christ to a secularized world? Moderni-zation and its result in secularization are now recognized as cultures, new cultures, ever-changing cultures and it is at this point that we recognize the The Vowed l_Jfe in a Secularized World / 165 break between faith and culture today. Thus for the modern person, secularization is a feelin~ of dissonance in .trying to hold together what is happening in the world and what the Bible seems to say about God's providence or what is often said in churches and what is taking place in real life around us. It results in discomfort with one's present experience of God. Any naive belief in the immediacy of God will be challenged .by secularization and modernity. Old fashioned god-words and some ecclesiastical jargon will appear increasingly irrelevant to sincere secularized persons everywhere. Secularization can be defined as the grad-ual disappearance of mythical and religious legitimations or explanations of society. Living with the ambiguities of the secularization-experience leads to a temptation to take refuge in fundamentalism which can be described as believing more and more in less and less in order to feel secure, or in agnosticism which is a lazy neither-nor ~land excusing one from the strug-gles, doubts and decisions which are part of any faith. Let us now try to analyze the challenge and opportunity which secularization offers the vowed life. The Vowed Life For the vowed life, secularization can be a deep call and a deep grace. Lumen Gentium calls us to enrich, challenge, encourage and stimulate the Church by our lives and our action (Par. 44). This is all the more reason why we must study, understand and give a gospel response to seculariza-tion, to a secularized world. Because secularization implies change at so many levels of human existence, we should recall that sociologists stress the vital importance of internal consistency for all groups in time of change. This internal consis-tency- our basic authenticity measured against what we claim to be--is now a matter of survival. Institutions which lack internal consistency are likdy to disappear in tim~s of rapid change, especially if their external image is also unclear. For these reasons, we who profess the vowed life must address the phenomenon and the grace of secularization. May I suggest that there are five areas where God might well be speaking to us in all this? ~ansmitting a New Integrating Presence of God Secularization, as we saw, forces us to find a new presence of God, a presence which permeates, integrates, energizes for action and which brings human and divine values into secular realities. Karl Rahner spoke of the vowed woman as having a profession which has no justification from the "166 / Review for :Religious, March-April, 1986 secular point of view even if she performs many useful secular tasks. What then might her iprofession and that of vowed men be? It is surely--as it always was--to give or rather to share with people their own experience of God. This is a demanding task; it demands that we each have such an experience first of all. We will have to pass on "so.mething which we have seen with our own eyes, that we have watched and touched with our own .hands" (1 Jn l:l'b) and it will be vital that "in Christ we speak as men of sincerity, as envoys of God and in God's presence" (2 Co 2:17), It seems to be a call to discover and lead in a new integrating mysticism as this quote from John Macquarie expresses: ¯ It is interesting to note that Bonhoeffer, though he advocated a 'worldly' Christia°nity, made it 'perfectly explicit that the kind of w0rldline~ss that he had in mind has nothing to do with the immersion in"material pursuits and enjoyments that we commonly associate with the "worldly' man. Bon-hoeffer makes a :statement that ought to be'pondered by those who invoke his support for a thoroughly secularized Christianity. He says: 'In Christ we are offered the possibility of partaking in the reality'of God and in the reality of the world, but not in the one without the other The reality of God discloses itself only by setting me entirely in the reality of the world, and when I encounter the reality of the world, it is always already sus-tained: accepted and reconciled in the reality of God.' There is a dialectic here that takes us beyond any naive world affirmation, just as it rules out any false religiosity. God,is met in the world, but the world is known in its reality only as Grd's world? Back in 1970, Karl Rahner wrote: Maybe we [he was addressing his own Society] ourselves have been super-f! cialized by the consumer society. Maybe we ourselves have not come to any original experience of God. Maybe we have not taken .the .trouble to let others participate in the mystical technique leading.to such an expe-rience. If all that is the case, we have of course, no alternative but to take refuge in a secular horizontalism which tries to interpret and live our own lives on the same level . The coming thing is the spiritual dimension, the experience of God, the taste of eternity no matte~ how valid our social involvement (with ~regard to which we have a terrible'lot to make up). The coming thing is sober peace, in face of all the absurdity of existence, the absurdity which no social involvement will spirit away. That rather bour-geois- chequered spirituality which was found--to outward appearances at least--in the orders before the first world war and which influenced reli-gious life too much~ may belong to the past and the young may say rightly that it is useless.from the start. But a new spirituality in religious life and in the Church will be assured of a real future. Whatever form this new spirituality will have, it must surely~be a very 7he Vowed life in a Secularized Worm personal "faith in the Son of God who loved me and who sacrificed himself for my sake" (Ga 2:20) and a very integrating one, enabling us to "bring everything together~ under Christ" (Ep 1:10). This--it seemsto me--is the most serious challenge which secularization puts to vowed communities today. Integration Through Reflection As we saw, one of the deepest effects of secularization is disintegration. There is no longer any one overarching human legitimation for the think-ing person today. We, even as vowed people, stand and struggle side by side with the modem person in loneliness, doubts, fears' and feelings of disinte-gration. We too are among the "new poor." The third world is closer to us than we think; it is inside our shirts especially if we have already chosen the still greater poverty of fundamentalism with iis moral, dogmatic and spirit-ual naivet6 and ~elitism. We are, however, expected to .stand with our fellow Christians in seren-ity and in a "peace which the world cannot give" (Jfi 14:27). We stand with them in a spirit of confidence too, as Jesus did with his disciples, when for him and for them everything seemed lost; "I have told you all this so that you may find peace in me. In the world you will have trouble, but be brave; I have overcome the world" (Jn 16:23). Only a life of prayer can discover and sustain this peace, this joy in the midst of a secularizing experience. Jesus led a busy life and had constant calls on his service, but we find the source of his power in the actual physical withdrawal, to be with God: "His reputation continued to grow and large crowds would gather to hear him and to have their sickness cured but ~he would always go away to some place to be alone and pray" (Lk 15:16). The form of prayer for today would seem to be what Macquarie calls "prayer as thinking";5 it is a prayer.which reflects on what God is doing in the world more than on what he,has done in scriptural times, without of course neglecting this latter. It is a praye~: which keeps our spiritual faculties alive. All reality, especially fast-changing or disintegrated reality~ is opaque and this is especially true in the m6dern world when ambiguity is part of life everywhere. We need to sharpen our spiritual eyesight to see what Bonhoffer described as the "holy depths" of.things and events. It is not so much a prayer "giving us time to refuel, but a prayer'which gives us increased awareness for better and deeper involvement and which motivates us for the human task of offering the world salvation from '~'everything that oppresses the.human person especially sin and the .evil one" (EN n. 9). Lest we ourselves succumb to the burnout of compulsive activity or the dropout of ceaseless seminars this life of "prayer as thinking" 1611/ Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 seems essential. . A long time ago, Christopher Dawson observed: "Men today are divided between those who have kept their spiritual roots and lost their contact with the existing order of society, and those who have preserved their social contacts and lost their spiritual roots." Could this be a descrip-tion of vowed persons today? Relativization of All Reality ~ I read somewhere that the Talmud says we will be held accountable to God for all the legitimate pleasures we have not enjoyed. When all this is said and dqne, there still remains the fact that so many of life's legitimate-- or even essential--pleasures are denied millions today, in even our devel-oped world. There also stands the fact that "we have not here a lasting city" (Heb 1:3:14) ahd that we possess only the certaintY of Christian hope: "We have a sure hope and the promise of an inheritance that can never be spoilt or soiled and never fade away because it is being kept for you in the heavens" (1 P 3:4). One part of our mission is to keep.Christian hope clearly before people and thus relativize reality, both good and evil. Secularization or not, the human person has a tendency to appropriate goods, material and spiritual, to hold them closely and even to be possessed by them. Our lives if they are lived in the simplicity and detachment which we .profess, will relativize the enjoyment or deprivation of material things and remind others that t.hey are to be shared: "Warn those who are rich in this world's goods, that they are not to look down on other people and not to set their hopes on money which is untrustworthy but on God, who out of his riches, gives us all that we need for our happiness. Tell them that they are to do good and be rich in good works, to be generous and willing to share"(l Tm 6:17,18). We can do this "telling" by our lifestyle, before we do it in words, the opportunity for which may never come our way. We also speak to the poor enabling them to relativize their desire for justice and to recall that while they struggle for their rights, there isan opportunity for growth in their poverty too. "Listen, my dear brothers, it was those who are poor accord, ing to the world that God chose to be rich in faith and to be heirs to the kingdom which he promised to those who love him" (Jm 2:5). Modernization has created so many who are enduring forced celibacy through broken marriages or infidelity and who are still avalanched by the media's sexual imperative. We can support these people even without speaking, because our lives experience the same yearnings and our minds are exposed to the same urgings and yet we struggle successfully on, with-out the assurance of genital involvement. But all this depends on our Vowed ~'fe in a Secularized World / 169 manifesting balanced and happy personalities, as people who have inte-grated their relationships and their sexuality in a healthy way. For secular-ized persons--many of whom suffer from confused psychosexuality--we can be supportive signs of survival and of fulfilled happiness through our lived celibacy. Individualism is a mark of the secularized person, coming very often as it does from hurt, insecurity and alienation. This can be so in our own communities too. The insecure person lives ambivalently between a desire to be accepted through cooperation and a fear of being dominated by submission. This is part of the disintegrating experience of modern life. If alienation is the pathology of our age, individualism is one of its clearest manifestations. By our vow of obedience lived out and seen not as "doing what one is told" but as discernment of what is best leadership in and through a caring community, we have much to say to the modern person about finding his or her own best expression of self in a confused world. It is even humanly true that "none of us is as wise as all of us." The secularized person, tempted to extreme individualism needs to rediscover this; for the good of ¯ families, local groups and for national and international survival, o Process.and Pilgrimage , It is clear that we vowed people will not be on the edge of the human experience of secularization and its consequential feeling of disintegration much longer. We share with men and women everywhere their search for stability and for lost certainties as the river of secularization tries to move all of us up, down and forward. To an extent, we found ourselves insulated from the human condition until recently, but no longer. Even if it were. not through necessity, we know that if we are to hold conversation with and to evangelize the world, we must pitch our tents within it; as God did. We must be prepared to pilgrimage our way once again and enter into the human process which we'should never have deserted. The fact that we accept this, will help so many others who find it difficult and who drop out into drugs or other forms of anomie and despair. Again, our vows lived authentically prepare us for the pilgrimage, ready us to keep moving, because we have publicly professed not to hold on, not to settle and not to be held. By our lived poverty, we refuse to be possessed by any material consideration and by our vows of chastity we also refuse to be possessed by ahy relationship. Obedience enables us to keep listening and looking at the map of moving events with eyes of faith and lbve. To quote Karl Rahner again from the same article: "The concrete future of Christianity, the Church and religious life remains largely hidden 17{I / Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 from us . what historical and social form the Church and ecclesial Christianity will take in the future, remains largely hidden from us., we have to fight for victory without.a prognosis of victory" (p. 136). He was not° referring tothe effects of secularization at that time, but what he wrote is truer than ever now, and it puts us side by side and hopefully hand in hand with the modern man or woman as they endure the sec-ularization- experience. Interdependence and Involvement Our communities are not islands of isolated peace in a troubled uni-verse. No, they are sources from which we. emerge to makea more human and so a more godly world. Our vows enable us to do this; having freed us from, they also free usforLin a liberating way. ~',~ Our vow of poverty truly lived, makes us free for involvement. Because we have nothing to lose, we can carry the struggle for justice .further and when our lives are skilled in dispossession, we are not open to criticism from the rich~whose lives we question for the sake of the poor. Our good news for the poor has to be in some way perceived as bad news for the rich and they will readily point to any beam or bank account in our own lives if these are obvious. Only 'by relinquishing the power of possessions .can we demonstrate our competence to communicate freedom. Our vow of chastity makes us free to keep moving and to freely ask even our close friends: "Do you want to go away too?" (Jn 6:67). Again, we can take risks which married people with concern for their,families and for each other cannot be asked to take. Obedience, as we saw, offers us a freedom to live out a ,radar-like listening to God's word in the world around us. Truth comes only with listening :and discernment and these take. place best among a group of sharing people~ Obedience is .a public statement, that we bind ourselves to listen within and are missioned by a community through its leaders. This offers a model~for others to do the same in the Church. The quality of relationships and of concern for anyone at a distance suffers greatly in this time of disintegrative secularization, as each one looks to his or her own very personal success or survival. Nations do the same. This di-ama is, played out on a smaller scale every day in the average city too. Surely our communities have something important to say to people in this bleak situation. In our public interaction with one another° and for those who visit our communities,.the prayer ot~Jesus for his whole Church must tend towards .fulfillment: "_May they all be one, Father, may they be one in us, as you are in me and I am in you, so that the world may believe it was you who sent me" (.In 17:21). The Vowed Life in a Secularized Worm / 1.71 In' conclusion, I submit that we are approaching the ideal today, as we find the vowed life standing less at a point of comfortable distance from the world and more at a point of painful dialectic with it. At this point it must be ready to say a confirming yes or a challenging no--and do this by its life and activity--to all the results of secularization. To quote .the Anglican writer, Macquarie again: Here it must be said with regret that the trouble with some of our less responsible contemporary Christian secularizers is that they have taken up the ideal of holy worldliness, but seem to have promptly forgotten the adjective and reduced the ideal to a worldly concern tout court. They tell us that Christianity is a purely secular movement, their ideal of the good life seems scarcely distinguishable from the one that is so assiduously propagated by Madison Avenue, and the more extreme among them, in their horror at any supposed 'withdrawal' from the world, come near to advocating that the time has arrived to replace "poverty, chastity, and obedience with affluence, promiscuity, and autonomy as the highest goals for human life, or even as (he new evangelical counsels! The s!ogan for all this'is that w'e sho.uld 'say yes' to the world. But I do not think thata simple world affirmatioa will either help us to find God in the world or help the world to know his presence.6 - ~ Indeed, if we are to follow the words of Lumen Gentium, Chapter VI, par 44, the vowed life must say yes and no even to the Church itself. NOTES ~Facing Up to Moflernity, New York: Basic Books, 1977, 2John Macquarie, New Directions in Theology Today, Vol. III, p. 67, Philadelphia: 1981. 3"The Future of Religious Life" in Supplement to Doctrine and Life, Dublin: Domini-can l%_blications, May, 1972. 4The Greek' word anakephalasiosastai~is used in secular literature to express the con-ceptof many different ideas being subsumed under one theme. 5John Macquarie, Paths in Spirituality, Chapter 3, SCM Press, 1980, 6Op tit 2, p. 66. Vocation Ministry: Continuing the Invitation of Jesus Thomas E. Clark, ES.C. Brother Clark, Associate Vocation Director for the Chicago Province of the Christian Brothers, sees his work to be very much a ministry. This article is based on a presenta-tion he gave to the faculties of his congregation's schools in the Chicago area. He may be addressed at his .office: 200 De La Salle Drive; Romeoville, lllinois 60441. y ~vork 'as a full'time vocation minister for my community has often given me the opportunity to speak with young people, both individually and in groups, about the experience of being called by the Lord. My message to them is nearly identical to that of hundreds of other vocation ministers: each of us is called by God, each of us has a vocation, and it is up to each of us to discover what that vocation is. Onthe surface, the message seems clear, theologically sound, and understandable. However, what I have become aware of recently is th~at, in the two years I have been deliver-ing the message that each of us is called, the feeling with which I have been delivering that message has sometimes left something to be desired. Rather than offering a challenge to the young people with whbm I speak--a ch~allenge to discover a meaningful and significant way of living the Gospel ¯ in today's world--I've often felt that I am offering instead an apology for the choices I have made. It is as though the challenge of the Gospel might be just a little too naive for today's world, and to invite anyone to take it seriously may seem foolish and unrealistic. And even more foolish might be the invitation of young people to consider religious life and Church ministry as real options for themselves, ways of living out the Gospel challenge. I would certainly be out of touch with reality, I sometimes feel,-if I were to think that these people sitting in front of me--healthy, normal, 172 Vocation Ministry American young adults might consider religious life and Church ministry as serious-options for themselves. Thus when I speak with them, my invitation is sometimes clouded over with justifications ("I'm here today simply to make you aware of some choices I've made"), or sprinkled with "escape clauses" ("Any career you choose can be ministry"). The'underlying message, of course, is "I don't really expect you to consider any of these things for yourself." (In citing the above examples, of justification and "escape clauses," I do not mean to imply that there is no place in vocation ministry for "awareness education" or for a broad understanding of minis-try and community. On the contrary, these two approaches are essential to vocation ministry. They do not, however, constitute the whole of vocation ministry, and are sometimes used to avoid its more challenging aspect: that of invitation.) In speaking with a number of religious who are involved in vocation ministry, I have discovered that they, too, have much the same experience at times. Put simply, there are times when I do not believe there are any people who would be open to considering religious life as an option for themselves. Such an attitude is easily communicated to others, though it may not be directly stated,'and has the effect of turning away anyone who may consider religious life as a personal option. Further, a religious who holds such an attitude could never extend a confident and joyful invitation to an individual to consider religious life. It is my belief that such an attitude will keep religious not just from extending invitations to people to consider religious life, but on a deeper and more fundamental level, will keep us from fulfilling the responsibility we have to call people to build the kingdom of God. It is this invitation to the kingdom which is at the heart of vocation ministry, and which I wish to explore in more detail. In doing so, I shall consider several related topics: the model of invitation which Jesus gives us in the Gospels; vocation ministry as a means of living out that model; the philosophy of vocation ministry which has emerged in recent years; and finally, the challenge which we religious have been given in regard to vocation ministry. Jesus: Model of Invitation A simple perusal of the Gospels will show that Jesus had no hesitation about inviting peopl~ to follow him. His invitations are clear and concise. There is no misunderstanding what he means; the challenge is laid out on the table and nothing is hidden: Come after me and I will make you fishers of men (Mr 5:19). Follow me (Mr 9:9). Come and see (Jn 1:39). 1"/4/ Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 While such invitations may have been disarming or even~ unne ,rying to his listeners, it is difficult to imagine their being misunderstood. Jesus .has asked someone'to be his follower; it is as simple as that. ~ Neither does Jesus fail to make known to his followers his expe~ctations of them. In fact, his~requirements are so clear that~ sometimes they sound almost harsh. Whoever wishes to be my follower must deny his very self, thke Up his° '~ cross each day, and follow in my steps. Whoever would save his life will lose it, and whoever loses his life for my sake will save it (Lk 9:23-24). ~.Let the dead bury their dead; come away and proclaim the kingdom of God (Lk 9:60). The requirements of following Jesus are great. He knows this, and does not hide this frown those whom he invites. At the same time, the invitation is issued with a certain excitement stemming from urgency of the call as well as its promise: Tliis is the tim~ of fulfillment. The reign of God is at hand! Refo~-m ~our lives and believe in the Gospel! (Mk 1":5). Go a~d sell what you have and give to the poor; you will then have treasure in heaven. After that, come and follow me (Mk 10:21). This last invitation of Jesus was issued in response to the question of the rich young man, "What must I do to share in everlasting life?" (Mk 10".17). An.d it is here that we find out why Jesus issues the invitation t[iat he does: He knows everlasting life, and wants to share that with us. Again and again, Jesus promises us the kingdom and all that goes with it: fullness of life (Jn 10:10); complete joy (Jn 17:13); knowledge of th~ true God (Jn 17:3); the freedom of the truth (Jn 8:32); his own peace (Jn 14:27); the hundredfold and ~verlasting life (Mk 10:30). Jesus knows the k.ingdom and the gifts of the kingdom, and wants that experience for those to whom he has been sent. Herein we find the motivation behind his in~vitation, his c~all to take up the cross, [o sell all our possessions, to follow him. It is becaus~ he knows it will lead to the kingdom and everlasting lye,, arid he wants nothing less for us. It is love which has produced the clear, concise and even harsh invitation we find in the Gospel. With what kind of response .did Jesus' invitation meet? The Gospels sl~ow us pictures of every kind of response imaginable: Peter and Andrew "abandoned their nets and became his followers," as did James and John (Mt 4:20-22); Matthew left his post as tax collec~tor (Mt 9:9). The rich young man went away sad because of his many possessions (Mk 10:22). In a particularl~ poignant episode ~ecorded in John's gospel, Jesus' teaching leads many of his disciples to protest and ultimately to break away from his company. On seeing this, Jesus asks the Twelve if they, too, will leave him. Vocation Ministry / 175 Peter responds, "Lord, to whom shall we go? You have the words :of eternal life" (Jn 6:60 ff.). Thus, the responses to Jesus' invitations are many and varied, for Jesus always allowed the individual to respond freely. What is evident, however, is that Jesus never stopped inviting, no matter what kind of response he met with. For Jesus, the important thing is that everyone be invited to follow him and to proclaim the kingdom. Negative responses, while disheartening, must not keep one from continuing to:issue the call, for all people deserve the opportunity to respond to the call. It is a matter of no :smalLsignificance, I believe, that the final words of Jesus in John's gospel are: "Follow me" (Jn 21:22). Continuing the Invitation: Vocation Ministry What does this never-ending invitation mean for us religio.us? What does it tell us, not only about our own response to Jesus' call, but about the mess-age we takb to the ~vorld? We have noted that Jesus' invitation flows from his expe~rience. He knows the Father, and the life that the Father gives~ Be.cause he knows, he Can ~nvite clearly, concisely and with authority. As men and women who have made life choices for the kingdom, and who have shared, at least in part, in the life of the kingdom, we too can invite others to embrace th~ kingdom. As men and women who have clearly chosen community and. ministry in the Church, we can invite others to conside~ community and ministry in the Chhrch as optionsfor.themselves. As men and women who have experieficed joy and. peace and life in these choices, as well as hardship and even pain, we can invite with the same confidence of Jesus, for we, too, know the burden and the gifts of the kingdom. In fact, Oot only can we continue to issue the invitation of Jesus, but in a certain sense, we have a responsibility to issue that invitation. !n a world where nuclear holocaust seems imminent, where starvation is the daily experience of millions, where poverty, unemployment and illiteracy a.re the lifestyle of whole ~egments of the world population.---in such a world, we who have been given the knowledge of the kingdom have a responsibility to call others to build that kingdom. In a world where people, especially young people, are searching for meaning and significance in their lives, where many live in confusion caused by crises of every kind, where whole societies are caught in the race for economic and political superiority--in such a world, we who have been promised the everlasting life of the kingdom have a responsibility to share that gift with this world. It is not that we .are holier o.r wiser than the rest of the world. Rather, we have been given the gift ~of a vision of how things can be. It is not our vision; it is God's vision that we have been given. And because we have 176/ Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 been given the vision, we must also bear theresponsibility--sometimes the burdgnsome responsibility--of calling others to God's vision. As religious, we have publicly proclaimed with joy and faith our desire to be a part of the kingdom, and that desire has been accepted joyfully by God. Now we must set ourselves to the task of inviting others, with our lives, to the ultimate meaning and significance which God's vision, the vision of the Kingdom, holds for the world. In the course of this lived invitation, we, like Jesus, must invite others clearly, concisely and directly to join us in bringing about God's vision for the world. We have the responsibility to say to people: "Sell all you have, give to the poor, and come away to proclaim the kingdom of God!" We must invite those with whom we work and pray and live to "Come and see" what we have seen. Like Jesus, our invitation will have authority if its motivation is love and its roots are found in our lived experien.ce. Thus, if we have found the meaning and significance of the kingdom in our religious commitment, in our community life, and in our ministry, then we must invlte others to that same experience. If religious life has been the context of God's kingdom for us, then we must invite others to consider that same context for themselves. We cannot deny others the opportunity that is ours, the gift we have been given in religious life. I believe that not to make others aware of this gift, not to speak of God's vision for us, and most importantly, not to invite others to consider this gift for themselves would constitute such a denial. I believe that vocation ministry if you will, the ministry of invitation and discovery--can be a powerful means of carrying on the invitation of Jesus. A Philosophy of ¥ootion Ministry Vocation ministry has emerged in recent years as a valid and accepted ministry in the ~Church. This emergence is due in large part to a new u~nderstanding of vocation ministry, an understanding which has its foun-dation in the model of 'invitation which Jesus provides in the Gospel. Unfortunateiy, this approach to vocation ministry is not' understood by many religious, and consequently keeps them from supporting the voca-tion efforts of their communities, and even more importantly, from involv-ing themselves in these efforts. As we have seen, vocation ministry, when considered as a ministry of invitation, is modeled by Jesus. But such an understanding of vocation ministry is relatively new. There was ~ time in the not too distant past (and which still e~xists today in some circles) when vocation ministry was consi-dered to be "recruitment," and the person who did this work was known as the "recruiter." This designation was appropriate at the time, for the person Vocation Ministry / 177 who served as a recruiter for a religious community attempted to find and enlist people, especially young peol~le, who seemed suitable for her or his particular community. The religious recruiter was searching for people to carry onthe work--the good work---of her or. his congregation. The job of the religious recruiter was similar to that of recruiters for the military, for schools or for corporations: namely, to ensure the continuance of the group's interests. The beneficiary of this process was the group and in 'the case of the religious recruiter, the beneficiary was her or his community and the people the community served. The term "recruitment" and the philosophy ~vhich it designates does not fit what Jesus does in the Gospels when he invites people to follow him. I believe that as the work of "recruitment" becomes more and more pat-terned after the model of invitation which Jesus provides, we need to call it by another name. It is at this point that we can begin to speak of "vocation ministry." The difference in language is reflective of the difference in philos-ophy and practice. It is, in fact, the difference between "recruitment and ministry," and it is shown in a new role for the person who does this work. This role is no longer one of serving primarily the needs of the congrega-tion, but is one of serving the needs of the people with whom the vocation minister works directly, the people whom she or he assists in discovering how and where and with whom the Lord calls them to build the kingdom. The priorities of the vocation minister have changed, from a focus on ensuring that the life of her or his congregation continues by enlisting people into the order, to a focus on ensuring that people discover who it is that God calls them to be. The agenda from which the vocation minister works has changed, from being primarily the order's agenda, to being primarily God's agenda. To some, such differentiation rhay seem too subtle to be of any impor-tance; .it may even seem like hairsplitting or word games. I believe, how-ever, that it is not too subtle, nor is =it hairsplitting, nor is it word games. For when looked at from the perspective of the person attempting to discern God's call, and especially the young person faced with fife-choices to make, there is a world of difference between the recruiter who wants that person to be a sister or brother or priest, and the minister who wants to help that person discover where God calls him or her to build the kingdom, where life will hold the most meaning for him or her, with no preconceived notion of where that might be. I contend further that, when considered from God's perspective, there is an ~ven more profound difference between "recruitment" and "ministry." It is the difference between the recruiter who believes that the continuance of her or his congregation is in the recruiter's hands, and that it is up to the recruiter to supply the needs of the order; and 1711 / Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 the minister.who trusts that God callg people to build his kingdom as sisters,, brothers, priests, married people and single people, and belieVes that her or his role is to act as Jesus did in inviting people to listen for God's .call and to act on it. Such a stand places the responsibility for supplying the needs of the order in God's hands, and~ recognizes the responsibility of the vocation minister and° the members of the congrega-tion to act as instruments-of his call by issuing the invitation to the kingdom. ~ Vocation ministry, and not recruitment, is the responsibility of every religious. It is a responsibility which stems not from fear for the future of religious life, but rather from the fact that each of us has been given a great and wonderful gift in religious life, a gift which must be shared with others. Our invitation to religious life is given in the context of the kingdom: because we have known the kingdom in our life and ministry with one another, we'invite others to that same experience. It is not recruitment for a particular order that vocation ministry is about; it is an invitation to nothing less than the kingdom of God that we,. as religious, must be about. The Challenge to Re!igious When vocation ministry is seen not as recruitment but as a ministry whose foundation is the model of invitation, which Jesus himself offers, an entirely new challenge is given to .religious. It is a challenge which brings about a n.ew set of questions: --Have I ~experien~ed the kingdom of"God? Where and with. whom was that experience~of the kingdom ? --Is the experience of living in religious community and doing Church ministry an experience of the kingdom for me? --Do I sense both the responsibility and the desire to share the king-dom with others by inviting them to build the kingdom? -~Am I willing to invite others to consider religious community and Church ministry as a way of building the kingdom, a way which has been life-giving and Satisfying for me? I believe that we religious can continue to invite others to join us i~n community and m~nistry. Some Of those whom we invite will join us; others will find another flay of building the. kingdom; still others~will go away sad. But vhatever the response, we can continue to invite, secure in the knowl-keidngged otmha~t,, tion wouhric rhe lwigei oinuvs i~teo mthmosiet mwehnotm, w we eh maveee tb. eOenu rg iinvveinta"ati osnh ai'sr.em iont it-he vated not by fear of the fu(ure, but rather by a sincere desire to share the gift we have been given, With joy ~and confidence we can coniinue to spe~k the invitation of Jesus: "Come away and proclaim the kingdom of God!" Gentle Exile: Reflections on Formation Mary Ellen Dougherty~ S.S.N.D. After a long stint in formation work for her community, Sister Dougherty has returned to the teaching of English. Sh.e may be addressed at The College of Notre Dame of Maryland; 4701 N. Charles Street; Baltimore, Maryland 21210. Shortly.before I finished a long term in formation work, I told myself that eventually I would write an article that might be of use to others in that ministry. I waited. I needed distance. After a year or so, subjectivity settled into uncertainty. I did not know what I wanted to say. Now, more than four years later, I think 1 do. ~ Initially, I would have commented on the characteristics of candidates currently interested in religious life, the inevitable challenges in dealing with them, and the necessity of both structure and latitude in a formation program. I would have talked about the generosity of young people in ministry, their ambivalence about vows. Now, however, I would like to focus on formation, personnel. 1 address my remarks especially to those who are in the work, and to those who .are considering it as ministry. In more than.eight ye~ars in this ministry, I worked, directly, in various team arrangements, with eight different directors. As director of novices, I participated, with the novices, in intercommunity programs in which directors shared on a regular basis. I speak, then, out of my own experience, and out of some ongoing reflections with at least two dozen directors, men and women. And I speak, still, tentatively. These are my insights now. In many ways I was nbt an effective director. In some ways I was. I have learned from both. I do not think there is a standard profile for a successful director~ There are countless variations on virtues that could be 179 1110/ Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 considered. Certainly a consistent attitude and practice of prayer, along with a keen mind and a clean heart, are essential. Inner freedom issuing from a clear depth of uncluttered spirituality is central. It is not my intention, however, to explore these here. That, perhaps, is another article. I would like, instead, to address three fundamental areas which, in practice, prove t.o be crucial: experience, affectivity, and integrity. Experience Age, I think, is only a factor for the director insofar as it permits experience. What one has done is not necessarily what one has experienced. To receive experiences of poverty, failure, darkness, in the light of grace, balanced with experiences of fulfillment and productivity, requires time; one must have lived long enough and well enough to know the inevitability of the rhythm, to expect the seasons to change. In that sense, age is important. It is not just what one has experienced, but what one has not experienced that should be consid~reff. One who has been given the time to live as well as the time to die, and has learned to receive both with equanimity, has lived long enough. And one who has not, should not be expected to deal with her own discoveries easily in the context of formation work. Events may always surprise us; the curr~nt of life should not. Affectivity I am not professionally equipped in terms of academic background t6 talk about the psychology of affectivity, or stages of affective development. My observations are purely practical: when the affective or relational life of a director is undeveloped or undernourished, there are generall~ relational problems with those she is directing; these are Often lodged in some variation of dependency, usually mutual. The director, from my observa-tions, usually takes the relationship more seriously, in the long run, than the candidate; the director seems to have some expectations of permanence, whereas the candidate, especially if she is young, is more than likely to tr~insfer her emotions rather quickly. There often is, however, some degree of mutual destruction. It is essential, 'then, that formation directors have the capacity for, and the activity of, peer relationships, that over the years they demonstrate an ability to interact in friendship with inutuality and absence of unwarranted dependency. The demands of formation work are constant and draining, especially if the director is living ~vith her directees. Candidates, especially younger ones, often exhibit a love-hate response toward authority. Unless the director has a belief in her own lovableness, created by a deep personal sense of God, and the experience of significant peer relationships over the years, she can be quickly undone. So can those Gentle Exile / 1111 she directs. Oia the other hand, a director who has a variety of relationships, and who is secure in at least a few of them, is not likely to need her directees. She may, over the months or the years, develop some friendships among them, but these will be a matter of choice, not of necessity. Integrity, Given a person who has lived long enough and loved hard enough, we come to the point of integrity, which I use in a limited sense here. I speak only of that dimension of integrity which enables one to experience some independent clarity about the truth, and to be faithful to it in spite of opposition. It is not my intention to suggest moral judgments. Like many people in positions of authority, formation directors must be able, if necessary, to stand alone. They must be capable of making and living out graced decisions which may create great conflict. And they must be as capable of independent thinking as, they are of consultation. A director who is not comfortable thinking for herself, who relies too heavily on approval and too little, on her own graced instincts, is usually transparent to her directees; wittingly or unwittingly, they may use her. While the need for dialogue, for collaboration, for consensus cannot be overstated, neither can the need for slow, clear, independent decisions that begin in the deepest level of self, where, in the face of opposition, integrity, a matter of grace, becomes a manifestation of courage. When all is said and done, it is fidelity (or infidelity) to the graced self with whom one must live. There is nothing new under the sun. The ability to receive experience and to let it become wisdom; the calbacity to love and to be loved without ownership; the self-possession and the faith to risk a gentle (or not so gentle) exile--these are characteristic of any authority who claims Jesus as her source. If formation work is anything, it is daily. If anyone needs Jesus as her source, a formation director does. Working with the Young Adult with Temporary Vows Vito Aresto, EM. S._ Brother Aresto is Vice Provincial and .Director of Formation for,the Poughkeepsie (NY) Province of the Marist Brothers. Heohas been ,working with brothers under temporary profession for more than six years. He may be addressed at his Vice-Pro-vincial Office: 4200 W. l i5th Street; Chicago, Illinois 60655. Much has been written over the last several years about_the conditions and problems of the yoeng adult within formation programs of, religious life. Since many of the young people who come seeking this new lifestyle come after years 9f college or work experience, formation directors are finding that the traditionally tried and true methods, of formation~seem to contain significant gaps when dealing with this new kind of person. The problem becomes even more complicated when the young person is in t~emporary vows. In this paper I would like to delve into some of the significant areas that have emerged in my working with our temporary professed. For the most part they are young men who have achieved rather comfortable recogni-tion professionally. They have taken their first vows in their middle twen-ties and look forward to years of growth and service within religious life. Final profession comes somewhere around age thirty. Developmental psychology has examined this period of growth young adulthood with great earnestness. Clearly, it is being recggnized that as life develops it confronts, struggles, and tackles successive issues in life's fabric and resolves them only to move forward to confront still newer issues towards growth. Such progress is noted as maturation, growing in one's potential, developing into a full human person. ~Vorking with the Young Adult . When the issues of spirituality are overlayed upon this rich process, we begin to see something of the concept of conversion. Obviously, when one begins to probe conversion, there is a point where even the best of the social sciences"pales before the mystery of faith: But nonetheless, we can learn much about growth and developmenL particularly in the struggles of a young adult who is attempting to find his or her place within a religious .family. This unfolding of life's grandeur and mystery is not at all easy. It can never be pain free if it is authentic. For the formation personnel working with young religious a good grasp of this process is obviously needed. Crisis needs to be viewed as part of the human drama, and neither .overstated nor underplayed. Rather the formation director can be a calming influence for~ individuals as they probe the' issues and unravel a course of action. In this light it is also very important to note that the director ~should be very comfortable with assisting the young adult to tap into such helping services as therapy or spiritual direction. It is important to realize that the varying issues which emerge are not all vocational conflicts. Rather some very necessary growing-pain situations may be interpreted as "vocational,' which in actual fact are merely struggles with growth issues. At other times personal,life issues may be confused as stress issues needing therapy, but are deeply vocational. Finally, there may be.a blend of both. It is the task of the formatioh director .as calming influence to help the young person wade through the issues, and recognize where they lie. In naming the dil~.~a, the course.to resolution becomes less threatening. For most young religious the transition from novitiate life to active ministry carries with it some straining adjustments. There is a great differ, ence between accepting the need to integrate the essential elements of reli-gious life and actually attempting to do so. This strain to interpret and realize the ideal can either bring about growth in young persons, or have them develop a selective sense which, ma~y in the long run distort growth. Each person must face honestly that the balance of the essential elements of the religious life structure cannot be merely put aside for some personal notion of the greater good. In the long run true growth for the young religious only takes place in confronting each aspect of vowed life as important, and then developing a proper rhythm for themselves. Fidelity to their vowed commitment must be presented as their primary work, By doing this they will be realistic in discerning this lifestyle within their congregation and how it truly fits into their own needs ~ind response to the Lord and his people. This approach, one that asks young persons not to compromise any aspect of their vowed commitment, even when faced with the tremendous 11t4 / Review for Religi~ous, March.April, 1986 pressures of the varying adjustments of prayer, community and apostolate, is utterly honest in recognizing and treating religious as adults. The fact remains that as they unravel their dreams and expectationsi they must also be totally immersed in what actually is the life they now share in their new religious family. This task can become even more burdensome as the young religious begin to recognize and feel the depth of confusion, and even sinfulness within their chosen religious family. Yet, within this sobering reality one fundamental task for.the temporary professed religious is to come to real-ize whether their dreams can be honestly integrated within this particular congregation. If this cannot be done then an honest and courageous act would be to depart. The Lord is not asking anyone to surrender his or her dreams, nor is he asking the impossible in great and massive adjustments to what a person holds sacred to the purpose and direction in life. It becomes the task of the formation director to help and accompany the young religious in this discerning process. But the director should never water down or compromise in the name of charity what he or she knows are realities incompatible to the values and goals of the congregation. Furthermore, the director must a.lways make the distinction between fidel-ity to a lifestyle and fidelity to the Lord. The young must come to realize that commitment to Jesus as their Lord can be lived in all the genuine forms and calls to holiness within the Church. Hopefully, the novitiate process has solidly grounded these young persons in their commitment to Jesus. Temporary vows must focus on the parameters of this particular religious family and charism as one valid and true means towards holiness for this young religious. Therefore, a truly respectful and, honest relationship must exist between the formation direc-tor and the young religious so that.real growth and integrity can develop. It is of paramount importance then, that the young,~religious' dreams must be found to be possible in the congregation they have chosen to enter. This is not only vitally important for the growth and development of the young religious, it is also vital for the growth and development of the congregation. The life given to this young religious by God is also a gift of life for all the members of the congregation. When such interaction is in process a certain sense of peace and purpose prevail. When it is. not present one readily begins to sense and hear bitterness, sarcasm, and resentment., Understanding the vital need of a dream in a young religious' life must therefore be one of the important areas into which a director must examine and explore. The novitiate will set up ideals that are solidly grounded in spiritual and scriptural foundations, but these ideals will not be realized except in the attempt at the actual riving out of community within, a local Working with the Young Adult / 1115 setting. It must be realized that each local community is itself struggling to unravel the full meaning and purpose of its shared life direction. Although young religious may leave the novitiate in full recognition that life is a process of growth and integration, it will only be in the experience of community that they will begin to understand the journey with their broth-ers or sisters that they have begun. Therefore, understanding the dreams and also knowing deeply the real struggles of this religious family is a task that each formation director must grasp when dealing with temporary professed. Ultimately, the focus must be turned completely on the Lord. He must remain the very purpose and intention of the young religious. Service will only .spring from the well of deep commitment to the Lord who loved all people even, unto death. More times than not, the young religious' grasp of the importance of intimacy is also wrapped up in their understanding of their dream. They do not enter religious life accepting the fact that there will be little or no intimate relationships in their lives. Obviously, religious life does afford the opportunities for a rich relational life; but that can only come through the struggle of integrating the vows in the light of each one's intimate relational needs. For young religious who must deal with this issue through the maze of the various transitional periods of growth, the very issue of intimacy can become pivotal to successful integration, and thus to peace within this chosen lifestyle. The movement towards dealing with one's~relational life also has impli-cations for community and ministerial life. In community this can expand one's depth of compassion, and in ministry it can help focus one's work beyond the notion of career to an expression of the Lord's service con-tinued through his Church. Each step of this awareness will heighten the young religious' recognition that he or she has truly been called by Another. Gradually imprinted upon the life and work of each young reli-gious is the paschal ,mystery, each one's transformation into Christ. The weathering of growth issues can therefore be the seed for a deepening of vocational understanding that is not only personal but intimate with the Lord. As young religious move closer to their thirtieth year there is to be noted a very subtle but careful evaluation taking place. Some significant issues have emerged and been confronted. The young religious also begin to recognize.that all the aspects of their dreams and aspirations may not be completely realized. They begin to feel, and not merely know, the implica-tions of being chaste and obedient. The cultural values of their society, with its push towards success, ambition, and recognition weigh on their poverty. Ultimately, as final commitment approaches, so does the trauma of the 186 / Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 "second calling." It is at this moment that the formation director must gently accompany~the young religious. The time for mentofing has ended. It becomes important that unconditional acceptance pervade the whole relationship, If the journey through those years of temporary vows has been honest and rich in successful and mature handling of life issues, then the response to this second calling--a permanent commitment to the Lord within this congregation--will~ be made with the totality possible to this young adult. Fundamentally, as one accompanies young adults~through their initial years of religious commitment, one quickly realizes that formation is.lrela-tional growth. The young religious come eager to respond to the Lord~. Their response has been wrapped and colored within their dreams of Ltheir future life and ministry. Novitiate naturally assists in a solid grounding and underpinning, but it°is not until there is full immersion in the daily routine of life in common and in ministry that they begin to confront and grow within their religious commitment. For the formation director the journey of this pilgrimage is one of trust and love. Ultimately, the individual must come to a sense of'personal peace. This peace is only born in the honest relational growth between each individual and the Lord, between the individual and his or her brothers or sisters, and the individual and the people they are sent to work with and serve. This peace should become the full flowering of a love that rests solidly on the motivation and direction of a life-decision made to the Lord and his people, within this special band of disciples that he or she chose for a religious family. '~ Reflectively, we can turn to Jesus as the model for the formation director who works' with young adults. Particularly is this so if we. focus upon his dealings with Peter. Here we note the care and compassion that must be evidenced by the director. For three years Jesus guided, taught and challenged Peter. These lessons werenot ~beyond the scope of correction and prodding, but they were also done in sincere and tender cbncern. And yet when the supreme :momefit for Jesus arrived, his