Образовательная политика в современных условиях – это не просто регуляция образования, с целью подготовки образованного специалиста, а создание условий для формирования человека духовного и нравственного. Переходное состояние общества к новой фазе своего развития приводит к тому, что социокультурные смыслы подвергаются переосмыслению в изменившихся социально-экономических и общественно-политических условиях. ; Position of the state in the modern world and the person in society defines education and as a sociocultural phenomenon, it passed a long way of development at which different stages the different types of educational systems focused on religion, science, practice, art were formed. Education is a creation of new experience and new culture of new generations, as necessary condition of formation of the person of the time, but, certainly, with a support and on the base previous experience and culture.The educational policy always is present at any society and the state. It is expressed in how society, the state equip the education system what are set the purposes in the education organization, what control system, whose interests underlie the organization and management of education; as the educational system is financed, etc.The modern educational policy can become a powerful factor of social, cultural, political updating of our social system. The educational policy isn't initially set and invariable phenomenon, and is capable to change according to practice of social development.Russia is in a transitive condition when there are transformations in the sphere of economy, politicians, the state and social system – the ideology, system valuable orientations changes, and education here plays a special role, acting as integrative model of culture – all this causes of reconsideration of a role