hour of glory, Peter was still unaware of the magnitude of Jesus' mission. Much like the novice who enters first profession, Peter needed to continue to grow and ~be challenged, even in the darkness of near despair. It was not until the depth of his relationship with the Lord was securely grounded that Peter was ready to shepherd. Only then did he fully comprehend the-initial call that was repeated in the marvelous second calling at the end of John's gospel, "Do you love me? . Come, follow me!" Strangely enough in that rich relational bond between Peter and the Lord did his fondest dreams become rei~l. He no longer needed~io hold Working with the Young Adult / 187 tightly to privilege or rank. Now he no longer saw himself as solely the "rock," but rather could he challenge all that he shepherded to be "living stones," part of the "edifice" of the Lord and his Church. He understood clearly all that was needed to continue the process of growth, a journey into wholeness and holiness. For the young religious the journey is similar. The director must guide and accompany them so that the echo of the initial call of the Lord can be profoundly realized and incorporated into the very identity and dreams of these young persons. Permanent commitment becomes a full expression of a relationship that is central to their meaning and purpose. Christ the Center of Our Vowed Life by" ~Boniface Ramsey, O.P. Father Ramsey's three articles on .,the vows of religion are available as a single reprint: i - The Center of Religious Poverty ii - Christocentric Celibacy iii - Cru~ciform Obedience Price: $1.75 per copy, plus postage. Address: Review ~or Religious Rm 428 ~3601 Lindell Blvd. St: Louis, Missouri 63108 Commitment in a Religious Order: A Sociological View Joseph C. Doyle Dr. Doyle teaches at Seton Hall University (South Orange Ave; South Orange, Neff Jersey 07079), where he may be addressed. There is a special quality about people who are committed to something, whether it be to another person, a group, an organization, a career, or an idea. That quality can be captured by such words as "loyalty," "allegiance," or "steadfastness." For to be committed is to be involved in a relationship which has priority in one's life over alternative relationships or only one-self. This does not mean that a person's other involvements are ignored bu.t only that when push comes to shove this relationship has singular importance. Obviously, this is a key feature of religious life, for the purpose of religious orders is to foster growth in each member's commitment to Christ. In fact, it has often been assumed, both by people within and without such institutions, that this is the sole ~ocus of the members' ~om-mitments-- that they "have the faith." In the past fifteen years or so, how-ever, the large scale exodus of members from the various forms of religious life has raised serious questions in many quarters concerning this one dimensional view of religious commitment. In particular, such authors as ~Marie Augusta Neal,~ Helen Ebaugh,2 Lucinda San Giovanni,3 Richard Schoenhern and Andrew Greeley,4 and Patricia Wittberg5 have all attemp-ted to shed a social scientific light on some of these questions. This paper is meant to be a reflection on some themes developed out of this tradition. It will attempt to present the results of some findings gleaned 188 Commitment in a Religious Order / 1119 from interviews with twenty women involved in a religious order in the eastern United States. Its major interest will be the way commitment in religious life passes through different forms, forms which seem to be affected by the kinds oof structures established by religious orders and by the way their members respond to these structures. It is, of course, danger-ous to generalize from a group 6f this size. Thus, the following remarks should be read as an'effort to explore some pertinent issues in the quality of commitment rhther than to offer a definitive statement on these issues. I. Sociology and Commitment Because this paper relies upon insights developed in sociology, perhaps it would be helpful to first briefly explain some key sociological ideas concerning commitment before delving into the material from the in/er-views. Over the past thirty years or so, sociology has developed a number of concepts for dealing with the experience of commitment. By and large, these ideas are rooted in the perspective that c6mrnitment is the result of certain ,mechanisms operating in groups or organizations that mold indi-viduals into loyal members. Thus; the primary attention is on how these social factors operate to produce a committed person. One of the more prominent efforts in this field can be found in the work of Rosabeth Kanter, particularly in her book Commitment and Community.6 While the analysis that follows utilizes these insights, it also attempts to show how individual members of a religious order responded to these forces and tried to grow beyond them. Kanter views commitment in terms of three interrelated dimensions: instrumental, affe.ctive.and moral. In addition, each of these dimensions is the result of a set of factors bY which a community leads its novices into full membership. By instrumental commitment Kanter means a felt attachment to a social role that is more rewarding or less costly than the roles outside of the community. In this kind of commitment the person wants to live up to the behavioral expectations that others in the community have of him or her. This attachm~ent is achieved, according to Kanter, by having the novice undergo experiences ,whereby the individual has to invest her time and energy in doing the work of the community and to sacrifice her own possessions on behalf of the community. In this way the person finds himself or herself wanting to remain because of all that has been expended ¯ in the effort to achieve full membership. As Kanter puts it: When profits and costs are considered, participants find the cost of leaving the system would be greater than the cost of remaining; "profit," in a net psychic sense, compels continual part;_cipation.7 190/ Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 By affective commitment Kanter means an attachment to a set of relationships whose ties are more gratifying than the ties with .alternative relationships. To find a particular,~set of relatio, nships more gratifying than others means recognizing that set as the,primary source of. affection and support in one's life. This dimension is realized by having novice members renounc6 all previous ties of affection as being primary for them and by involving them in communal activities with members of th~eir group. In these ways the new participant comes to develop emotional ties with these others and a cohesive bond develops amongst them. Finally, by moral or normative commitment'Kanter means an alle-giance to the values and norms of the community and a willingness to obey the authority structure of the community as the ultimate interpreter of those norms and .values. However, this allegiance doesonot necessarily develop after a careful evaluation of these norms and structures. Instead, Kanter sees this dimension arising from a set of beliefs and values that have been internalized in an often irrational or unc_ritical way. In Some respects, commitment to norms and values resembles the concept of superego, which binds the evaluative components bf the self t6 norms of a system through an internalized authority.8 The moral commitment of members is achieved, Kanter notes, by techniques that encourage novices to'deny significance to their own ideas and desires and to place their trust more in the community than 'in them-selves. Thus, new members come to see the way of life of the coinmunity as more meaningful than that of competing alternatives. This sociological view of commitment may, at first sight, be rather upsetting to people who form a community in order "to ddepen their rela-~ tionship with God. '-I Would suggest that this reaction is a rather well-founded one. For what sociology has uncovered, and what many of the" religious women 1 interviewed realized after being in their order for a few years, is that there can be a very real difference between commitment to God and commitment to a religious organization. For this latter institution attempts to offer its members a way to God, but lhis "way" is embodied in historically realized rules, procedures;practices and customs that can often become ends in themselves in the minds and hearts of these members. The sociological point, of course, is that a religiouscommunity hasto empha-size these aspects if it is going to survive and so it has to foster commitment to them. Naturally, a religious institution hopes that its" members will develop spiritually by such practices, and many have done so. Nevertheless, as the' following analysis will show, the danger can also be that the corn= mitment does not get beyond these dimensions. How that can'happen and what can be done about it are the concerns of the rest of this paper. Commitment in a Religious Order / "191 II. A Sociology of Commitment in Religious Life A. Internalizing a Theme ~ The model of commitment presented by Kanter can be a useful tool for interpreting the experiences of the twenty women I interviewed. While these women all came from the same order, they varied as far as age (32-63), length of time in the order (9 years to over 40 years), and the kind of positions they held at the time of the interview (teaching, pastoral and the central administration of the order). Nevertheless, they all described their early years in religious life in ways that can b~e captured by Kanter's categories. 1: Internalizing the Instrumental Dimension One of the interesting findings of these interviews was that many of the nuns felt that the years taken up by their training were preoccupied with the proper performance of their duties, with what they called "the externals." In Kanter's terminology they were committed to the role of a religious person. She claims that it is possible for a person just to behave in a committed way, i:e., remain in the group but not necessarily care about the ideals or values of that group.9 While she'herself did not think that this was a full commitment, she did seeit as a possibility. When the nrns were asked about significant changes in their lives, one of the events frequently brought up was when they recognized that they had been caught up in the mere activity of being a nun. For example: when I came to religious hfe I switched to the externals because that is what I thought I was supposed to do and that was what was always talked about., how you dressed, how you performed this and how you did your chores, but I wasn't co~mfortable with that. When we first entered, the activities were important as you grow into being a member of the community. I think at some point you get caught up in the reception of the habit., that is a big day in your life., and you try to act like the pdrfect nun and" that sort of thing. ~ In addition to acting out the role of a reli~gious woman, many of the respondents reported recognizing, a period in their lives when their minis-try, or more pr.ecisel3~, their work, was mrre important to them than any other dimension. Years ago, I guess I was work-oriented and it was the thing that people saw. And the thing I could let go of was my prayer life because no one ever saw that and I wasn't accountable for it. I cou.ld go to confession and say I didn't haeditate that week and that wruld t~ike care of the guilt part. But I never made ~ny cofinectionJwith the rest of iny life. 192 / Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 As these quotes indicate, the focus on minist.ry and on the proper fulfillment of the "externals" of the religious role were the dimensions to which most of these women became initially committed. ,And, for some of these sisters, the ministry remained central for them well beyond the period of their training. However, while this was a key feature of religious life for many of these women, they eventually began to question the validity of this preoccupa-tion, and for some this orientation is no longer dominant in their lives. 2. Internalizing the Affective Dimension Kanter's second type of commitment was also evident at an early stage of the nun's training. For some of these women, this. involvement in community life coincided with their involvement in ministry. What did you think you were committing yourself to at that~time? I thought I was committing myself to ministry and to community life but not to a deep personal prayer life. I was still struggling with thaIt t.r.i.e. d to take time for it but more often than not, that got pushed aside. What was there about ministry and community life that made you want to commit yourself?. I just" saw goo~d in it. I saw myself functioning very well in it, being comfortable in it, not having any kind of desire not to be there. Some of the other nuns, however, found that a focus on community followed, in time, a commitment to ministry, and sometimes the tension between ministry and community would be resolved in favor of community¯ , ¯. I consider myselfa community-minded person; for whatever reason, ~ prefer working within the community., like coming to the infirmary and working right here with our sisters. I was more than happy todo that. I didn't find myself looking to go really outside of the community. (I. Why was that~ Well, I guess in that it's doing for my own sisters, primarily, rather than people on the outside¯ You are doing the same kind of thing but for whatever reason my preference would be my sisters first. Thus, while ministry may be seen as rewarding, by itself it does not suffice. For this woman and for others, it was and still is a matter of the emotional bond one has with the group with whom she rhinisters that is crucial. Where ministry can be judged in terms of rewards and costs, more non-rational considerations have to be used to judge the relationships one has with others. However, ~s was seen in the discussion of instrumental commitment, this affective dimension did not r6main as dominant for all the nuns. As the following quote suggests, this orientation is no longer as crucial as it once was. Commitment in a Religious Order / 1~ ¯ I really don't know how we remained faithful then. I'm sure if it was another type of community, I don't know, maybe it's because we're more of a family, you know, we feel for one another, um, and that was always our sister, and if you didn't hang in there because your superiors were no good, you'd hang in there because your friends were there. Your commitment to them kind of seemed important to you. 3. Internalizing the Normative Dimension Finally, the third of Kanter's types of commitment was also a focus of allegiance for most of the women during their training. This is particularly obvious in the way many of them had accepted the authority of their superiors during that period. ¯. 1 never felt pressured or stepped on or however people fed. I never felt that. I guess as I entered community it was something I wanted to do. or the Lord called me to do, so I did what I was supposed to do . However, while there were nuns who were very compliant, some found themselves questioning the purpose behind some of the orders. For them, willing obedience was built on an obedience motivated by a fear of being dismissed. Were there people in your class who questioned a lot? Yes, they are no longer here. In novitiate I was very docile. I was probably stupid. If they told me tO do it, I did it because if you didn't do it, they were going to send you home. ~. So you did it out of fear more than anything else. Yes. Yet I liked the days of formation and everything else, but if they said do it, I did it; and when we did it and thought it was crazy, we Used to laugh about it, but we still did it.°, there was no heart in it or anything like that, but we did it to shut them up and get them off our backs. Whether this emphasis on atithority and obedience was complied with willingly or out of fear, it had a dual effect in the training period: it seemed to focus attention on role conformity or the "externals," as was seen before, and it created a sense of dependency on the leadership of the community in many of these women. But in the minds of some Of the nuns, this would often translate into valuing obedience to the rules 'over the needs encountered in one's ministry. Let's say the mother of one of the children was pregnant and her husband had just kicked her in the stomach and kicked her downstairs, and she came to me after ~chool, as did happen once, and when I tried to share with her and show her a little sympathy, I got in trouble because I stayed over in school even though it was that type of thing. I didn't mind getting into trouble, but ! just couldn't understand that whole thing. And in those 1~ / Review for Religious, March-ApriL 1986 days, if she came again, I would probably say "I can't see you," thinking that obedience was the greater thing at that time~ While some of the evidence suggests that many of the nuns interpreted this dependency on authority as something they have left'behind, this is not so for all of them. Even with the much publicized changes in convent life, with the "loosening up of the structures," the importance of the normative dimension of commitment still comes through for many of them. As this following quote demonstrates, however, it is internalized dependency: The change that has been significant has been in the individual being responsible for he~'self. We still have in our community superiors in our local convents. However~ the emphasis has been on individuals being responsible for themselves, for the cbmmitment that they have made, for' living according to the rules and the constitution, for keeping the vows . B. l/ariations on a Theme . ~ Hopefully, the preceding exploration has shown that the women I interviewed responded to the demands made upon them in their formation years in the convent .in ways that the order wanted them to respond. In effect, they internalized the theme of religious life espoused by their order. This, of course, is not to pass judgment on the sincerity of intention of any of these women or on the integrity of those tesponsible~for their training. It is instead to recognize what most of these sisters have realized and what Kanter's model of commitment can help us to see: religious commitment is more than simply doing religious things. When attention is concentrated on the activity of being religious without an ~ffort at helpi~ng the novice to discern the place of these activities in an overall lifestyle, then the only result will be religious conformity and a commitment to the means established to realize a life in Christ rather than to that life itself. However, as many of the above quotes intimated, the story of the commitments of these women does not end in mere conformity. Most of the nuns found that by the time of their final vows or in the five years or so after final profession, t.hey had begun the process of perso~nalizing many of the practices they had learned. This effort at personalization took one of two forms: varying the order's style of religious life to meet o~ne's own personality and characteristics, or creating a style of religious life that was in keeping with the core values of that lii~ but no longer was solely modeled on their order's particular historical interpretation of those values. I would now like to explore the first of the~e responses which I will call "variant commitments." In the third pai't of this paper, I will examine the second form.- The term "variant commitment", refers to a more reflective response to 'Commitment in a Religious Order the demands of convent life than the conformist response did. The idea for it comes from another sociologist named Robert Merton.~0 Writing in a different context (but, nevertheless, in one that is still applicable to our purposes), Merton referred to people who were sensitive to the demands of their institutions but were willing to test some of the limits of those demands. He had in mind men of science like Pasteur or Einstein who were committed to the goals of science but who engaged in the kind of research that resulted in new ways of conceiving the world around us. In a similar way, many of the nuns I interviewed were very much committed t9 the goals of their order, but they were also involved in efforts to alter its style of religious living. Where their training had taught them to exhibit routine adaptations to the expectations of the order, they later became more willing to modify these demands while still remaining within the normative character of the community. By briefly looking at some examples of these variant responses in the light of Kanter's model, it will. be possible to show concretely the kind of changes that took place in these women, 1. Variations on the Instrumental Theme It will be recalled that in this dimension of commitment members involved themselves in the performance of those activities that hdped maintain the community as an ongoing entity. In religious life, one of the more important of these role expectations was a faithful participation in the liturgy. For sisters in training the ordinary round of prayer activities became part of the behavior of the "ideal" nun. By the time of final vows, these activities had become second nature to them. Following the Second Vatican Council, however, the order began to loosen its rather rigid structure, and local convents wer9 allowed to establish their own format for commu.nal prayers. This usually involved a group decision concerning the times to be set aside, as well as the particular style the prayer activities would take. In addition, there was also the expectation that individual sisters would develop their own schedul~ and forms for their personal prayer life. Thus, new regulations were made which allowed for more decentralized variation and individual freedom in fulfillment of the order's goal to develop prayerful sisters. The result of these reforms appears to be a more conscious involvement on the part of most of the nuns in this dimension of their lives: The .emphasis, I think, in the younger days was not on my personal religious or spiritual development, as much as it is now., the job is important but the prayer part of it is more important. Ifa decision was to be made that I would have to give up my prayer life to be an 1~ / Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 administrator, I think I would give up the administrator part. I'm sure years ago I couldn't have said that. I'm going into my fifth year here, and I was very nervous coming here because I had heard about their prayer life~ But it's really been good. It's more spontaneous than at other places. Like we do the reading of the day, and then we share with each other what they are saying to us or one of us will give a homily. As these quotes indicate, within the overall values of communal and personal prayer, the nuns have sought to fashion attitudes and practices that reflect a more conscious appreciation for these features than was true in their earlier days. This consciousness in some cases was an attitudinal shift, such as the rededication of oneself to a life of prayer;'or in other instances, it was a greater willingness to participate in a variation of public prayer that had not been tried before. In'both examples though, a shift to a more reflective response is evident, and this allows for personal and local variations of a communal expectation. 2. Variations on the Affective Theme The second area of religious life to which most of the nuns can be said to have been reflectively responding is the communal dimension. On both a formal and an informal basis, it is expected that the members will participate in the affairs and functions of the community and that this group will be primary in each person's life. In the period before the Vatican Council, these expectations usually meant a high degree of uniformity among the order's members. In the years following the Council, they frequently have involved rather innovative attempts to develop a greater sense of camaraderie among local community members. This can be seen in the following instances which suggest a changing vision of the meaning of community and a willingness to put into actual practice what some have only been able to dream about. What is your vision of community? I would like it more personal, um, with small groups where there is sharing not only of your work but of your basic spirituality, your vision, and maybe with people that you could work it out with so that your vision could: become a reality. I think the great disillusionment with religious life is that your vision remains a vision and there's not too many to share that vision. We were pioneers. My first year in grad school and after that we lived in a convent and commuted to school. We used to pray together and just try to share our lives. We could do creative things like alternative prayer styles and a lot of sharing about community and about the Lord. Commitment in a Religious Order Of course, not all the women in the group were as originally so enthusiastic about this new style, as the above excerpts may suggest. Nevertheless, those who have tried it have overcome their initial restraint and now see it'as a more beneficial way of living than the older style. Once again, a relaxation of rather rigid structures has allowed for a greater amount of reflective expression and thus for the introduction of alternative approaches to a goal of the order. 3. l/'ariations on the Normative Theme The final dimension that exhibits the effects of a more reflective response to religious life concerns the commitment to the norms and values of the community. According to Kanter this commitment is demonstrated in the supportive attitudes members have toward those in authority and toward the ideology of the group. One of the areas in convent life where an important shift in this dimension has occurred is in the vow of obedience. In the days when the nuns I interviewed first entered and until quite recently, obedience to the "Will of God" meant, in fact, concrete submis-sion to what the s,uperiors interpreted what that "Will" was. Today, this submissiveness, while still expected on a daily practical level, is somewhat tempered by the recognition, in their order's rule, that all the sisters share a genuine responsibility for th6 goals of the community. This basically seems to mean that the individu~il sisters are left alone to freely do what is expected of them rather than have a local superior enforcing each of the rules. Naturally, such a situ~ttion leaves room for individual variation, both attitudinally ahd behaviorally. I guess my attitude is that this is not somebody or something imposing on me, or the constitution saying I have to do it, or I feel that my superior is going to say that you are not doing this or that. There are days, for exahaple, when I don't spend much time in prayer at all for one reason ~or another, because it's ministry, or I'm getting in at midnight and I can't function the next day. But ifI don't do it for a couple of days, I know it and I really.have to say, I have todo it tonight regardless of what else turns up, so that it becomes a priority. I think it puts more responsibility on the individuals for their own lives. Ten years ago the superior was saying no, you may not go. I think it places more responsibility on the individual not to maybe abuse missing prayers or Mass or house meetings or meals . . . there is a little more freedom and people are more relaxed . , . to be more responsible for themselves. As these quotes indicate, members are freer to interpret when a particu-lar rule should be obeyed and when it should not. Of course, this does not i911 ] Review for Religious, March.April, 1986 mean that they can or would do whatever they please with no sense of normative .obligation, Thus, the conscious choice on the part ~of~the member is to decide when there are legitimate exceptions to a given rule and toact on those exceptions. In the long run, however, the orientation of the nuns is to the normative expectations of the order. - ~ C. Creating a Theme Hopefully, the previous section has shown that the story of the com-mitments of the twenty women I interviewed took a new turn in the years after their final vows. Because of the changes in the formal structures of the order, these nuns were able to move from a rather conformist-oriented appioach to religio.us life to an approach that reflected more of each individual's perso~nality and needs. However, while this newer style was more personalistic than before, it still was within the definition of religious life as formulated by the order. Thus, it is still possible for members to be committed to the instrumental, affective, and moral dimensions of their community (albeit, in their contemporary forms) rather than to the com-munity's underlying purpose, i.e., to one's life in Christ. Of course, as I indicated earlier, this is not necessarily in all instances what has happened. Instead, it is to point out a continual danger in community life, a d[inger that some of the nuns themselves have recognized: structured behavior and attitudes, even when they are loosened up, can become a substitute for personal responsibility for the purpose of those structures. This danger and a potential way to avoid it can be captured more clearly by examining the second type of reflective response that the women I interviewed exhibited. Nine of the twenty nuns responded to the ques-tions I raised in a way that was somewhat different from the others. I have called this type of response "creative commitment." By this I mean a commitment to a notion of religious life that reflected the women's struggle with an appropriation of a set of ideals and interpretations that trans-cended the institutionalized approach in which they found themselves. This did not mean an outright rejection of their community. Rather, it was an attempt to combine themes learned from sources outside the order with the basic values learned from the community into a more personal style of sisterhood than the one in which they had been trained. Their involvement in the community, is now no longer predicated on the constraints the institution can bring to bear on them. Instead, since their commitment is to a vision~of what religious life can be, they have relativized the role that the community has in their lives. This rather abstract definition can be made more.concre[e by compar-ing some of the "variant responses" some of the nuns made to the questions Commitment in a Religious Order / 199 I asked with the "creative responses" nine of the women mad~ to the same questions. As before, these responses can be presented in terms of the model developed by Kanter. I. Relativizing Instrumental Commitment The first dimension of concern will be the attitudes of the nuns toward the role of a sister. In order to ascertain the overall quality of a member's role involvement in the order, I asked what perception each one had of herself as a sister. As the following quote exemplifies, many of the~s.e women have adopted the role of a nun as traditionally defined, ~that is, as one who is supposed to represent in a special way the presence of the sacred in human life. To be sure, they do not appear to be caught up with the prestige symbols of the role--the habit, the title, the little signs of respect. But they dowish to see themselves perceived as religious women, as part of a religio, us organization, and in this sense, the institutional role is important to them. How do you see yourself as a sister? That's hard to answer. I guess. I am living out what I think I am called to be, but I am not just living it for me. but for other people~ Do you mean what effect you have on people? ¯. Yes, like when people ask me to pray for them or for members of their families. I'm not just some fixture or some teacher. Do I convey the o message of Christ to people? Do I carry the name of (order's name) well, and what that community is about, or do I downgrade the community? In comparison with this perception, the following nun appears to dis-tinguish herself and her role as. a sister. While being a nun is important to her, it is not her whole self. This type of perception cropped up °quite often in discussions with these nine women. In effect, the role has been redefined from being a place in an overall organization to being a vehicle for allowing a more personal style of religious life to be expressed. What that,style is depends upon the individual and how she understands herself; but in general, it seems to encompass an effort to live out the central values of Christianity as these are being interpreted by contemporary thinkers. This woman's notion that "sisterhood" includes her relationships with whom-ever she meets is an indication of this redefining process. when I first came to the community, I saw a sister as functional, whereas now I see sister as a relationship that is not only to the people that I work with but it is. much more universal in a sense. It is me as I relate to whoever it may be . It's much more a sense of I am who I am and a good part of who I am happens to be a sister and what lproject is all of me, the totality of life. 200/ Review for Religious, March,April, 1986 2. Relativizing Affective Commitment The second area of discussion deals with the emotional ties members develop toward the relationships they have in the order and toward the order as a whole. The quality of these ties can be captured by the reaction of members to questions concerning the possibility of the order disbanding. While this is an admittedly hypothetical situation, the reactions of the sisters revealed their attitudes towards the community as a whole. For example, as the following citation suggests, many of the sisters see their well-being as tied up with the well-being of the order.~ Because they tend to seetheir lives as coextensive With the life of the community, these women can be said to~ have Committed themselves to the institution. What would happen if your community died? I would be very sad. As a person I think it would be devastating. I guess the charisma of the (order's name) community is important to me. I chose to belong to a group, and this group meant something to me. for whatever reason they became important. I chose to make final vows, and I chose to make it something permanent in my life. When this response is compared with the following one, however, a different understanding of this relationship is revealed. According to this woman, the institution exists to serve a need; and if it no longer can do this, then the nuns should disband and find other communities. This willingness to let go of what must be a home for this woman suggests a degree of autonomy that was also present in the other more innovative nuns. But this autonomy should not be interpreted as a cold independence from the order for-it seems to rest, for each of these women, on a distinction they have made between tbeir particular order and their understanding of religious life in general. In their interpretation of the order, it exists as a means to realize their religious ideals. Thus, religious life is always broader than the order's way of approaching it and for them it is their approach to that life that counts. I don't know exactly. I don't know if I would; then I would look and see if another group would like to get together to form something else, or if I would join another group. I don't think I would be upset. I wouldn't feel that my whole life has gone because I think what this community has done UP to this point has been very good and very worthwhile, and if it is not necessary, it's not necessary. I don't feel any urge to prolong somethin~g that is no longer necessary, so that would not bother me. Another indicator of the relativization of the order in the lives of these women is their willingness to look beyond it for sources of emotional support. While they.were in training, the community encouraged them to develop their personal relationships with their fellow members by severely Commitment in a Religious Order limiting outside contacts, even with members of their own families. Although these nine women still have deep personal ties within their order, they have also consciously developed friendships with others outside of that community, including laypeople. A couple of them have also become part ofqocal communities that are made up of nuns from bther orders instead of the more traditional, homogeneous units. Most of my really close friends have left the community., but it's not quite as dramatic as it sounds because I do have a couple of very good friends who have been very supporting, one who is married who has always supported me. Then. one who I'm even closer to who was in the community who has left. She continues to be one of the most supportive people in my life. It's fine with her that I am here; ~nd it's fine with me that she is there. How many friends do you have outside the community? I'd say that it's probably about fifty-fifty between people within the com-munity and people outside that I really consider myself close to. Four of us broke off from that larger grou.p because we are for'a simpler lifestyle, and we are now living in a house., the three of us from our order, one happens to. be the school person, and two of us who are in .other ministries and then the fourth sister who is from (another order) who is also in another ministry. That's working out pretty well now. 3.' Relativizing Normative Commitment ~ The third area deals with the willingness on the part of members to allow the community to control their lives. Over the past fifteen years or so, the order has loosened up its authority structure somewhat so that now the nuns are encouraged to speak their minds more so than they were in ~he past. Nevertheless, the ultimate expectations for many of the women is .that it is their duty to obey the wish of the superior. As this example demon-. strates, the notion that "the voice of the superior is the voice of God" dies hard. My attitude towards religious life, I don't think, has basically changed in the sense that I still fed that my superiors, those who are in charge, whatever they would ask I would accept it in the same wa~y I did years ago. I would question now, not saying that I wouldn't.do what they asked, but I would question it now. While the above quote demonstrates an attitude toward obedience that can be characterized as superior-oriented, the next citation reveals another approach to this subject. Instead of first looking to what the superior wants, this nun believes that one should first be obedient to oneself. The distinction is crucial for it places the sister on a par with her superior.and 902/ Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 enables her to exercise genuine responsibility for her own life. This is probably the most important characteristic of the innovative nuns because it seems to be that which distinguishes them most clearly from the others. Although these others often spoke about the necessity of being self-respon-sible, their 6rientation very frequently was to the community and their superiors. On the other hand~ the innovative nuns more frequently were willing to look beyond the institution for grappling with the issues of religious life and to examine any ideas in terms of where they might fit into their own lives, I believe in obedience to the Lord in tune with what is going on with my own inner' feelings, as contrasted to what I may believe in terms of the' voice 6f the superior although I don't deny that. I think you have to listen ¯. but I would say I would be more in tune with obedience to God; I would say that it's a little more,obedience to myself than I would say obedience to the vow or to the superior. Interestingly enough, one of the ways in which these women have sought to take responsibility for themselves is precisely in the area of the vows. One of the features that comes across very clearly is their desire to distinguish their understanding of the vows from the institutionalized ver-sion. This does not seem to mean an idiosyncratic interpretation of them that is divorced from what other approaches, even institutionalized ones, may offer. Instead, it seems to involve an effort to formulate a conception of the vows that takes into consideration what others,may say; but at the same time, ~it-attempts to create out of ,them an understanding that responds to the personal needs and goals of the individual herself. It should be pointed out that by the term "other interpretations" is meant sources of meaning outside the order, including the general culture, contemporary sourcbs' within the order, as well as the more traditional interpretations, whether they come from formal or informal sources. What seems to be crucial, .in any event, is the consciousness of these sisters of the difference between saying what others have understood what the vows mean and saying ,what they personally think they mean. I took these vows, but I thought. I'm doing my job, I'm praying, so don't b~ther me about the vows . !~ow looking back, I probably detached the vows from the life, or I said I have to take these vows in order to live this religious community life that I want to live. Now what's it like? ~ Now it's thinking about it and reflecting on it and saying there is some-thing more to this and I don't know what it is yet . I could tell you what ~ so and so says and what the books say, but personally., what do I think, Commitment in a R~ligious Order that's what I'm coming to. When you started to reexamine the vows, did you find yourself coming to a personal interpretation of them, or did you sifnply accept the given interpretation? Oh no! I made my own interpretation, and whether that's right or wrong, it's something l'm going to have to live with. No, I think it's my own personal thing . I have been attempting to distinguish creative responses to institutional demands from variant responses to these same demands. Hopefully, this has clarified the difference between the two. If 1 have been interpreting this material accurately, then a commitment can be said to be creative when the individual personally recognizes the primacy of her relationship with God in her life. That happens, it seems, as the individual assumes greater and greater responsibility for that relationship and the role of the order becomes more secondary as far as that relationship is concerned. In other words, the institution becomes a vehicle whereby a person can live out a way of life that she has created. As the following sistei~ asserted in ~ rather straightforward fashion, the order has become a means to an end hot arl end in itself. I say I commit myself to the Lord through this institution and I never expect that I will break that commitment to t~he Lord. I am not .always saying that 1 make a commitment to an institution: (I. Why no~t~ R. It's just the medium for me. Conclusions I ~began this paper by remarking that religious 9ommitment is often understood in a one dimensional way, as simply a commitment to Christ. Utilizing the insights of sociology, however, it is now possible.to see that religious commitment is a multi-dimensional affair which can often inter-fere with the fuller realization of a Christocentric lifestyle. For instead of a single focus on the proper spiritual characteristics of being a religious woman, this analysis found that members of an order can become more concerned about the instrumental, communal and normative dimensions of sisterhood. The result of this is a preoccupation with the means of religious life rather than its ends. Because this was a sociological analysis, it highlighted the fact that this preoccupation was, in part at least, the result of the order's necessary concern with its self-preservation. This does not mean, however, that such a preoccupation is inevitable. As the information concerning the more creative women has shown, it is also possible to relativize the impact of the " 2011 ] Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 social requirements of communal living and to begin to achieve the under-lying purpose of religious life. But to do this requires an effort on the part of the order to become sensitive to the effects its structures have on the spiritual journey of each of its members and an effort on the part of each member to be radically honest with himself or herself about the real con-cerns which occupy one's life in a religious setting. NOTES ~Marie Augusta Neal, "The Relation Between Religious Belief and Structural Change in Religiiaus Orders: Developing an Effective Measurement," Review of Religious Research 12, 1 (Fall, 1970), pp. 2-16. 2Helen Ebaugh, Out of the Cloister (University of Texas Press, Austin, 1977.). 3Lucinda San Giovanni, Ex-Nuns (Ables, Norwood, New Jersey, 1978). 4Rich~ard Schoenherno and Andrew Greeley, "Role Commitment Processes and the American Catholic Priesthood," American Sociological Review 39 (1974) pp. 417-426. ~Patricia Wittberg, "Transformations in Religious Commitment" REVIEW FOR RELI- ~31OtJS, Vol. 42 No. 2 (1985), pp. 161-170. 6Rosabeth Kanter, Commitment and Community (Harvard University Press, Cam-bridge, 1972). 7Ibid, p. 69: 8lbid, p. 69. 91bid, p. 67. ~ORobert Merton, ~Social Conformity, Deviation, and Opportunity Structures: A Comment on the Contributions of Dubin and Cloward," American Sociological Review 24 (1959), pp. 177-188. Two Forms of Consecrated Life: Religious and Secular Institutes David E O'Connor, S. T. Father O'Connor holds the chair of the Department of Church Law at Washington Theological Union and resides at Holy Trinity Mission Seminary (9001 New Hampshire Avenue; Silver Spring, Maryland 20910). His previous article in these pages was "Lay Associate Programs: Some Canonical and Practical Considerations," which appeared in last year's March/April issue. Th~ 1983 Revised Code of Canon Law in, canons 573-730 designates both religious and secular institutes as Institutes of the Consecrated Life. This is a new classification in church law, In its simplicity, it is open to some misunderstanding as a juridical oversimplification because, in fact, both types of institutes are very different. This may just be another exam-ple of the limitations of all canonical categories which are not capable of fully expressing the charisms and gifts of the Spirit to the Church. While the members of both forms of~the consecrated life do profess the evangeli-cal counsels of chastity, poverty and obedience, their lifestyles manifest two rather divergent forms of ecclesial dedication. The intention of this brief article is to explore some of the similarities and real differences between these two types of consecrated lives and to promote a better appreciation of the distinctiveness,~ the identity and the place each one has in the Church. Let it be stated at the outset that neither form of ecclesial dedication is presented as better or superior tO the other. While canonical religious life has been a recognized and important part of Church life for centuries, it has taken a variety of shapes and forms. Secular institutes, canonically and historically, have received ecclesial recognition only within the last fifty years and are still in the process of trying to have their uniqueness under- 205 906 / Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 .stood and appreciated. The new Code of Canon Law is a welcome and innovative move in this direction. It is a positive step forward in giving secular institutes the canon-ical identity and ecclesial status which they deserve. In canon 710, the new code describes a secular institute as one in which the Christian faithful living in the world strive for perfection in charity and work for the sanctifi-cation of the world, especially from within. Canon 607, §2 describes a religious institute as one in which the members, according to proper law, pronounce public vows, either.perpetual or temporary, which are to be renewed when they have lapsed, and live in common as brothers or sisters. A quick perusal of these canonical descriptions makes apparent some of the. differences between these two types of institutes. The members of secular institutes are to "live in the world" and work for its sanctification "especially from within." On the other hand, religious are to live "in com-mon as brothers or sisters" and profess "public" vows. These and other distinctive features of both forms of ecclesial dedication need to be more closely examined and elaborated upon in order to manifest the special style of consecration lived by the members of the different institutes. In order to facilitate this examination, a comparison of these two types of consecrated life has been organized under the following five headings: Secularity, Community Life, Apostolic Activity, Evangelical Counsels and Canonical Status. There will be, necessarily, some repetition involved because it is impossible to treat the distinctiveness of each institute without there being some overlapping of ideas. For example, it is not possible to consider the evangelical counsels as lived in religious institutes without considering them in the context of common life. Nor is it possible, to con-sider adequately the evangelical counsels as lived by members of secular institutes without examining them in the context of the secularity which is essential to the life of the members. I ask the reader to be patient in this matter as efforts are made to emphasize the genuine distinctiveness and special characteristics of each form of the consecrated life. Se~.ulariff. The primarY and foremost characteristic of secular institutes is that they are secular. This has been repeatedly emphasized in all the ecclesiasti-cal documents which address the nature and role of these institutes, from Provida Mater Ecclesia (February 2, 1947) and the Motu Proprio, Primo Feliciter (March 12, 1947), through the documents of Vatican II (1962-1965), especially ,Perfectae Caritatis,, 11, to the 1983 Code of Canon Law. It is "secularity" which totally colors the way oof life of the members and is the most significant characteristic of their consecrated way of life. Two Forms of Consecrated Ltfe/ 207 The members remain lay people or secular priests. They are not reli-gious ~nor are they expected to live in any manner which approximates or imitates the religious life.~ In every, sense of the term, they are to cultivate their consecrated secularity as ordinary people; living "in-the world and, as it were, from the world. "~ They should be involved in the social milieu and professional life proper to each member in the concrete circumstances of that member's place, time and culture. Indeed, members are to have a secular outlook and acknowledge themselves as "part" of the world and committed to sanctifying it from within) Hehce, the style of life of the lay members of a secular.,institu~te is that~ of a consecrated person living a rather inconspicuous and ordinary life, holding down a job or involved in a profession, while living alone or wi[h family or friends. Externally they will not appear to be different from any other lay person in a similar situation. Indeed, Pope John Paul II has encouraged them to develop their professional life and to be, at the level of Knowledge and experience, really competent in their specific field of endeavor.4 Religious, on the other hand, are required and expected by/heir own consecrated way of life to have a certain "separation from the world prpper to the character and purpose of each institute.'~ Obviously, this is expressed very differently by monastic communities and by apostolic reli-gious. Members of apostolic religious institutes frequent~ly find themselves immers~ed in the world with similar demands made upon them to have the professional competence required in their particular formJ of apostolate or ministry. Yet, at the same time, they may be more likely to think of themselves, while at the service of people and the Church,.as "being in the world, but not of it." Indeed, they are often readily identifiable as "Church-people" even if they are not wearing a habit or clerical garb. Furthermore, they often live in houses or convents associated with their ir~titutional apostolate which helps identify them as Church-workers. Thus their com-munity lifestyle and their corporate apostolate or form of ministry, in one sense, sets them apart and "separates" them from" the ordinary lifestyle of lay people. There are incarnational and eschatological dimensions" to the life of every Christian. However, it appears that the Church considers thai the incarnational should be especially clear in the Christian life of the dedicated laity and that the eschatological or transcendental should be-particularly manifested through the dedicated life of members of religious institutes. One form of the consecrated life the secular institute emphasizes the goodness of the world and of all God's creation (Gn l:3,1); the Other the religious institute emphasizes the radical discipleship of Jesus which involves some separation from or renunciation of the world (Jn 15:19). 901t / Review for Religious, March-April, 1986 Community Life Some form of life in common or community life has been a part of religious life from timeqmmemorial. It is a clear requirement of the new Code of Canon Law.6 Members of a religious community are to live in a house-of their own institute with their brothers or sisters and under the autl~ority of a religious superior.7 This is the place where they conduct their day-to-day life and offer their companionship and support to one another. It is the place where they gather about the eucharistic table and pray together. It is from there that apostolic religious reach out to others in a variety of ministries and dedicated ecclesial service. Therefore, some form of commu~nity life has been a perennial dimension of religious~ life and presented as an ecclesial witness of Christian love. The common life of religious does differ somewhat fro~a community to community, and is radically different for: monastic and apostolic religious. However, it is a necessary dimension of religious life and one of its special characteristics. Common life is not a part °of the consecrated life of members of secular institutes. While some institutes may have, as part of their particular tradi-tion, residences which belong to the institute, community life is not an expectation, requirement or characteristic of secular institutes in general. In fact, it has often been positively discouraged as contrary to a truly secular style of life and an unfortunate move toward the imitation of a life approp-riate to a religious institute. ~ The secular quality does not permit of community life on the part of mem-o ~rs, even as an option. It is too easy to slip from the notion of a "group" life to that of a "com.mon" life inconsistent with the personl liberty and the vari-ety of commitments which the ideal of presence in the world entails.8 The new 9od,e does not require the administrators or leaders of a secular institute to have their own residence, nor is it necessary to have a house where formation programs can be conducted.9 Members of secular i~stitutes are expected to live as ordinary lay people, either alone or with their families, or in a group as brothers and sisters.~0 Diocesan priests, who are members of a secular institute, likewise, are expected to live as the other priests in the diocese. That is, they are to live in the rectory to which they haye been assigned by their bishop. There is to be nothing unusual or exter-nally distinctive in their style of life in the world. However, as canon 716 of the code states, the members of a secular institute are urged to share actively in the institute according to their own proper law. They are to maintain a certain "communion" among them-selves arid carefully foster a unity of ~pirit and genuine relationships as brothers and sisters. The constitutions and statutes of each institute should specify how this is to be done, but should not imply that cohabitation or Two Forms of Consecrated Life / 209 any form of common life similar to that of religious is expected. It is the obligation of leaders and moderators in the institute to promo.te this spirit of unity and an active participation of the members)~ Apostolic Activity The new Code of Canon Law succinctly expresses the manner in which apostoli~ activity is to be exercised by the members o

 Watching Barbie reminded me of two essays that I had not read in a long time, Luce Irigaray's "Women on the Market " and "Commodities Among Themselves". In those essays Irigaray considers to what extent Marx's theory of the commodity form can be used to make sense of the status of women in society. Irigaray's texts takes as its start the idea of a society founded on an exchange of women, an idea integral to structural and psychoanalytic theories of kinship. From this it is possible to posit that relations among women would have the fantastic character of Marx's brief foray into describing the world of commodities amongst themselves. It is precisely such a world, Barbie Land, that Barbie: The Movie opens. The only difference is that women, Barbies, in this world do not so much exist as things to be exchanged, as daughters to be given away as wives, but are defined by their use value, or, more to the point, their concrete labor. It is a world of Barbie doctors, presidents, supreme court justices, and so on--a Barbie for every career and full employment for all Barbies. Greta Gerwig's film taps into an aspect of Barbie that often falls beneath the image of the Barbie stereotype, or, in the world of the film, Stereotypical Barbie, and that is the myriad number of Barbies that have been manufactured with different careers, from veterinarian to astronaut. The Barbie stereotype of blond hair, impossible proportions, and pink, well everything, dominates our image of Barbie, it is what adults think of when we think of Barbie, so much so that we forget that for a lot of girls (and boys) who play with her she that is less a supermodel than the model for every kind of activity and career.  Whatever you want to be they have a Barbie for that. I remember once watching a relative's kid play Barbie and it was less a foray into a world of beauty and fashion than it was an hour of being a large animal veterinarian, giving check ups to horses. A far cry from the image of fashion and beauty that comes to mind when you say Barbie to an adult. The two sides of Barbie, the blonde and pink stereotype that adults think of and the various different Barbies of every career and hobby that kids play with, are the central contradiction of the film.The Barbie pet care centerBarbie Land is that imaginary place where Barbies amongst themselves can be anything or anyone. There are Kens in this world too, but since this world is the world of children playing, no one really knows what Ken is for. Ken is more sidekick than boyfriend. (Pietro Bianchi has offered a great Freudian reading of this world of innocence). The Barbies in Barbie Land are aware of the real world, that it exists, and as far as they are concerned they have fundamentally altered it. An imaginary world where Barbie can be anything must in some sense produce a reality where kids can be anyone. It is the logic of meritocratic role models taken to its logical conclusion. All the world needs is the right role models for the world to change. Trouble begins when stereotypical Barbie (played by Margot Robbie) begins to have some very un-Barbie thoughts, like of death, aging, and cellulite. These intrusive thoughts must be the product of the kid that is playing with her so she has to go out into the "real world" to find this kid and fix things. This brings us back to the commodity form. The commodity, as Marx tells us, is both an exchange value and a use value, it is both something with its own properties, or in the case of labor, capacities, and with a value, a capacity to stand in for other commodities, to be exchanged. In the world of the film we get two sides of Barbie, there is the Barbie Land Barbie in which there is a Barbie that can do anything, and there is the real world Barbie, where Barbie is defined not by her capacities, what she can do, but by her appearance, what she looks like. It is on arriving in the real world that Barbie finds herself not as an object of little girl's dreams, but the object of male fantasies. (As A.S. Hamrah points out in this great roundtable discussion of the film, the patriarchy that Barbie is subject to is incredibly mild and gentle, more befitting a cartoon world than the real world). If I wanted to add another grad school reference, namely Jean Baudrillard, I would say that Barbie's conflict is less between use value and exchange value as it is between use value and sign value, between what Barbie can do and what she signifies, what blonde hair, impossibly long legs, and gravity defying curves signify. To put it back in Irigaray's terms, her capacities might define what she is capable of, but her appearance for men defines her place in society. As Irigaray writes, "just as, in commodities, natural utility is overridden by the exchange function, so the properties of a woman's body have to be suppressed and subordinated to the exigencies of its transformation into an object of circulation among men." Use Value/Exchange Value, the two sides of the commodity are dominated by exchange value just as women in society are dominated by the demand to be seen, and exchanged, by men. Upon arrival in the real world, Barbie and Ken learn that making Barbie role models for every career has not ended patriarchy. Barbie and Ken react differently to the persistence of patriarchy. Barbie is horrified and confused. Ken is happy and excited. Ken finds himself being respected just because he is a man. He immediately hatches a plan to bring the patriarchy to Barbie Land with the help of some books checked out from the library. (I thought for a long time about what this particular plot point reminded me of, a story where two characters have opposed reactions to the new world they are transported to, and eventually I thought of Time after Time, The film in which H.G. Welles and Jack the Ripper end up time traveling to the seventies. Welles is horrified of the lack of social progress while Jack the Ripper revels in the violence of the twentieth century. For sake of this digression, and because I really love that film, I include the following clip.)
Back to the film in question, and skipping several plot points, by the time Barbie discovers the source of her angst, an adult playing with Barbies and returns to Barbie Land it has been transformed. The Barbie dream houses have all been remade into Mojo Dojo man caves for Ken and the Barbies have abandoned their various careers as veterinarians and the President to dote after their Kens, bringing them snacks and beer. The spell of patriarchy is broken, however, when Gloria (America Ferrara) , the adult from the real world who has brought anxiety to Barbie, spells out the contradictions of being a woman. This speech is the thematic and emotional core of the film. Since I found the whole thing online, I post it in its entirety below. "It is literally impossible to be a woman. You are so beautiful, and so smart, and it kills me that you don't think you're good enough. Like, we have to always be extraordinary, but somehow we're always doing it wrong.

You have to be thin, but not too thin. And you can never say you want to be thin. You have to say you want to be healthy, but also you have to be thin. You have to have money, but you can't ask for money because that's crass. You have to be a boss, but you can't be mean. You have to lead, but you can't squash other people's ideas. You're supposed to love being a mother, but don't talk about your kids all the damn time. You have to be a career woman but also always be looking out for other people.""You have to answer for men's bad behavior, which is insane, but if you point that out, you're accused of complaining. You're supposed to stay pretty for men, but not so pretty that you tempt them too much or that you threaten other women because you're supposed to be a part of the sisterhood.

But always stand out and always be grateful. But never forget that the system is rigged. So find a way to acknowledge that but also always be grateful.

You have to never get old, never be rude, never show off, never be selfish, never fall down, never fail, never show fear, never get out of line. It's too hard! It's too contradictory and nobody gives you a medal or says thank you! And it turns out in fact that not only are you doing everything wrong, but also everything is your fault.

I'm just so tired of watching myself and every single other woman tie herself into knots so that people will like us. And if all of that is also true for a doll just representing women, then I don't even know."The speech is a long list of the "too contradictory" situation of women in the real world. In the film this bit of wisdom from the real world restores Barbie Land, frees Barbie from the rule of Ken. However, the film does not connect the contradictions of the real world to the contradictory unity of Barbie as a commodity, a commodity with use value, all of Barbie's various careers from doctor to president, and an exchange value, her appearance. In the film there are two worlds, Barbie Land defined by Barbie's capacities to do anything, and our world, where Barbie is defined by her appearance, but it never really reflects on the contradictory unity of those two worlds, on the fact that while Barbie dolls can do anything they still have to look like Barbie. Making a movie about Barbie is strange endeavor because the logic of Barbie is the logic of Hollywood. It is a world where women can be scientists and superheroes, at least some of the time, but in doing so they still have to look like at least one of the varieties of Barbie. Ability is subordinated to appearance, use value to exchange value.The film presents Barbie Land and the real world as two different realities, one dominated by the different abilities of Barbie and the other by the circulation of her appearance, but the reality of the commodity, of capital, is that use value and exchange value exists side by side even as they contradict each other. As Isabelle Garo puts it, "The originality of Marx's approach attaches to the dialectical nature of his analysis of contradictions, which is no mere juxtaposition of opposed tendencies: the capitalist labour process is not alienating in one respect and emancipatory in another, but it interweaves these two tendencies at the very heart of the labourer's individuality and of social relations."Or, to put it back in the terms of the film, it is not that one gets to choose between a land where Barbies are recognized for their abilities and one that they are reduced to their appearances but they are always both. This is the too contradictory situation referenced in Gloria's speech. The fact that the film does not connect these dots connects brings us back to the question the film asks but does not answer, why has a Barbie Land where dolls can be anything not transformed our world where women are all too often reduced to being dolls? That the film has no reflection on the failure of its own world of role models is its real limit. All Barbie the movie can do is diversify Barbie Land, adding a few different body types and a little more diverse product line, but it cannot address the question as to why all the positive role models in the world have not changed patriarchy. Perhaps that question is for the inevitable sequel. 

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Bachanahalli-1 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 567 ha in Gundlupet taluk of Chamarajanagar district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought prone with an average annual rainfall of 734 mm of which about 254 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 268 mm during north-east and the remaining 212 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 66 per cent is covered by soils, 31 per cent by forest and 2 per cent by others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 8 soil series and 20 soil phases (management units) and 7 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is about 150 days starting from the 3rd week of June to 3rd week of November.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing major agricultural and horticultural crops were assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  About 66 per cent area is suitable for agriculture.  About 10 per cent soils are shallow (25-50 cm), 2 per cent of soils are moderately shallow (50-75 cm), 22 per cent of the soils are moderately deep (75-100 cm) and 33 per cent soils are deep (100-150 cm) to very deep (>150 cm).  About 17 per cent of the area has clayey soils at the surface and 49 per cent area has loamy soils.  About 35 per cent of the area has non-gravelly soils and 31 per cent gravelly soils (15-35 % gravel) soils.  About 13 per cent has soils that are very low (200 mm/m) available water capacity.  About 50 per cent of the area has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands and 16 per cent is under gently sloping (3-5%) lands.  An area of about 37 per cent has soils that are slightly eroded (e1) and 29 per cent soils are moderately eroded (e2).  An area of about 35 per cent has soils that are moderately acidic (pH 5.5-6.0) to slightly acidic (pH 6.0-6.5); 22 per cent area has neutral (pH 6.5-7.3) and an area of about 9 per cent has soils that are slightly alkaline (pH 7.3 to 7.8) to moderately alkaline (pH 7.8 to 8.4).  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils are dominantly 0.75%) in organic carbon.  Entire area of the microwatershed about 66 per cent of the soils are medium (23-57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus.  About 7 per cent of the soils are medium (145-337 kg/ha) and 60 per cent are high (>337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (4.5 ppm) in entire area of about 66 per cent.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed.  Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) in about 5 per cent area.  The land suitability for 27 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable(S1) Moderately suitable(S2) Highly suitable(S1) Moderately suitable(S2) Sorghum 247 (44) 41 (7) Sapota 66 (12) 122 (22) Maize 158 (28) 10 (2) Guava 67 (12) 122 (22) Red gram 158 (28) 120 (21) Banana 66 (12) 211 (37) Horse gram 158 (28) 10 (2) Jackfruit 66 (12) 1 (<1) Field bean 66 (12) 221 (39) Jamun 186 (33) 1 (<1) Groundnut 90 (16) 77 (14) Musambi 186 (33) 1 (<1) Sunflower 36 (6) 242 (43) Lime 186 (33) 1 (<1) Cotton 155 (27) 101 (18) Cashew 66 (12) 123 (22) Onion 66 (12) 221 (30) Custard apple 187 (33) 132 (23) Potato 66 (12) 101 (18) Amla 187 (33) 132 (23) Beans 66 (12) 221 (39) Tamarind 186 (33) 1 (<1) Beetroot 66 (12) 101 (18) Marigold 158 (28) 130 (23) Turmeric 66 (12) 101 (18) Chrysanthemum 66 (12) 221 (39) Mango 66 (12) 1 (<1) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 7 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fibre and horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges.Baseline socioeconomic characterisation is prerequisite to prepare action plan for program implementation and to assess the project performance before making any changes in the watershed development program. The baseline provides appropriate policy direction for enhancing productivity and sustainability in agriculture. Methodology: Bachanahalli-1 micro-watershed (Gopalapur sub-watershed, Gundlupet taluk, Chamarajanagar district) is located in between 11044' – 11046' North latitudes and 76031' – 76034' East longitudes, covering an area of about 567 ha, bounded by Maddur, Berambadi villages and Berambadi State Forest with length of growing period (LGP) 120-150 days. We used soil resource map as basis for sampling farm households to test the hypothesis that soil quality influence crop selection, and conservation investment of farm households. The level of technology adoption and productivity gaps and livelihood patterns were analyses. The cost of soil degradation and ecosystem services were quantified. Results: The socio-economic outputs for the Bachanahalli-1 micro-watershed (Gopalapur sub-watershed, Gundlupet taluk, Chamarajanagar district) are presented here. Social Indicators;  Male and female ratio is 53.4 to 46.5 per cent to the total sample population.  Younger age 18 to 50 years group of population is 53.5 around per cent to the total population.  Literacy population is around 65.2 per cent.  Social groups belong to scheduled caste (SC) around 20 per cent.  Liquefied petroleum gas (LGP) is the source of energy for a cooking among 90.0 per cent.  About 80.0 per cent of households have a yashaswini health card.  Farm households are having MGNREGA card only 20 per cent for rural employment.  Dependence on ration cards for food grains through public distribution system among all sample households.  Swach bharath program providing closed toilet facilities around 70 per cent of sample households.  Institutional participation is only 16.2 per cent of sample households.  Rural migration to unban centre for employment is prevalent among 0.5 per cent of farm households.  Women participation in decisions making are around 33.3 per cent of households. 2 Economic Indicators;  The average land holding is 1.58 ha indicates that majority of farm households are belong to small and medium farmers. The dry land of 87.0 per cent and irrigated land 12.9 per cent of total cultivated land area among the sample farmers.  Agriculture is the main occupation among 9.3 per cent and agriculture is the main non agriculture labour is subsidiary occupation for 83.7 per cent of sample households.  The average value of domestic assets is around Rs. 12143. per household. Mobile and television are popular media mass communication.  The average value of farm assets is around Rs. 31311 per household; Among all cent of sample farmers own plough and tractor (20 %).  The average value of livestock is around Rs. 18500 per household; about 45.4 per cent of household are having livestock.  The average per capita food consumption is around 802.12 grams (2019.3 kilo calories) against national institute of nutrition (NIN) recommendation at 827 gram. Around 60 per cent of sample households are consuming less than the NIN recommendation.  The annual average income is around Rs. 50208 per household. About 70.0 per cent of farm households are below poverty line.  The per capita monthly average expenditure is around Rs.1392. Environmental Indicators-Ecosystem Services;  The value of ecosystem service helps to support investment to decision on soil and water conservation and in promoting sustainable land use.  The onsite cost of different soil nutrients lost due to soil erosion is around Rs.765 per ha/year. The total cost of annual soil nutrients is around Rs.287031 per year for the total area of 567 ha.  The average value of ecosystem service for food grain production is around Rs 38998/ ha/year. Per hectare food grain production services is maximum in turmeric (Rs.290477) followed by garlic (Rs. 95513), cotton (Rs. 26050), maize (Rs. 20493), bengal gram (Rs. 9922), onion (Rs. 7611), marigold (Rs. 3975), groundnut (Rs. 2855), sunflower (Rs. 2659) and sorghum of negative net returns.  The average value of ecosystem service for fodder production is around Rs. 1539/ ha/year. Per hectare fodder production services is maximum in groundnut (Rs. 2413) followed by ragi (Rs. 1900), sorghum (Rs. 1482), maize (Rs. 1240), horse gram (Rs. 659).  The data on water requirement for producing one quintal of grain is considered for estimating the total value of water required for crop production. The per 3 hectare value of water used and value of water was maximum in turmeric (Rs. 69577) followed by cotton (Rs. 57375), bengal gram (Rs. 50667), sorghum (Rs. 45171), maize (Rs. 36553), onion (Rs. 26874), garlic (Rs. 21822), groundnut (Rs. 19176) and ragi (Rs. 13931). Economic Land Evaluation;  The major cropping pattern is areca nut (31.1 %) followed by cotton (17.3 %), maize (15.9 %), horse gram (9.8 %), marigold (9.0 %), groundnut (5.9 %), onion (2.8 %), garlic (2.8 %), sorghum (2.8 %) and turmeric (2.8 %).  In Bachanahalli 1 micro-watershed, major soil are soil of alluvial landscape of Hundipura (HDH) series is having shallow soil depth cover around 4.78 ha (0.84 %) of area. On this soil farmers are presently growing cotton (57.4 %), maize (21.3 %), and turmeric (21.3). Annurkeri (ARK) is also having shallow soil depth cover 35.71 per cent of area, the crops are horse gram (50 %) and marigold (50 %). Honnegoudanahalli (HGH) soil series having deep soil depth cover around 30.57 % of areas, crops are Ragi. Beramabadi (BMB) soil series having shallow soil depth cover around 51.41 ha (9.08 %) of area, crops are groundnut and Gopalapura (GPR) soil series are having moderately deep soil depth cover around 122.1 ha (21.5 %) of area. The major crops grown are cotton (21.7 %), sunflower (16.2 %), bengal gram (6.1 %), garlic (6 %), onion (6.0%), marigold (6.1) and maize (3.9).  The total cost of cultivation and benefit cost ratio (BCR) in study area for coconut ranges between Rs.62778/ha in GPR soil (with BCR of 1.22) and Rs.26977/ha in HDR soil (with BCR of 2.94).  In maize the cost of cultivation range between Rs 51457/ha in HDR soil (with of 2.14) and Rs.20555/ha in GPR soil (with BCR of 1.41).  In marigold the cost of cultivation range between Rs. 65497/ha in GPR soil (with BCR of 1.04) and Rs. 35720/ha in ARK soil (with BCR of 1.18).  In turmeric the cost of cultivation is Rs.129423ha in HDR soil (with BCR of 3.24).  In bengal gram the cost of cultivation is Rs 32631/ha in GPR soil (with BCR of 1.3).  In garlic the cost cultivation is Rs. 200887/ha in GPR soil (with BCR of 1.48).  In sorghum the cost cultivation is Rs. 41512/ha in GPR soil (with BCR of 1.04).  In sunflower the cost of cultivation is Rs. 24235/ha in GPR soil (with BCR of 1.11).  In horse gram the cost cultivation is Rs. 11981/ ha ARK soil (with BCR of 1.18).  In groundnut the cost cultivation is Rs. 26785/ha in BMB soil (with BCR of 1.20) and ragi the cost cultivation is Rs. 30251/ha in HGH in soil (with BCR of 1.19). 4  The land management practices reported by the farmers are crop rotation, tillage practices, fertilizer application and use of farm yard manure (FYM). Due to higher wages farmer are following labour saving strategies is not prating soil and water conservation measures. Less ownership of livestock limiting application of FYM.  It was observed soil quality influences on the type and intensity of land use. More fertilizer applications on deeper soil to maximize returns. Suggestions;  Involving farmers is watershed planning helps in strengthing institutional participation.  The per capita food consumption and monthly income is very low. Diversifying income generation activities from crop and livestock production in order to reduce risk related to drought and market prices.  Majority of farmers reported that they are not getting timely support/extension services from the concerned development departments.  By strengthing agricultural extension for providing timely advice improved technology there is scope to increase in net income of farm households.  By adopting recommended package of practices by following the soil test fertiliser recommendation, there is scope to increase yield in coconut (9 to 21 %), maize (35 to 79 %), marigold (0 to 21.3 %), bengal gram (49.9 %), garlic ( 52.6%), groundnut (59.6 %), horse gram (32.5%), onion (59.6 %), ragi (62.6%), sorghum (47.2%) and sunflower (60.6 %). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Hongahalli-2 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 644 ha in Gundlupet taluk of Chamarajanagar district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 734 mm, of which about 254 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 268 mm during the north-east and the remaining 212 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 64 per cent is covered by soils, 25 per cent by forest and 10 per cent by others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 10 soil series and 20 soil phases (management units) and 7 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is about 150 days starting from the 3rd week of June to 3rd week of November.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 250 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing major agricultural and horticultural crops were assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  About 64 per cent area is suitable for agriculture.  About 17 per cent of soils are shallow (25-50 cm), 16 per cent are moderately shallow (50-75 cm), 12 per cent of the soils are moderately deep (75-100 cm), 9 per cent of the soils are deep (100-150 cm) and 10 per cent are very deep (>150 cm).  About 8 per cent of the area has clayey soils at the surface, 40 per cent area has loamy soil and 17 per cent area sandy soils, at the surface.  About 16 per cent of the area has non-gravelly soils and 46 per cent gravelly soils (15- 35 % gravel) and about 2% very gravelly (35-60%) soils.  About 33 per cent has soils that are very low (200 mm/m) available water capacity.  Entire area of about 53 per cent has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) and 11 per cent soils are gently sloping (3-5%) lands.  An area of about 31 per cent has soils that are slightly eroded (e1) and 33 per cent soils are moderately eroded (e2).  An area of about 16 per cent has soils that are neutral (pH 6.5-7.3), an area of about 34 per cent has soils that are slightly acid (pH 6.0 to 6.5) and 13 per cent has soils that are moderately acid (pH 5.5 to 6.0).  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils are 0.5%) and 6 per cent of the soils are medium (0.5-0.75%) in organic carbon.  About 41 per cent of the soils are medium (23-57 kg/ha) and 23 per cent are high (>57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus.  About 1 per cent of the soils are low (0.6 ppm) in 2 per cent.  The land suitability for 27 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable(S1) Moderately suitable(S2) Highly suitable(S1) Moderately suitable(S2) Sorghum 97 (15) 101 (16) Guava 36 (6) 135 (21) Maize 93 (14) 78 (12) Banana 36 (6) 84 (13) Redgram 93 (14) 162 (25) Jackfruit 36 (6) 58 (9) Horsegram 93 (14) 208 (32) Jamun 62 (10) 58 (9) Field bean 36 (6) 162 (25) Musambi 62 (10) 58 (9) Groundnut 58 (9) 192 (30) Lime 62 (10) 58 (9) Sunflower 13 (2) 107 (17) Cashew 36 (6) 135 (21) Cotton 39 (6) 136 (21) Custard apple 120 (19) 182 (28) Onion 36 (6) 162 (25) Amla 120 (19) 182 (28) Potato 36 (6) 136 (21) Tamarind 62 (10) 58 (9) French Beans 36 (6) 162 (25) Marigold 93 (14) 181 (28) Beetroot 36 (6) 136 (21) Chrysanthemum 36 (6) 162 (25) Mango 36 (6) 58 (9) Turmeric 36 (6) 136 (21) Sapota 36 (6) 135 (21) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 7 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. Baseline socioeconomic characterisation is prerequisite to prepare action plan for program implementation and to assess the project performance before making any changes in the watershed development program. The baseline provides appropriate policy direction for enhancing productivity and sustainability in agriculture. Methodology: Honagahalli-2 micro-watershed (Gopalapur sub-watershed, Gundlupet taluk, Chamarajanagar district) is located in between 11047' – 11050' North latitudes and 76032' – 76036' East longitudes, covering an area of about 644 ha, bounded by Barangi, Deshipur and Masahalli villages with a length of growing period (LGP) 120- 150 days. We used soil resource map as basis for sampling farm households to test the hypothesis that soil quality influence crop selection, and conservation investment of farm households. The level of technology adoption and productivity gaps and livelihood patterns were analyses. The cost of soil degradation and ecosystem services were quantified. Results: The socio-economic outputs for the Honagahalli 2 Microwatershed (Gopalapur sub-watershed, Gundlupet taluk, Chamarajanagar district) are presented here. Social Indicators;  Male and female ratio is 56.5 to 43.5 per cent to the total sample population.  Younger age 18 to 50 years group of population is around 45.7 per cent to the total population.  Literacy population is around 71.6 per cent.  Social groups belong to other backward caste (OBC) is around 60 per cent.  Liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is the source of energy for a cooking among 90 per cent.  About 50 per cent of households have a yashaswini health card.  Majority of farm households (40%) are having MGNREGA card for rural employment.  Dependence on ration cards for food grains through public distribution system is around 90 per cent.  Swach bharath program providing closed toilet facilities of all sample households.  Women participation in decisions making are around 30.0 per cent of sample households. 2 Economic Indicators;  The average land holding is 0.80 ha indicates that majority of farm households are belong marginal and small farmers. The total land cultivated on dry land condition of the sample households.  Agriculture is the main occupation among 31 per cent and agriculture is the main and agriculture labour is subsidiary occupation for 64 per cent of sample households.  The average value of domestic assets is around Rs. 9478 per household. Mobile and television are popular media mass communication.  The average value of farm assets is around Rs. 10727 per household, among all sample farmers are owing plough.  The average value of livestock is around Rs. 24667 per household; about 80 per cent of household are having livestock.  The average per capita food consumption is around 545.7 grams (1324.2 kilo calories) against national institute of nutrition (NIN) recommendation at 827 gram. Around 79.1 per cent of sample households are consuming less than the NIN recommendation.  The annual average income is around Rs. 56437 per household. Around 80 per cent of households were below poverty line.  The per capita average monthly expenditure is around Rs. 818. Environmental Indicators-Ecosystem Services;  The value of ecosystem service helps to support investment to decision on soil and water conservation and in promoting sustainable land use.  The onsite cost of different soil nutrients lost due to soil erosion is around Rs. 555 per ha/year. The total cost of annual soil nutrients is around Rs. 228021 per year for the total area of 644.34 ha.  The average value of ecosystem service for food grain production is around Rs. 6500/ ha/year. Per hectare food grain production services is maximum in cotton (Rs. 20828) followed by sorghum (Rs. 8848) and horse gram (Rs. 8490). The groundnut and sunflower are negative return.  The average value of ecosystem service for fodder production is around Rs. 1792/ ha/year. Per hectare fodder production services is maximum in groundnut (Rs. 3952), followed by sorghum (Rs. 1205) and horse gram (Rs. 220).  The data on water requirement for producing one quintal of grain is considered for estimating the total value of water required for crop production. The per hectare value of water used and value of water was maximum in cotton (Rs. 51423), sorghum (Rs. 42845), sunflower (Rs. 33797), horse gram (Rs. 21541) and groundnut (Rs. 20615). 3 Economic Land Evaluation;  The major cropping pattern is cotton (64 %) followed by horse gram (22 %), sorghum (5 %), sunflower (5 %) and ground nut (4 %).  In Honagahalli 2 Microwatershed, major soil is soil of Kannigala (KNG) soil series are having moderately deep soil depth covers around 11.9 % of area, the major crop grown is cotton. Berambadi (BMD) soil series are having shallow depth cover around 11.1 % of area, they major crops grown are ground nut (50 %), horse gram (50 %). Kallipura (KLP) soil series having deep soil depth cover around 8.9 % of areas, crops are cotton (50 %), and horse gram (50 %). Hullipura (HPR) soils are moderately shallow soil depth cover around 7.2 % of area crops are cotton. Hindupur soils (HDR) series is having shallow soil depth cover around 5.8 % of area. On this soil farmers are presently growing cotton (50 %), and horse gram (50 %). Devarahalli (DRH) soil of moderately shallow soil depth are having cover around 4.8 % of area, the crops are sorghum (50 %), and sunflower (50 %). Annurkeri (ARK) soils are very deep soil depth cover around 2.0 % of area, they major crops grown are cotton.  The total cost of cultivation and benefit cost ratio (BCR) in study area for horse gram ranges between Rs.16536/ha in BMD soil (with BCR of 1.41) and Rs.8788/ha in KLP soil (with BCR of 2.25).  In cotton the cost of cultivation ranges between Rs.67790/ha in ARK soil (with BCR of 1.09) and Rs.28015/ha in KLP soil (with BCR of 1.80).  In ground nut the cost of cultivation in BMD soil is Rs.33327/ha (with BCR of 1.01).  In sorghum the cost of cultivation in DRH soil is Rs.30512/ha (with BCR of 1.33) and sunflower the cost of cultivation in DRH soil is Rs.50172/ha (with BCR of 1.10).  The land management practices reported by the farmers are crop rotation, tillage practices, fertilizer application and use of farm yard manure (FYM). Due to higher wages farmer are following labour saving strategies is not prating soil and water conservation measures. Less ownership of livestock limiting application of FYM.  It was observed soil quality influences on the type and intensity of land use. More fertilizer applications on deeper soil to maximize returns. Suggestions;  Involving farmers is watershed planning helps in strengthing institutional participation.  The per capita food consumption and monthly income is very low. Diversifying income generation activities from crop and livestock production in order to reduce risk related to drought and market prices. 4  Majority of farmers reported that they are not getting timely support/extension services from the concerned development departments.  By strengthing agricultural extension for providing timely advice improved technology there is scope to increase in net income.  By adopting recommended package of practices by following the soil test fertiliser recommendation, there is scope to increase yield in cotton (42.2 to 18.2 %), groundnut (56.6 %), horse gram (49.4 to 24.1 %), sorghum (49.9%) and sunflower (38.3 %). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

В статье анализируется научная концепция «безопасность – состояние защищенности». Отмечается, что категория «безопасность» является предметом исследования различных отраслей права, а также политологии, социологии, экономической теории и других наук. Констатируется, что общепризнанное понятие этого явления в настоящее время отсутствует, что объясняется чрезвычайной сложностью и внутренними противоречиями указанного феномена. Обращается внимание на то, что попытки дать определение категории «безопасность» на общем уровне (а не в отношении конкретного предметного исследования) носят декларативный характер или представляют собой не более, чем толкование слова без раскрытия реального содержания понятия, которое этим словом обозначаются. В советский период господствующим был подход к пониманию безопасности как состояния защищенности. После распада СССР многие исследователи начали не только искать новые подходы, но и критически осмысливать господствующую ранее концепцию. На основании проведенного анализа в статье обосновывается, что ни один из приведенных в научной литературе аргументов не убеждает в том, что концепция понимания безопасности как состояния защищенности является устаревшей и несоответствующей сегодняшним реалиям. Поэтому отказываться от ее авторы статьи считают неуместным. В ст. 3 Конституции Украины провозглашено, что человек, его жизнь и здоровье, честь и достоинство, неприкосновенность и безопасность признаются в Украине наивысшей социальной ценностью. В иерархии указанных существенных благ Конституция Украины прежде всего выделяет жизнь и здоровье, которые являются неотъемлемыми свойствами любого человека. О приоритетности защиты жизни и здоровья человека можно судить по тому, что соответствующий раздел находится почти в самом начале Особенной части Уголовного кодекса Украины, сразу после «Преступлений против основ национальной безопасности Украины». Вместе с тем следует отметить, что вред жизни и здоровью человека может быть причинен не только вследствие совершения преступлений, ответственность за которые предусмотрена в разделе II Особенной части УК. Система построения последнего, прежде всего по признаку объектов уголовно-правовой охраны, позволяет выявить, что как дополнительный объект жизнь и здоровье охраняются непосредственно (вместе с основным) или опосредованно нормами почти всех разделов Особенной части. Кроме того, в отдельных случаях, которые корреспондируют соответствующим сферам, создается определенная защитная оболочка, в построении которой задействуются и нормы УК, которая призвана нивелировать (или хотя бы минимизировать, то есть свести вероятность опасности близкой к нулю) возможность причинения вреда жизни и здоровью человека. Речь, в первую очередь, идет об уголовно-правовом обеспечении с помощью уголовно-правовых норм охраны общественной (общественной) безопасности, безопасности производства и безопасности движения и эксплуатации транспорта. Кроме того, на уровне видового объекта отношения безопасности охраняются и в других главах УК. Это касается, в частности, экологической безопасности, которая охраняется нормами раздела VIII Особенной части УК. Доказывается, что функциональная несхожесть между собой уголовно-правовых норм, содержащихся в раздел VIII Особенной части УК, дает основания для выделения в нем менее двух видовых объектов: отношений по сохранности природных объектов и экологической безопасности. ; The article analyzes the scientific concept of «security – a state of safety». It is noted that the category «security» is the subject of research in various branches of law, as well as political science, sociology, economic theory and other sciences. It is stated that there is currently no universally accepted concept of this phenomenon, which is due to the extreme complexity and internal contradictions of this phenomenon. Attention is drawn to the fact that attempts to define the category «security» at the general level (and not regarding a specific case study) are declarative in nature or no more than an interpretation of the word without revealing the real content of the concept that the word denotes. In the Soviet period, the dominant approach was to understanding security as a state of safety. After the collapse of the USSR, a lot of researchers began not only to look for new approaches, but also to critically understand the previously prevailing concept. Based on the analysis, the article justifies that none of the arguments given in the scientific literature convinces that the concept of understanding safety as a state of security is outdated and inconsistent with today's realities. Therefore, the authors of the article consider it inappropriate to refuse. Art. 3 of the Constitution of Ukraine proclaims the human being, his or her life and health, honour and dignity, inviolability and security are recognised in Ukraine as the highest social value. In the hierarchy of these essential benefits, the Constitution of Ukraine first identifies life and health, which are essential properties of any person. The priority of protecting human life and health can be concluded on the basis that the corresponding chapter is located almost at the very beginning of the Special Part of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, immediately after «Crimes against the foundations of national security of Ukraine honour». However, it should be noted that harm to human life and health can be caused not only by the commission of crimes for which responsibility is provided for in chapter II of the Special Part of the Criminal Code. The system of building of this legal act, primarily on the basis of the objects of criminal legal protection, allows us to identify that life and health are directly protected as an additional object (together with the main) or indirectly protected by the norms of almost all sections of the Special Part. In addition, in certain cases that correspond to the relevant areas, a certain protective shell is created, in the construction of which the Criminal Code norms are also used, which is called up to level (or at least minimize, that is, reduce the probability of danger close to zero) the possibility of causing harm to human life and health. First of all, we are talking about criminal law provision through criminal law norms for the protection of public (common) security, occupational safety, traffic safety and safety of transport operations. In addition, at the level of a species object, security relations are protected in other chapters of the Criminal Code. This applies, in particular, to environmental safety, which is protected by the norms of section VIII of the Special Part of the Criminal Code. It is proved that the functional inconsistency of the criminal law norms contained in chapter VIII of the Special Part of the Criminal Code gives grounds for the allocation at least two species objects in it: relations on the preservation of natural objects and environmental safety. ; У статті аналізується наукова концепція «безпека – стан захищеності». Зазначається, що категорія «безпека» є предметом дослідження різних галузей права, а також політології, соціології, економічної теорії й інших наук. Констатується, що загальновизнане поняття цього явища нині відсутнє, що пояснюється надзвичайною складністю і внутрішніми суперечностями зазначеного феномену. Звертається увага на те, що спроби надати визначення категорії «безпека» на загальному рівні (а не щодо конкретного предметного дослідження) мають декларативний характер або являють собою не більше, ніж тлумачення слова без розкриття реального змісту поняття, яке цим словом позначаються. В радянський період панівним був підхід до розуміння безпеки як стану захищеності. Після розпаду СРСР багато дослідників почали не лише шукати нові підходи, а й критично осмислювати панівну раніше концепцію. На підставі проведеного аналізу в статті обґрунтовується, що жоден із наведених у науковій літературі аргументів не переконує у тому, що концепція розуміння безпеки як стану захищеності є застарілою і такою, що не відповідає реаліям сьогодення. Тому відмовлятися він неї автори статті вважають недоречним. У ст. 3 Конституції України проголошено, що людина, її життя і здоров'я, честь і гідність, недоторканність і безпека визнаються в Україні найвищою соціальною цінністю. В ієрархії зазначених найсуттєвіших благ Конституція України насамперед виділяє життя і здоров'я, які є невід'ємними властивостями будь-якої людини. Про пріоритетність захисту життя і здоров'я людини можна судити з того, що відповідний розділ знаходиться майже на самому початку Особливої частини Кримінального кодексу України, одразу після «Злочинів проти основ національної безпеки України». Водночас слід відзначити, що шкода життю і здоров'ю людини може бути спричинена не лише внаслідок учинення злочинів, відповідальність за які передбачено в розділі ІІ Особливої частини КК. Система побудови останнього, передусім за ознакою об'єктів кримінально-правової охорони, дозволяє виявити, що як додатковий об'єкт життя та здоров'я охороняються безпосередньо (разом з основним) або опосередковано нормами майже усіх розділів Особливої частини. Крім того, в окремих випадках, що кореспондують відповідним сферам, створюється певна захисна оболонка, в побудові якої задіюються й норми КК, яка покликана нівелювати (чи хоча б мінімізувати, тобто звести ймовірність небезпеки близькою до нуля) можливість спричинення шкоди життю і здоров'ю людини. Мова, у першу чергу, йде про кримінально-правове забезпечення за допомогою кримінально-правових норм охорони громадської (суспільної) безпеки, безпеки виробництва та безпеки руху та експлуатації транспорту. Крім того, на рівні видового об'єкта відносини безпеки охороняються і в інших розділах КК. Це стосується, зокрема, екологічної безпеки, що охороняється нормами розділу VIII Особливої частини КК. Доводиться, що функціональна несхожість між собою кримінально-правових норм, що містяться у розділі VIII Особливої частини КК, дає підстави для виділення в ньому принаймні двох видових об'єктів: відносин щодо збереження природних об'єктів та екологічної безпеки.

В статье анализируется научная концепция «безопасность – состояние защищенности». Отмечается, что категория «безопасность» является предметом исследования различных отраслей права, а также политологии, социологии, экономической теории и других наук. Констатируется, что общепризнанное понятие этого явления в настоящее время отсутствует, что объясняется чрезвычайной сложностью и внутренними противоречиями указанного феномена. Обращается внимание на то, что попытки дать определение категории «безопасность» на общем уровне (а не в отношении конкретного предметного исследования) носят декларативный характер или представляют собой не более, чем толкование слова без раскрытия реального содержания понятия, которое этим словом обозначаются. В советский период господствующим был подход к пониманию безопасности как состояния защищенности. После распада СССР многие исследователи начали не только искать новые подходы, но и критически осмысливать господствующую ранее концепцию. На основании проведенного анализа в статье обосновывается, что ни один из приведенных в научной литературе аргументов не убеждает в том, что концепция понимания безопасности как состояния защищенности является устаревшей и несоответствующей сегодняшним реалиям. Поэтому отказываться от ее авторы статьи считают неуместным. В ст. 3 Конституции Украины провозглашено, что человек, его жизнь и здоровье, честь и достоинство, неприкосновенность и безопасность признаются в Украине наивысшей социальной ценностью. В иерархии указанных существенных благ Конституция Украины прежде всего выделяет жизнь и здоровье, которые являются неотъемлемыми свойствами любого человека. О приоритетности защиты жизни и здоровья человека можно судить по тому, что соответствующий раздел находится почти в самом начале Особенной части Уголовного кодекса Украины, сразу после «Преступлений против основ национальной безопасности Украины». Вместе с тем следует отметить, что вред жизни и здоровью человека может быть причинен не только вследствие совершения преступлений, ответственность за которые предусмотрена в разделе II Особенной части УК. Система построения последнего, прежде всего по признаку объектов уголовно-правовой охраны, позволяет выявить, что как дополнительный объект жизнь и здоровье охраняются непосредственно (вместе с основным) или опосредованно нормами почти всех разделов Особенной части. Кроме того, в отдельных случаях, которые корреспондируют соответствующим сферам, создается определенная защитная оболочка, в построении которой задействуются и нормы УК, которая призвана нивелировать (или хотя бы минимизировать, то есть свести вероятность опасности близкой к нулю) возможность причинения вреда жизни и здоровью человека. Речь, в первую очередь, идет об уголовно-правовом обеспечении с помощью уголовно-правовых норм охраны общественной (общественной) безопасности, безопасности производства и безопасности движения и эксплуатации транспорта. Кроме того, на уровне видового объекта отношения безопасности охраняются и в других главах УК. Это касается, в частности, экологической безопасности, которая охраняется нормами раздела VIII Особенной части УК. Доказывается, что функциональная несхожесть между собой уголовно-правовых норм, содержащихся в раздел VIII Особенной части УК, дает основания для выделения в нем менее двух видовых объектов: отношений по сохранности природных объектов и экологической безопасности. ; The article analyzes the scientific concept of «security – a state of safety». It is noted that the category «security» is the subject of research in various branches of law, as well as political science, sociology, economic theory and other sciences. It is stated that there is currently no universally accepted concept of this phenomenon, which is due to the extreme complexity and internal contradictions of this phenomenon. Attention is drawn to the fact that attempts to define the category «security» at the general level (and not regarding a specific case study) are declarative in nature or no more than an interpretation of the word without revealing the real content of the concept that the word denotes. In the Soviet period, the dominant approach was to understanding security as a state of safety. After the collapse of the USSR, a lot of researchers began not only to look for new approaches, but also to critically understand the previously prevailing concept. Based on the analysis, the article justifies that none of the arguments given in the scientific literature convinces that the concept of understanding safety as a state of security is outdated and inconsistent with today's realities. Therefore, the authors of the article consider it inappropriate to refuse. Art. 3 of the Constitution of Ukraine proclaims the human being, his or her life and health, honour and dignity, inviolability and security are recognised in Ukraine as the highest social value. In the hierarchy of these essential benefits, the Constitution of Ukraine first identifies life and health, which are essential properties of any person. The priority of protecting human life and health can be concluded on the basis that the corresponding chapter is located almost at the very beginning of the Special Part of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, immediately after «Crimes against the foundations of national security of Ukraine honour». However, it should be noted that harm to human life and health can be caused not only by the commission of crimes for which responsibility is provided for in chapter II of the Special Part of the Criminal Code. The system of building of this legal act, primarily on the basis of the objects of criminal legal protection, allows us to identify that life and health are directly protected as an additional object (together with the main) or indirectly protected by the norms of almost all sections of the Special Part. In addition, in certain cases that correspond to the relevant areas, a certain protective shell is created, in the construction of which the Criminal Code norms are also used, which is called up to level (or at least minimize, that is, reduce the probability of danger close to zero) the possibility of causing harm to human life and health. First of all, we are talking about criminal law provision through criminal law norms for the protection of public (common) security, occupational safety, traffic safety and safety of transport operations. In addition, at the level of a species object, security relations are protected in other chapters of the Criminal Code. This applies, in particular, to environmental safety, which is protected by the norms of section VIII of the Special Part of the Criminal Code. It is proved that the functional inconsistency of the criminal law norms contained in chapter VIII of the Special Part of the Criminal Code gives grounds for the allocation at least two species objects in it: relations on the preservation of natural objects and environmental safety. ; У статті аналізується наукова концепція «безпека – стан захищеності». Зазначається, що категорія «безпека» є предметом дослідження різних галузей права, а також політології, соціології, економічної теорії й інших наук. Констатується, що загальновизнане поняття цього явища нині відсутнє, що пояснюється надзвичайною складністю і внутрішніми суперечностями зазначеного феномену. Звертається увага на те, що спроби надати визначення категорії «безпека» на загальному рівні (а не щодо конкретного предметного дослідження) мають декларативний характер або являють собою не більше, ніж тлумачення слова без розкриття реального змісту поняття, яке цим словом позначаються. В радянський період панівним був підхід до розуміння безпеки як стану захищеності. Після розпаду СРСР багато дослідників почали не лише шукати нові підходи, а й критично осмислювати панівну раніше концепцію. На підставі проведеного аналізу в статті обґрунтовується, що жоден із наведених у науковій літературі аргументів не переконує у тому, що концепція розуміння безпеки як стану захищеності є застарілою і такою, що не відповідає реаліям сьогодення. Тому відмовлятися він неї автори статті вважають недоречним. У ст. 3 Конституції України проголошено, що людина, її життя і здоров'я, честь і гідність, недоторканність і безпека визнаються в Україні найвищою соціальною цінністю. В ієрархії зазначених найсуттєвіших благ Конституція України насамперед виділяє життя і здоров'я, які є невід'ємними властивостями будь-якої людини. Про пріоритетність захисту життя і здоров'я людини можна судити з того, що відповідний розділ знаходиться майже на самому початку Особливої частини Кримінального кодексу України, одразу після «Злочинів проти основ національної безпеки України». Водночас слід відзначити, що шкода життю і здоров'ю людини може бути спричинена не лише внаслідок учинення злочинів, відповідальність за які передбачено в розділі ІІ Особливої частини КК. Система побудови останнього, передусім за ознакою об'єктів кримінально-правової охорони, дозволяє виявити, що як додатковий об'єкт життя та здоров'я охороняються безпосередньо (разом з основним) або опосередковано нормами майже усіх розділів Особливої частини. Крім того, в окремих випадках, що кореспондують відповідним сферам, створюється певна захисна оболонка, в побудові якої задіюються й норми КК, яка покликана нівелювати (чи хоча б мінімізувати, тобто звести ймовірність небезпеки близькою до нуля) можливість спричинення шкоди життю і здоров'ю людини. Мова, у першу чергу, йде про кримінально-правове забезпечення за допомогою кримінально-правових норм охорони громадської (суспільної) безпеки, безпеки виробництва та безпеки руху та експлуатації транспорту. Крім того, на рівні видового об'єкта відносини безпеки охороняються і в інших розділах КК. Це стосується, зокрема, екологічної безпеки, що охороняється нормами розділу VIII Особливої частини КК. Доводиться, що функціональна несхожість між собою кримінально-правових норм, що містяться у розділі VIII Особливої частини КК, дає підстави для виділення в ньому принаймні двох видових об'єктів: відносин щодо збереження природних об'єктів та екологічної безпеки.

[spa] La demencia es una enfermedad prevalente en el mundo desarrollado pero se constituye en una amenaza latente para los países en desarrollo. El caso de Ecuador es una muestra de las complicaciones que enfrenta el sistema de salud debido al crecimiento de incidencia de esta enfermedad y que para los próximos treinta años constituirá un problema severo que se sumará a las dificultades asociadas a la persistencia de enfermedades de la pobreza y subdesarrollo. Las acciones urgentes por parte del estado, asociadas al marco constitucional de protección de derechos se ven retrasadas por la condición económica de un sistema social no cohesionado. Los determinantes sociales de la salud constituyen en Ecuador problemas persistentes y de difícil solución. La salud a pesar de constituirse en derecho fundamental protegido constitucionalmente no logra establecerse con políticas inclusivas y asertivas. La demencia constituye desde el punto de vista biológico un complejo de enfermedades en la cual la más visible por predominio numérico es la Enfermedad de Alzheimer; sin embargo el impacto de la investigación neurocientífica ha permitido establecer un complejo de enfermedades demenciales que comparten factores genéticos y neurobiológicos pero que difieren por la topografía de afección cerebral. La investigación en neurociencia ha permitido avances no sospechados en el campo de la demencia pero también presenta situaciones de potencial conflicto para la Bioética que deben ser tratados en un marco de visión plural y apelando a la concepción contemporánea sin dejar de lado el principialismo. Las discusiones acerca de una corriente más reciente de reflexión sobre el impacto de la investigación del cerebro y su funcionamiento suponen el aparecimiento de una nueva rama de la Bioética denominada neuroética. Esta corriente no ha estado exenta de polémica y reticencia por los seguidores de la Bioética clásica pero presenta oportunidades trascendentales para aportar a la ciencia y a los investigadores con las reflexiones necesarias para mantener el carácter moral de la ciencia, la precaución, la solidaridad y el cuidado. Los pacientes afectados por esta enfermedad enfrentan situaciones de severa vulnerabilidad no solo por la posibilidad de estigma y discriminación asociados al diagnóstico sino por los todavía pobres avances en cuanto a la terapéutica y medidas preventivas con carácter efectivo; estas condiciones son más severas para los pacientes de países en desarrollo por la suma de condiciones de vulnerabilidad siendo tal vez la más importante la desigualdad, no es igual tener demencia en Ecuador que en Europa. La investigación sobre el avance de la terapéutica se ha visto limitada durante los últimos diez años y la mayor esperanza podría surgir de la identificación en etapas previas a la enfermedad para establecer medidas preventivas primarias, aunque también presenta el riesgo potencial de generar discriminación y estigma por el manejo inadecuado de la información. El trabajo de los médicos, sustentado en la relación médico-paciente, el profesionalismo, la transparencia y la actuación libre de conflictos de interés permitirá establecer condiciones de protección y acompañamiento necesarios para una patología que produce severa afectación al ser humano. ; [cat La demència és una malaltia prevalent al món desenvolupat però es converteix en una amenaça latent per als països en desenvolupament. El cas de l'Equador és una mostra de les complicacions que enfronta el sistema de salut a causa del creixement d'incidència d'aquesta malaltia i que per als pròxims trenta anys constituirà un problema sever que se sumarà a les dificultats associades a la persistència de malalties de la pobresa i subdesenvolupament. Les accions urgents per part de l'estat, associades al marc constitucional de protecció de drets es veuen endarrerides per la condició econòmica d'un sistema social no cohesionat. Els determinants socials de la salut constitueixen a Equador problemes persistents i de difícil solució. La salut tot i constituir-se en dret fonamental protegit constitucionalment no aconsegueix establir-se amb polítiques inclusives i assertives. La demència constitueix des del punt de vista biològic un complex de malalties en la qual la més visible per predomini numèric és la Malaltia d'Alzheimer; però l'impacte de la investigació ha permès establir un complex de malalties demencials que comparteixen factors genètics i neurobiològics però que difereixen per la topografia d'afecció cerebral. La investigació en neurociència ha permès avenços no sospitats en el camp de la demència però també presenta situacions de potencial conflicte per a la Bioètica que han de ser tractades en un marc de visió plural i apel·lant a la concepció contemporània sense deixar de banda el principialisme. Les discussions sobre un corrent més recent de reflexió sobre l'impacte de la investigació del cervell i el seu funcionament suposen una nova branca de la Bioètica anomenada neuroètica. Aquest corrent no ha estat exempta de polèmica i reticència pels seguidors de la Bioètica clàssica però presenta oportunitats transcendentals per aportar a la ciència i als investigadors amb les reflexions necessàries per mantenir el caràcter moral de la ciència, la precaució, la solidaritat i la cura . Els pacients afectats per aquesta malaltia s'enfronten situacions de severa vulnerabilitat no només per la possibilitat d'estigma i discriminació associats al diagnòstic sinó pels encara pobres avenços pel que fa a la terapèutica i mesures preventives amb caràcter efectiu; aquestes condicions són més severes per als pacients de països en desenvolupament per la suma de condicions de vulnerabilitat sent potser la més important la desigualtat, no és igual tenir demència a l'Equador que a Europa. La investigació sobre l'avanç de la terapèutica s'ha vist limitada durant els últims deu anys i la major esperança podria sorgir de la identificació en etapes prèvies a la malaltia per establir mesures preventives primàries, encara que també presenta el risc potencial de generar discriminació i estigma per el maneig inadequat de la informació. El treball dels metges, sustentat en la relació metge-pacient, el professionalisme, la transparència i l'actuació lliure de conflictes d'interès permetrà establir condicions de protecció i acompanyament necessaris per a una patologia que produeix severa afectació a l'ésser humà. ; [eng] Dementia is a prevalent disease in the developed world but constitutes a latent threat to developing countries. Ecuador`s case is a sample multiple threat for a weak health system, for the next thirty years it will constitute a severe problem added to the difficulties associated with poverty and underdevelopment associated diseases. Urgent state actions are needed, within the constitutional framework for rights protection. These actions seems delayed due to the labile economic and social condition. Social determinants of health in Ecuador are persistent problems and difficult to solve. Health, despite considered as a constitutionally protected right, fails to establish itself with inclusive and assertive policies. Dementia constitutes from the biological point of view a complex of diseases in which the most visible by numerical predominance is Alzheimer's Disease; however, the impact of neuroscientific research has allowed to establish a complex of dementing diseases that share genetic and neurobiological factors but differ by the topography of cerebral lesions. Research in neuroscience allowed unsuspected advances in the field of dementia but presents situations of potential conflict for Bioethics. Must be treated in a plural vision framework appealing to the contemporary conception without neglecting principlism. Discussions about the impact of brain research involve the new branch of Bioethics called neuroethics. This current full of controversy and reticence by classical Bioethicists supports transcendental opportunities to contribute science and researchers about special consideration to maintain the moral character of science, precaution, solidarity and care. Patients face situations of severe vulnerability related to stigma and discrimination, they also show concerns about poor progress in terms of poor effect in therapeutic and preventive measures. These conditions worse for patients in developing countries due to the sum of the called multiple layer vulnerability. Inequality could be the heaviest one, it is not the same to suffer dementia in Ecuador as in Europe. Research and progress of therapeutics has been limited during the last ten years, greatest hope arises from early detection in order to provide primary preventive measures, although it also presents potential risk about discrimination and stigma associated to inadequate information handling. The best physicians work is related to best doctor-patient relationship, professionalism, transparency and absence of conflicts of interest. These measures allow to establish conditions of real protection and necessary support for an illness who produces severe human being hurt.

The civil-art position of the Ukrainian Neoclassics in the 20-th years of the XX century between the European Eastand the West is considered at the article. On the basis of the scientific – art material of neoclassics is determined, that theposition isn't single -valued and original. The East and the West as the political categories are considered negative (becauseof their antihuman and colonial character), but in the sphere of the cultural categories – as the equal parts, based on theEuropean cultural tradition's axiology. The neoclassic demonstrated the desire to unite the European culture, divided onthe East and West, and they underlined also the positive role of the culture in the cognitive, educational, outlook, historical,ethical and political aspects. The component of the position add such priorities as rule of the variety in unity, the superiorityof the traditional, universalism, patriotism and the superiority of the esthetic – ethic criterions in the literature and artphenomena estimation. Through the prism of their position is seen the conception, in which the group of actual problemsis raisen (of the background of the creator, of the identity of the nation, of the system of values of the Ukrainian societyand the european community), and also the ideas : in details of the cultural community of the European nations, the unityof the variety, the fight for the rights of the national culture and of the creative personality on the independent development(the independent of somebodies interference and restrictions), of the equality of the international cultural links in themultinational world. References1. Dоntsov, Д. 1929. "Rosiia chy Yevropa?". Literaturno-Nаukovyi Vіstnyk, 1. Lviv.2. Drai-Khmara, M. 1969. Vybrane. Kyiv: Radianskyi Pysmennyk.3. Drai-Khmara, M. 2002. Literaturno-Naukova Spadshchyna. Kyiv: Naukova Dymka. 4. Drai-Khmara, M. 2002. "Problemy Suchasnoi Slavistyky (Z Pryvodu Statti R. Yakobsona «Űber die heutigenVorussetzungen der russischen Slavistik»)". In Literaturno-Naukova Spadshchyna, edited by M. Drai-Khmara, 298–301.Kyiv: Naukova Dymka.5. Zerov, М. 1990. Tvory v Dvokh Tomakh, 2. Kyiv: Dnipro.6. Zerov, М. 1990. "Literaturnyi Shliakh Maksyma Rylskoho". In Tvory v Dvokh Tomakh, edited by M. Zerov, 2:547–562. Kyiv: Dnipro.7. Zerov, М. 1990. "Yevropa – Prosvita – Оsvita – Lіknep". In Tvory v Dvokh Tomakh, edited by M. Zerov, 2: 573–580. Kyiv: Dnipro.8. Zerov, М. 1990. "Zmitsnena Pozytsiia". In Tvory v Dvokh Tomakh, edited by M. Zerov, 2: 581–589. Kyiv:Dnipro.9. Zerov, М. 1990. "Yevraziiskyi Renesans i Poshekhonski Sosny". In Tvory v Dvokh Tomakh, edited by M. Zerov,2: 573–580. Kyiv: Dnipro.10. Zerov, М. 1990. "Witer z Ukrainy (Tretia Knyzka Tychyny)". In Tvory v Dvokh Tomakh, edited by M. Zerov,2: 492–505. Kyiv: Dnipro.11. Zerov, М., and Sulyma, M., eds. 2003. Ukrainske Pysmenstvo. Kyiv: Osnovy.12. Zerov, М. 2003. Nashi Literaturoznavtsi i Polemisty". In Ukrainske Pysmenstvo, edited by M. Zerov, andМ. Sulyma, 521–549. Kyiv: Osnovy.13. Zerov, М. 2003. "Prymitky (do «Аntolohii Rymskoi Poezii»)". In Ukrainske Pysmenstvo, edited by М. Zerov,and М. Sulyma, 329–337. Kyiv: Osnovy.14. Zerov, М. 2003. "Dmytro Dontsov. Моdеrnе Mоskvofilstvo". In Ukrainske Pysmenstvo, edited by М. Zerov,and М. Sulyma, 147–149. Kyiv: Osnovy.15. Ivashko, V. 1990. "Mykola Zerov i Literaturna Dyskusiia (1925–1928)". Slovo і Chas 4: 18–27.16. Dоnchyk, V., ed. 1994. Istoriia Ukrainskoi Literatury XX Stolittia u 2 Knuhakh: 1910–1930-tі Roky, 1. Kyiv:Lybid.17. Lutskyi, Yu. 2000. Literaturna Polityka v Radianskii Ukraini 1917–1934. Kyiv: Helikon.18. Malaniuk, Ye. 1962; 1966. Knyha Sposterezhen. Statti pro Literaturu u Dvokh Tomakh. Toronto: HominUkrainy.19. Mirchuk, I. 1994. Іstoriia Ukrainskoi Kultury. Miunkhen – Lviv: Ukrainskyi Vilnyi Universytet.20. Naienko, M. 2008. "«Miatezhnyi Henii» Literatury i Zhertva Komunistychnoho Bozhevilla". Vitchyzna 11–12: 36–40.21. Polonska-Vasylenko, N. 2003. "Kyiv Chasiv M. Zerova i P. Fylypovycha". In Kyivski Neoklasyky, edited byV. Aheieva, 175–194. Kyiv: Fakt.22. Rylskyi, M. 1985. Zibrannia Tvoriv u Dvadtsiaty Tomakh, 12. Kyiv: Naukova Dumka.23. Rylskyi, M. 1955. Pro Poeziiu Adama Mitskevycha. Kyiv: Derzhlitvydav Ukrainy.24. Rylskyi, M. 1956. Tvory v Triokh Tomach, 3. Kyiv, 293–312.25. Siryk, L. 2013. Prahnennia Yevropy. Tvorchist Kyivskykh Neoklasykiv. Lublin: UМКS.26. Fylypovych, P. 1991. Literaturno-Krytychni Statti. Kyiv: Dnipro.27. Shchupak, S. 1933. "Neprykhovanyi Formalizm i Natsionalizm". Коmunist, 119 (9. 05.): 5.28. Lindekugel, J. 2003. Vielfalt der Dichtarten im Werk von Oswald Burghardt (Jurij Kłen). Kassel: UniversityPress. ; Розглядається мистецько-громадянська позиція українських неокласиків 20-их рр. ХХ ст. На основі науковохудожнього матеріалу виявлено, що вона неоднозначна і своєрідна. Схід і Захід як політичні категорії трактуютьсянегативно (з огляду на їх антигуманний і колонізаторський характер), натомість у ролі культурних категорій – якрівноцінні частини, базовані на аксіології європейської культурної традиції. Митці демонстрували прагненняєднати європейську культуру, розбиту на Схід і Захід. Вони наголошували на позитивній ролі культури впізнавальному, виховному, світоглядному, етичному, історичному і політичному контекстах. Серед складовихпозиції неокласиків виділяються такі пріоритети, як традиціоналізм, універсалізм, патріотизм, примат естетикоетичних критеріїв в оцінці літератури та мистецьких явищ. Робиться висновок, що через призму досліджуваноїпозиції прочитується концепція, в якій порушено актуальні й тепер проблеми (напр., етосу митця, ідентичностінароду, системи цінностей українського суспільства та європейської спільноти), ідеї, зокрема, культурноїспільноти європейських народів, єдності різноманітностей, боротьби за право національної культури і творчоїособистості на самостійний (тобто без чужих втручань і рестрикцій) розвиток, рівноправності міжкультурнихзв'язків у багатонаціональному світі. Джерела та література1.Донцов Д. Росія чи Європа? / Д. Донцов // Літературно-науковий вістник. –Львів, 1929.–No 1.2.Драй-Хмара М. Вибране / М.Драй-Хмара. –К.: Рад. письм., 1969. –302 с.3.Драй-Хмара М. Літературно-наукова спадщина / М.Драй-Хмара. –К.:Наук. думка,2002.4.Драй-Хмара М. Проблеми сучасної славістики (з приводу статті Р.Якобсона "Űber die heutigen Vorussetzungen der russischen Slavistik") / М.Драй-Хмара //М. Драй-Хмара. Літературно-наукова спадщина. –К. : Наук. думка, 2002. –C. 298–301.5.Зеров М.Твори : в 2 т. / М. Зеров.–К.: Дніпро, 1990. –Т. 2.–614 с. 6.Зеров М. Літературний шлях Максима Рильського / М.Зеров // Зеров М. Твори : в 2 т. –К.: Дніпро, 1990. –Т. 2.–C. 547–562. 7.Зеров М. Європа –Просвіта–Освіта –Лікнеп / М.Зеров// Зеров М.Твори : в 2 т. –К.: Дніпро, 1990. –Т. 2.–C. 573–580.8.Зеров М. «Зміцнена позиція» / М.Зеров// М. Зеров. Твори : в 2 т. –К.: Дніпро, 1990. –Т. 2.–C. 581–589. 9.Зеров М.Євразійський ренесансі пошехонські сосни / М.Зеров// Зеров М.Твори : в 2 т. –К.: Дніпро, 1990. –Т. 2.–C.581–588.10.Зеров М. Вітер з України (Третя книжка Тичини) / М.Зеров// Зеров М.Твори : в 2 т. –К.: Дніпро, 1990. –Т. 2.–C.492–505. 11.Зеров М. Українське письменство : [зб. пр. з літературознавства та історії письменства]/ М.Зеров; упоряд. М.Сулима ; післямова М. Москаленка. –К.: Вид-во С. Павличко «Основи», 2003. –1301 с. 12.Зеров М.Наші літературознавці і полемісти / М.Зеров// Зеров М. Українське письменство. –К. : Вид-во С. Павличко «Основи», 2003. –C. 521–549.13.Зеров М.Примітки(до «Антології римської поезії») / М.Зеров // Зеров М.Українське письменство. –К. : Вид-во С. Павличко «Основи», 2003. –C. 329–337. 14.Зеров М., Дмитро Донцов. Модерне москвофільство / М.Зеров// Зеров М.Українське письменство. –К.: Вид-во С. Павличко «Основи», 2003. –C. 147–149.15.Івашко В. Микола Зеров і літературна дискусія (1925–1928) / В.Івашко // «Слово і час». –1990. –No 4. –C. 18–27. 16.Історія української літератури XX століття : у 2 кн. : 1910–1930-ті роки : навч. посіб. / за ред. В.Г.Дончика. –К. : Либідь, 1994. –Кн. 1. –784 с. 17.Луцький Ю. Літературна політика в Радянській Україні 1917–1934 / Юрій Луцький. –К.: Гелікон, 2000. –242 с. –(Укр. модерна л-ра). 18.Маланюк Є. Книга спостережень : статті про літературу : у 2 т. / Є. Маланюк. –Торонто : Гомін України. –Т. І. –1962 ; Т. ІІ. –1966. 19.Мірчук І. Історія української культури / І.Мірчук. –Мюнхен –Львів: Укр. вільний ун-т, 1994. –384 с.20.Наєнко М. «М'ятежний геній» літератури і жертва комуністичного божевілля / М.Наєнко // Вітчизна. –2008. –No 11–12. 21.Полонська-Василенко Н.Київ часів М. Зерова і П. Филиповича / Н.Полонська-Василенко //Київські неокласики / упор. В. Агеєва. –К.: Факт, 2003. –C. 175–194. 22.Рильський М. Зібрання творів : у 12 т. / М. Рильський. –К.: Наук. думка, 1985. –Т. 12. 23.Рильський М. Про поезію Адама Міцкевича / М. Рильський.–К.: Держлітвидав України, 1955. –116с.24.Рильський М.Адам Міцкевич / М. Рильський // Рильський М. Твори : в 3 т. –К. : Держ. вид-во худ. л-ри, 1956. –Т. 3.–C. 293–312. 25.Сірик Л. Прагнення Європи. Творчість київських неокласиків / Л.Сірик. –Люблін : УМКС, 2013. –380 c.26.Филипович П. Літературно-критичні статті / П.Филипович. –К.:Дніпро,1991. –270 с. 27.Щупак С. Неприхований формалізм і націоналізм / С.Щупак//Комуніст. –1933. –9 трав. –No 119. –C. 5. 28.Lindekugel J. 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La presente tesis estudia las estrategias que utilizan los arquitectos para conseguir encargos, para vender proyectos, para construir obras. Aunque sus modus operandi pueden parecer meras técnicas de marketing no se puede obviar que las relaciones económicas condicionan cada fase de un proyecto, incluso la previa a sus primeros esbozos, y determinan en mayor o menor medida el resultado final. La metodología de trabajo parte de la base del estudio de las noticias sobre arquitectura publicadas en cabeceras internacionales, para analizar y clasificar sus contenidos. Advierto que las informaciones reinciden en determinados temas: el proyecto espectacular –el icono–; el beneficio económico de una promoción –marketing–; la manera de alcanzar el éxito de público –la masa– y el estrella del momento –el número uno–. Y todo ello, de la mano de un político a quien se achaca el éxito o el fracaso del proyecto. Una vez acotadas las constantes, procedía acotar el periodo histórico de la tesis, que establezco desde mediados del siglo pasado hasta nuestros días. La tesis comienza con los inicios del marketing. Hasta la segunda Guerra Mundial, las empresas fabricaban en respuesta a sus pedidos. Los 'stocks' de producción eran casi inexistentes. Pero al estallar la guerra se vieron forzadas a aumentar la producción hasta cotas inimaginables. El Estado lo compraba todo para abastecer a sus soldados. El problema llegó al acabar la contienda. El sistema se había optimizado para fabricar excedentes de producción y había que dar salida a esos productos que no tenían comprador. La posguerra americana marca el inicio del marketing. Las empresas se vieron en la necesidad de idear fórmulas que atrajeran a los consumidores hacia sus productos. En este contexto, profesionales como Charles Luckman trasladan el conocimiento comercial de la empresa a la arquitectura. Se empezaron a promover edificios cuyo beneficio no se basaba en la amortización de bienes para su explotación –ya fuese en régimen de alquiler o venta–, sino en el impacto que produciría en el consumidor de una determinada marca. El desarrollo de un edificio empezó a ser considerado una inversión publicitaria más. Nacía una forma de vincular la arquitectura con bienes intangibles, como la imagen, la marca, el poder o la experiencia del usuario. La tesis tiene la voluntad de ser práctica. Busca ejemplos extrapolables, justificaciones basadas en éxitos económicos y políticos, evitando en lo posible juzgar los proyectos. Cada capítulo expone casos reales para establecer un paralelismo entre la trayectoria de un determinado arquitecto del siglo XX y la de un profesional de nuestro tiempo. De los análisis se desprende que las estrategias de venta no son un fenómeno nuevo y que, adaptadas, siguen un patrón de uso. La tesis se apoya en datos biográficos de los arquitectos objeto de estudio para explicar las circunstancias de las que partieron y cómo alcanzaron el éxito o, por el contrario, qué les condenó al fracaso. Me interesa el momento en que, poniendo en riesgo su vida profesional, apuestan por una estrategia que el mercado decide si es correcta o no. Curiosamente, las investigaciones me han llevado a definir tres características comunes a todos los arquitectos que utilizan la estrategia: Les gusta más construir que proyectar; son hábiles oradores y tienen relación con la Costa Oeste de los Estados Unidos. California es un lugar de oportunidades donde el resultado importa más que la teoría. Todos trabajan allí con estrategias para lograr beneficios. En la zona han nacido o desarrollado su labor profesional Gehry, Gensler, Luckman, Pereira, Ma, Jerde, Koolhaas, Jobs o Page y Brin. Sorprenderá mi inclusión de arquitectos de software en la lista de arquitectos de edificios. El cambio que ha vivido la arquitectura lo justifica. En la actualidad, las empresas ya no encargan edificios que las representen, sino estrategias que mejoren su marca, su eficiencia y sus ventas. Ofrecerlas es hoy también trabajo de un arquitecto. Si entendemos el funcionamiento del mercado, quizás podamos "mantenernos sobre la ola y surfearla", como dice Koolhaas. El desafío es grande y más aún en el contexto actual. La crisis está provocando cambios en el perfil del arquitecto. Pasamos de hablar un lenguaje que sólo entendemos nosotros –el discurso arquitectónico–, a un lenguaje que entienden todos, menos nosotros: el discurso estratégico. A día de hoy, los arquitectos proyectaremos menos edificios, para centrarnos en proyectar estrategias. Empecemos pues a estudiarlas. Descubriremos cómo funcionan y hasta dónde nos pueden llevar. De buen seguro las vamos a necesitar para convencer a la sociedad de que todavía podemos serle útil. Lloc ; This thesis studies the strategies architects use to get commissions, sell projects and build structures. Although their modus operandi may appear to be just marketing techniques, it is undeniable that economic factors govern each stage in a project, even before the initial rough drafts, and determine to a greater or lesser extent the final result. The basis of the methodology involved is the analysis of the international press. Certain recurring themes seem to appear: the eye-catching project – the icon; the financial profit of a development – marketing; the way to win public success – mass; and the current star – the number one. All this under the aegis of a politician who is attributed the success or failure of the project. The timescale covered the period from the mid-1900's onwards. The thesis begins with the beginnings of marketing. Up to the second World War, companies manufactured to order. But the outbreak of war forced production to unimaginable heights. The State bought everything to supply its soldiers. However, the problem arose at the end of hostilities; the system had been optimised to manufacture an excess of production, and an outlet had to be found for all these products without a buyer. The American post-war saw the beginning of marketing. Companies found they had to think up formulas to attract public attention to their products. In this context, professionals such as Charles Luckman applied commercial knowledge to architecture. Buildings started to be put up, not so much for the profits to be earned from the renting or selling the property, as for the impact it would have on the consumer of a particular brand. The development of a building began to be seen more as an investment in publicity. It was a way of linking architecture with intangible assets such as image, brand name, power or user-experience. The thesis is basically practical, presenting comparable examples, justifications based on economic and political successes, while avoiding judgements. Each chapter presents real cases to establish a parallelism between the development of a certain twentieth-century architect and that of a present-day professional. The analyses show sales strategies are not something new and that, duly adapted, they follow a pattern. The thesis uses biographical data of the architects studied to explain the initial circumstances of each, and how they achieved success or what condemned them to failure. Most interesting is the moment when they stake their professional career on a strategy that only the market will decide whether it was right. Curiously, research seems to suggest there are three characteristics common to all architects who use strategy: they prefer building to planning, they are very good speakers, and they are all connected in some way to the U.S. West Coast. California is a place of opportunities where results are more important than theory. Strategies are used to achieve profits. It is where many well-known architects were born or worked, including Gehry, Gensler, Luckman, Pereira, Ma, Jerde, Koolhaas, Jobs and Page and Brin. It may seem surprising to see architects of software amongst the architects of buildings. This is due to the way architecture has changed. Nowadays, companies do not commission buildings to represent them, but strategies to improve their brand, efficiency and sales. This is also an architect's job. We must understand how the market works,. The challenge is enormous, even more so in today's world. The crisis is changing the architect's profile. It is no longer a question of using a language that only we understand – architectural discourse – it is a matter of speaking a language everybody understands, except us – strategical discourse. Nowadays, architects plan fewer buildings, and spend more time planning strategies. So let's start to study them. We will discover how they work and where they will lead us. For we are certainly going to have to convince society we still have our uses. Lloc i ; Postprint (published version)

La presente tesis estudia las estrategias que utilizan los arquitectos para conseguir encargos, para vender proyectos, para construir obras. Aunque sus modus operandi pueden parecer meras técnicas de marketing no se puede obviar que las relaciones económicas condicionan cada fase de un proyecto, incluso la previa a sus primeros esbozos, y determinan en mayor o menor medida el resultado final. La metodología de trabajo parte de la base del estudio de las noticias sobre arquitectura publicadas en cabeceras internacionales, para analizar y clasificar sus contenidos. Advierto que las informaciones reinciden en determinados temas: el proyecto espectacular –el icono–; el beneficio económico de una promoción –marketing–; la manera de alcanzar el éxito de público –la masa– y el estrella del momento –el número uno–. Y todo ello, de la mano de un político a quien se achaca el éxito o el fracaso del proyecto. Una vez acotadas las constantes, procedía acotar el periodo histórico de la tesis, que establezco desde mediados del siglo pasado hasta nuestros días. La tesis comienza con los inicios del marketing. Hasta la segunda Guerra Mundial, las empresas fabricaban en respuesta a sus pedidos. Los 'stocks' de producción eran casi inexistentes. Pero al estallar la guerra se vieron forzadas a aumentar la producción hasta cotas inimaginables. El Estado lo compraba todo para abastecer a sus soldados. El problema llegó al acabar la contienda. El sistema se había optimizado para fabricar excedentes de producción y había que dar salida a esos productos que no tenían comprador. La posguerra americana marca el inicio del marketing. Las empresas se vieron en la necesidad de idear fórmulas que atrajeran a los consumidores hacia sus productos. En este contexto, profesionales como Charles Luckman trasladan el conocimiento comercial de la empresa a la arquitectura. Se empezaron a promover edificios cuyo beneficio no se basaba en la amortización de bienes para su explotación –ya fuese en régimen de alquiler o venta–, sino en el impacto que produciría en el consumidor de una determinada marca. El desarrollo de un edificio empezó a ser considerado una inversión publicitaria más. Nacía una forma de vincular la arquitectura con bienes intangibles, como la imagen, la marca, el poder o la experiencia del usuario. La tesis tiene la voluntad de ser práctica. Busca ejemplos extrapolables, justificaciones basadas en éxitos económicos y políticos, evitando en lo posible juzgar los proyectos. Cada capítulo expone casos reales para establecer un paralelismo entre la trayectoria de un determinado arquitecto del siglo XX y la de un profesional de nuestro tiempo. De los análisis se desprende que las estrategias de venta no son un fenómeno nuevo y que, adaptadas, siguen un patrón de uso. La tesis se apoya en datos biográficos de los arquitectos objeto de estudio para explicar las circunstancias de las que partieron y cómo alcanzaron el éxito o, por el contrario, qué les condenó al fracaso. Me interesa el momento en que, poniendo en riesgo su vida profesional, apuestan por una estrategia que el mercado decide si es correcta o no. Curiosamente, las investigaciones me han llevado a definir tres características comunes a todos los arquitectos que utilizan la estrategia: Les gusta más construir que proyectar; son hábiles oradores y tienen relación con la Costa Oeste de los Estados Unidos. California es un lugar de oportunidades donde el resultado importa más que la teoría. Todos trabajan allí con estrategias para lograr beneficios. En la zona han nacido o desarrollado su labor profesional Gehry, Gensler, Luckman, Pereira, Ma, Jerde, Koolhaas, Jobs o Page y Brin. Sorprenderá mi inclusión de arquitectos de software en la lista de arquitectos de edificios. El cambio que ha vivido la arquitectura lo justifica. En la actualidad, las empresas ya no encargan edificios que las representen, sino estrategias que mejoren su marca, su eficiencia y sus ventas. Ofrecerlas es hoy también trabajo de un arquitecto. Si entendemos el funcionamiento del mercado, quizás podamos "mantenernos sobre la ola y surfearla", como dice Koolhaas. El desafío es grande y más aún en el contexto actual. La crisis está provocando cambios en el perfil del arquitecto. Pasamos de hablar un lenguaje que sólo entendemos nosotros –el discurso arquitectónico–, a un lenguaje que entienden todos, menos nosotros: el discurso estratégico. A día de hoy, los arquitectos proyectaremos menos edificios, para centrarnos en proyectar estrategias. Empecemos pues a estudiarlas. Descubriremos cómo funcionan y hasta dónde nos pueden llevar. De buen seguro las vamos a necesitar para convencer a la sociedad de que todavía podemos serle útil. Lloc ; This thesis studies the strategies architects use to get commissions, sell projects and build structures. Although their modus operandi may appear to be just marketing techniques, it is undeniable that economic factors govern each stage in a project, even before the initial rough drafts, and determine to a greater or lesser extent the final result. The basis of the methodology involved is the analysis of the international press. Certain recurring themes seem to appear: the eye-catching project – the icon; the financial profit of a development – marketing; the way to win public success – mass; and the current star – the number one. All this under the aegis of a politician who is attributed the success or failure of the project. The timescale covered the period from the mid-1900's onwards. The thesis begins with the beginnings of marketing. Up to the second World War, companies manufactured to order. But the outbreak of war forced production to unimaginable heights. The State bought everything to supply its soldiers. However, the problem arose at the end of hostilities; the system had been optimised to manufacture an excess of production, and an outlet had to be found for all these products without a buyer. The American post-war saw the beginning of marketing. Companies found they had to think up formulas to attract public attention to their products. In this context, professionals such as Charles Luckman applied commercial knowledge to architecture. Buildings started to be put up, not so much for the profits to be earned from the renting or selling the property, as for the impact it would have on the consumer of a particular brand. The development of a building began to be seen more as an investment in publicity. It was a way of linking architecture with intangible assets such as image, brand name, power or user-experience. The thesis is basically practical, presenting comparable examples, justifications based on economic and political successes, while avoiding judgements. Each chapter presents real cases to establish a parallelism between the development of a certain twentieth-century architect and that of a present-day professional. The analyses show sales strategies are not something new and that, duly adapted, they follow a pattern. The thesis uses biographical data of the architects studied to explain the initial circumstances of each, and how they achieved success or what condemned them to failure. Most interesting is the moment when they stake their professional career on a strategy that only the market will decide whether it was right. Curiously, research seems to suggest there are three characteristics common to all architects who use strategy: they prefer building to planning, they are very good speakers, and they are all connected in some way to the U.S. West Coast. California is a place of opportunities where results are more important than theory. Strategies are used to achieve profits. It is where many well-known architects were born or worked, including Gehry, Gensler, Luckman, Pereira, Ma, Jerde, Koolhaas, Jobs and Page and Brin. It may seem surprising to see architects of software amongst the architects of buildings. This is due to the way architecture has changed. Nowadays, companies do not commission buildings to represent them, but strategies to improve their brand, efficiency and sales. This is also an architect's job. We must understand how the market works,. The challenge is enormous, even more so in today's world. The crisis is changing the architect's profile. It is no longer a question of using a language that only we understand – architectural discourse – it is a matter of speaking a language everybody understands, except us – strategical discourse. Nowadays, architects plan fewer buildings, and spend more time planning strategies. So let's start to study them. We will discover how they work and where they will lead us. For we are certainly going to have to convince society we still have our uses. Lloc i ; Postprint (published version)

У статті продовжено роботу з аналізу основних етапів розвитку БДМУ з 1974 р. до нинішнього часу. Метою даної статті є виділення найбільш значущих подій в історії БДМУ в період між тисяча дев'ятсот сімдесят четвертим роком, на якому зупинилося попереднє дослідження, і сьогоднішнім днем. Актуальність дослідження диктується необхідністю створення позитивного історичного стереотипу про БДМУ. Методика роботи грунтується на аналізі історіографічних видань і архівних матеріалів. Висновки. У тимчасовому проміжку 1974 -2020 гг. основні етапи розвитку Буковинського державного медичного університету були обумовлені історичними реаліями. З 1974 р до середини 1980-х років система освіти була вмонтована в радянську парадигму світосприйняття. Однак в професійному плані колектив навчального закладу чітко дотримувався наукового підходу до викладання спеціальних дисциплін, висуваючи на перший план практичну підготовку молодого лікаря. З початком «перебудови» в СРСР (друга половина 1980-х років) посилився період лібералізації політичного життя, що, безумовно, позначився на навчальному процесі, особливо в гуманітарному циклі предметів. З отриманням Україною державної незалежності відбулися основні організаційні зміни: в 1997 р заклад став академією, а з 2005 р - університетом. Це позначилося на змісті освіти. Університет приєднався доБолонського процесу. Стабільно велика кількість іноземних студентів - показник цих змін. зникли дисципліни марксистсько-ленінського циклу. Заклад сміливо вступив в епоху електронних технологій, маючи солідну матеріально-технічну базу для цього ; В статье продолжена работа по анализу основных этапов развития БГМУ с 1974 г. до нынешнего времени. Целью данной статьи является выделение наиболее значимых событий в истории БГМУ в период между 1974 годом, на котором остановилось предыдущее исследование, и сегодняшним днем. Актуальность исследования диктуется необходимостью создания позитивного исторического стереотипа про БГМУ. Методика работы основывается на анализе историографических изданий и архивных материалов. Выводы. Во временном промежутке 1974 -2020 гг.основные этапы развития Буковинского государственного медицинского университета были обусловлены историческими реалиями. С 1974 г. до середины 1980-х годов система образования была вмонтирована в советскую парадигму мировосприятия. Однако в профессиональном плане коллектив учебного заведения четко следовал научному подходу к преподаванию специальных дисциплин, выдвигая на первый план практическую подготовку молодого врача. С началом «перестройки» в СССР (вторая половина 1980-х годов) усилился период либерализации политической жизни, что, безусловно, сказался на учебный процесс, особенно в гуманитарном цикле предметов. С получением Украиной государственной независимости произошли основные организационные перемены: в 1997 г. заведение стало академией, а с 2005 г. – университетом. Это сказалось на содержание образования. Университет присоединился к Болонскому процессу. Стабильное большое количество иностранных студентов – показатель этих перемен. Исчезли дисциплины марксистко-ленинского цикла. Заведение смело вступило в эпоху электронных технологий, имея солидную материально-техническую базу для этого ; The article presents next part of article's series about the main stages of development of BSMU from 1974 to the modern times. The purpose of this article is to represent and analyse the most significant events in the history of BSMU in the period 1974– 2020, what focused on the previous study. The relevance of the study means the need to create a positive historical stereotype about BSMU. The method of work is based on the analysis of historiographical publications and archival materials. Conclusions. In the period 1974–2020 the main stages of development of Bukovinian State Medical University were due to historical realities. From 1974 to the mid-1980s, the education system was embedded in the Soviet paradigm of worldview. However the staff of the school clearly adhered to the scientific approach to teaching special subjects, placing very high practical training of young doctors. With the beginning of "perestroika" period of Soviet history in the USSR (second half of the 1980s) it has been started liberalization of political life (intensified the socoal life), what affected the educational process, especially in the humanitarian sciences. Ukraine's independence inspired the major organizational changes in here: in 1997, the institution became an academy, in 2005 – a university. This affected the global change of the educational content. This year BSMU joined the Bologna Process. A stable large number of foreign students is an indicator of these positive changes. The institution use to try the era of electronic technology now, having a good material and technical base for this ; L'article poursuit le travail d'analyse des principales étapes du développement de BSMU depuis 1974. jusqu'à maintenant. Le but de cet article est de mettre en évidence les événements les plus significatifs de l'histoire de BSMU en la période entre 1974, où l'étude précédente s'est arrêtée, et aujourd'hui. Pertinencela recherche est dictée par la nécessité de créer un stéréotype historique positif sur BSMU. La méthodologie du travail est basée sur l'analyse de publications historiographiques et de documents d'archives. Conclusions. Dans l'intervalle de temps 1974-2020, les principales étapes du développement de l'Université médicale d'État de Bucovine ont été déterminées par les réalités historiques. De 1974 au milieu des années 80, le système éducatif était ancré dans le paradigme soviétique de la vision du monde. Cependant, professionnellement, le personnel de l'établissement d'enseignement a clairement suivi approche scientifique de l'enseignement de disciplines particulières, mettant en évidence la formation pratique d'un jeune médecin. Avec le début de la «perestroïka» en URSS (la seconde moitié des années 80), la période de libéralisation de la vie politique s'est intensifiée, ce qui a sans aucun doute affecté le processus éducatif, en particulier dans le cycle humanitaire des matières. Avec l'obtention de l'indépendance de l'État par l'Ukraine, d'importants changements organisationnels ont eu lieu: en 1997, l'institution est devenu une académie, et depuis 2005 - une université. Cela a affecté le contenu de l'éducation. Université rejoint. Le processus de Bologne. Un nombre élevé et stable d'étudiants internationaux est un indicateur de ces changements. Disparu disciplines du cycle marxiste-léniniste. L'institution est entrée hardiment dans l'ère des technologies électroniques, disposant d'une solide base matérielle et technique pour cela

The article presents next part of article's series about the main stages of development of BSMU from 1974 to the modern times. The purpose of this article is to represent and analyse the most significant events in the history of BSMU in the period 1974– 2020, what focused on the previous study. The relevance of the study means the need to create a positive historical stereotype about BSMU. The method of work is based on the analysis of historiographical publications and archival materials. Conclusions. In the period 1974–2020 the main stages of development of Bukovinian State Medical University were due to historical realities. From 1974 to the mid-1980s, the education system was embedded in the Soviet paradigm of worldview. However the staff of the school clearly adhered to the scientific approach to teaching special subjects, placing very high practical training of young doctors. With the beginning of "perestroika" period of Soviet history in the USSR (second half of the 1980s) it has been started liberalization of political life (intensified the socoal life), what affected the educational process, especially in the humanitarian sciences. Ukraine's independence inspired the major organizational changes in here: in 1997, the institution became an academy, in 2005 – a university. This affected the global change of the educational content. This year BSMU joined the Bologna Process. A stable large number of foreign students is an indicator of these positive changes. The institution use to try the era of electronic technology now, having a good material and technical base for this ; L'article poursuit le travail d'analyse des principales étapes du développement de BSMU depuis 1974. jusqu'à maintenant. Le but de cet article est de mettre en évidence les événements les plus significatifs de l'histoire de BSMU en la période entre 1974, où l'étude précédente s'est arrêtée, et aujourd'hui. Pertinencela recherche est dictée par la nécessité de créer un stéréotype historique positif sur BSMU. La méthodologie du travail est basée sur l'analyse de publications historiographiques et de documents d'archives. Conclusions. Dans l'intervalle de temps 1974-2020, les principales étapes du développement de l'Université médicale d'État de Bucovine ont été déterminées par les réalités historiques. De 1974 au milieu des années 80, le système éducatif était ancré dans le paradigme soviétique de la vision du monde. Cependant, professionnellement, le personnel de l'établissement d'enseignement a clairement suivi approche scientifique de l'enseignement de disciplines particulières, mettant en évidence la formation pratique d'un jeune médecin. Avec le début de la «perestroïka» en URSS (la seconde moitié des années 80), la période de libéralisation de la vie politique s'est intensifiée, ce qui a sans aucun doute affecté le processus éducatif, en particulier dans le cycle humanitaire des matières. Avec l'obtention de l'indépendance de l'État par l'Ukraine, d'importants changements organisationnels ont eu lieu: en 1997, l'institution est devenu une académie, et depuis 2005 - une université. Cela a affecté le contenu de l'éducation. Université rejoint. Le processus de Bologne. Un nombre élevé et stable d'étudiants internationaux est un indicateur de ces changements. Disparu disciplines du cycle marxiste-léniniste. L'institution est entrée hardiment dans l'ère des technologies électroniques, disposant d'une solide base matérielle et technique pour cela ; В статье продолжена работа по анализу основных этапов развития БГМУ с 1974 г. до нынешнего времени. Целью данной статьи является выделение наиболее значимых событий в истории БГМУ в период между 1974 годом, на котором остановилось предыдущее исследование, и сегодняшним днем. Актуальность исследования диктуется необходимостью создания позитивного исторического стереотипа про БГМУ. Методика работы основывается на анализе историографических изданий и архивных материалов. Выводы. Во временном промежутке 1974 -2020 гг.основные этапы развития Буковинского государственного медицинского университета были обусловлены историческими реалиями. С 1974 г. до середины 1980-х годов система образования была вмонтирована в советскую парадигму мировосприятия. Однако в профессиональном плане коллектив учебного заведения четко следовал научному подходу к преподаванию специальных дисциплин, выдвигая на первый план практическую подготовку молодого врача. С началом «перестройки» в СССР (вторая половина 1980-х годов) усилился период либерализации политической жизни, что, безусловно, сказался на учебный процесс, особенно в гуманитарном цикле предметов. С получением Украиной государственной независимости произошли основные организационные перемены: в 1997 г. заведение стало академией, а с 2005 г. – университетом. Это сказалось на содержание образования. Университет присоединился к Болонскому процессу. Стабильное большое количество иностранных студентов – показатель этих перемен. Исчезли дисциплины марксистко-ленинского цикла. Заведение смело вступило в эпоху электронных технологий, имея солидную материально-техническую базу для этого ; У статті продовжено роботу з аналізу основних етапів розвитку БДМУ з 1974 р. до нинішнього часу. Метою даної статті є виділення найбільш значущих подій в історії БДМУ в період між тисяча дев'ятсот сімдесят четвертим роком, на якому зупинилося попереднє дослідження, і сьогоднішнім днем. Актуальність дослідження диктується необхідністю створення позитивного історичного стереотипу про БДМУ. Методика роботи грунтується на аналізі історіографічних видань і архівних матеріалів. Висновки. У тимчасовому проміжку 1974 -2020 гг. основні етапи розвитку Буковинського державного медичного університету були обумовлені історичними реаліями. З 1974 р до середини 1980-х років система освіти була вмонтована в радянську парадигму світосприйняття. Однак в професійному плані колектив навчального закладу чітко дотримувався наукового підходу до викладання спеціальних дисциплін, висуваючи на перший план практичну підготовку молодого лікаря. З початком «перебудови» в СРСР (друга половина 1980-х років) посилився період лібералізації політичного життя, що, безумовно, позначився на навчальному процесі, особливо в гуманітарному циклі предметів. З отриманням Україною державної незалежності відбулися основні організаційні зміни: в 1997 р заклад став академією, а з 2005 р - університетом. Це позначилося на змісті освіти. Університет приєднався доБолонського процесу. Стабільно велика кількість іноземних студентів - показник цих змін. зникли дисципліни марксистсько-ленінського циклу. Заклад сміливо вступив в епоху електронних технологій, маючи солідну матеріально-технічну базу для цього

У статті продовжено роботу з аналізу основних етапів розвитку БДМУ з 1974 р. до нинішнього часу. Метою даної статті є виділення найбільш значущих подій в історії БДМУ в період між тисяча дев'ятсот сімдесят четвертим роком, на якому зупинилося попереднє дослідження, і сьогоднішнім днем. Актуальність дослідження диктується необхідністю створення позитивного історичного стереотипу про БДМУ. Методика роботи грунтується на аналізі історіографічних видань і архівних матеріалів. Висновки. У тимчасовому проміжку 1974 -2020 гг. основні етапи розвитку Буковинського державного медичного університету були обумовлені історичними реаліями. З 1974 р до середини 1980-х років система освіти була вмонтована в радянську парадигму світосприйняття. Однак в професійному плані колектив навчального закладу чітко дотримувався наукового підходу до викладання спеціальних дисциплін, висуваючи на перший план практичну підготовку молодого лікаря. З початком «перебудови» в СРСР (друга половина 1980-х років) посилився період лібералізації політичного життя, що, безумовно, позначився на навчальному процесі, особливо в гуманітарному циклі предметів. З отриманням Україною державної незалежності відбулися основні організаційні зміни: в 1997 р заклад став академією, а з 2005 р - університетом. Це позначилося на змісті освіти. Університет приєднався доБолонського процесу. Стабільно велика кількість іноземних студентів - показник цих змін. зникли дисципліни марксистсько-ленінського циклу. Заклад сміливо вступив в епоху електронних технологій, маючи солідну матеріально-технічну базу для цього ; В статье продолжена работа по анализу основных этапов развития БГМУ с 1974 г. до нынешнего времени. Целью данной статьи является выделение наиболее значимых событий в истории БГМУ в период между 1974 годом, на котором остановилось предыдущее исследование, и сегодняшним днем. Актуальность исследования диктуется необходимостью создания позитивного исторического стереотипа про БГМУ. Методика работы основывается на анализе историографических изданий и архивных материалов. Выводы. Во временном промежутке 1974 -2020 гг.основные этапы развития Буковинского государственного медицинского университета были обусловлены историческими реалиями. С 1974 г. до середины 1980-х годов система образования была вмонтирована в советскую парадигму мировосприятия. Однако в профессиональном плане коллектив учебного заведения четко следовал научному подходу к преподаванию специальных дисциплин, выдвигая на первый план практическую подготовку молодого врача. С началом «перестройки» в СССР (вторая половина 1980-х годов) усилился период либерализации политической жизни, что, безусловно, сказался на учебный процесс, особенно в гуманитарном цикле предметов. С получением Украиной государственной независимости произошли основные организационные перемены: в 1997 г. заведение стало академией, а с 2005 г. – университетом. Это сказалось на содержание образования. Университет присоединился к Болонскому процессу. Стабильное большое количество иностранных студентов – показатель этих перемен. Исчезли дисциплины марксистко-ленинского цикла. Заведение смело вступило в эпоху электронных технологий, имея солидную материально-техническую базу для этого ; The article presents next part of article's series about the main stages of development of BSMU from 1974 to the modern times. The purpose of this article is to represent and analyse the most significant events in the history of BSMU in the period 1974– 2020, what focused on the previous study. The relevance of the study means the need to create a positive historical stereotype about BSMU. The method of work is based on the analysis of historiographical publications and archival materials. Conclusions. In the period 1974–2020 the main stages of development of Bukovinian State Medical University were due to historical realities. From 1974 to the mid-1980s, the education system was embedded in the Soviet paradigm of worldview. However the staff of the school clearly adhered to the scientific approach to teaching special subjects, placing very high practical training of young doctors. With the beginning of "perestroika" period of Soviet history in the USSR (second half of the 1980s) it has been started liberalization of political life (intensified the socoal life), what affected the educational process, especially in the humanitarian sciences. Ukraine's independence inspired the major organizational changes in here: in 1997, the institution became an academy, in 2005 – a university. This affected the global change of the educational content. This year BSMU joined the Bologna Process. A stable large number of foreign students is an indicator of these positive changes. The institution use to try the era of electronic technology now, having a good material and technical base for this ; L'article poursuit le travail d'analyse des principales étapes du développement de BSMU depuis 1974. jusqu'à maintenant. Le but de cet article est de mettre en évidence les événements les plus significatifs de l'histoire de BSMU en la période entre 1974, où l'étude précédente s'est arrêtée, et aujourd'hui. Pertinencela recherche est dictée par la nécessité de créer un stéréotype historique positif sur BSMU. La méthodologie du travail est basée sur l'analyse de publications historiographiques et de documents d'archives. Conclusions. Dans l'intervalle de temps 1974-2020, les principales étapes du développement de l'Université médicale d'État de Bucovine ont été déterminées par les réalités historiques. De 1974 au milieu des années 80, le système éducatif était ancré dans le paradigme soviétique de la vision du monde. Cependant, professionnellement, le personnel de l'établissement d'enseignement a clairement suivi approche scientifique de l'enseignement de disciplines particulières, mettant en évidence la formation pratique d'un jeune médecin. Avec le début de la «perestroïka» en URSS (la seconde moitié des années 80), la période de libéralisation de la vie politique s'est intensifiée, ce qui a sans aucun doute affecté le processus éducatif, en particulier dans le cycle humanitaire des matières. Avec l'obtention de l'indépendance de l'État par l'Ukraine, d'importants changements organisationnels ont eu lieu: en 1997, l'institution est devenu une académie, et depuis 2005 - une université. Cela a affecté le contenu de l'éducation. Université rejoint. Le processus de Bologne. Un nombre élevé et stable d'étudiants internationaux est un indicateur de ces changements. Disparu disciplines du cycle marxiste-léniniste. L'institution est entrée hardiment dans l'ère des technologies électroniques, disposant d'une solide base matérielle et technique pour cela

对于转型期中国地方政府行为的研究,现有文献日益重视正式制度对官员行为的激励和约束作用:以GDP为标尺的相对绩效考核制度是改革开放后中国经济成功的决定因素,同时该正式制度也是地方政府忽视公共物品供给的重要原因。即使在考虑了正式制度及社会经济因素之后,本研究仍然观察到地方政府在公共物品供给水平上存在着显著的地区和时间差异。然而,对于此差异背后的决定因素,现有文献却考察不足。本文认为,非正式制度是造成该差异的原因。通过采用地区领导人籍贯作为非正式制度的代理并利用1990年至2010年的中国地级市数据,本研究系统检验了上述假设。本文发现,和来自外地的地方领导人相比,那些在其籍贯地任职的官员有更大的动力为本地区提供公共服务:本地籍贯的领导在基础教育、公共医疗和环境保护上的财政投入比重显著高于外地籍贯的领导。本研究同时发现,公共服务支出份额的增加是以基础设施建设支出的减少为代价的:本地籍贯官员对该项支出的投入比重显著低于外地籍贯官员。同时,利用省级数据及相同的模型设定,本文也发现非正式制度在省级行政单位依然发挥作用,但作用程度减弱。上述发现彰显出在一个正式制度主导的环境中,非正式制度依然发挥着显著的作用,并在一定程度上弥补了前者的不足。在实证发现的基础上,本研究又通过案例分析和访谈进一步考察了非正式制度发挥作用的机制。通过分析两个地级市的本地籍贯领导大力发展民生项目的行为以及普通民众对本地官员和外地官员的看法,本文详细说明了非正式制度对官员行为产生影响的机制,从而为实证分析揭示出的因果机制提供了证据。本研究认为,造成上述差异的原因在于:相比于外地官员,本地官员更多地被嵌入到当地的人际网络中,出于对本人及本家族在家乡声望的重视,他们会对民生项目有更多的投入。本文对非正式制度及两种制度互动的考察凸显出非民主国家内部官员行为丰富的制度动态。 ; Literature on local government behavior in transitional China has primarily examined the impact of formal institutions on the motivations of officials in promoting local economic growth. In particular, investigations focused on how the existing personnel management system provides a "yardstick competition among local officials and therefore guarantees the success of economic reform. Meanwhile, such formal institutions have similarly been studied for the crucial reason that local government ignores the provision of public goods. Nevertheless, even after controlling the influence of formal institutions and socio-economic factors, variations could still be observed on the level of efforts among local governments regarding the provision of public goods. However, these variations cannot be sufficiently explained by existing literature. This research, based on prefectural data in China in 1990-2010, aims to fill this gap through a systematic examination of the effects of informal institutions on local government behavior, especially the casual relationship between the hometown of officials and the provision of local public goods. This research, based on prefectural data in China in 19902010, aims to fill this gap by systematically examining the effects of ...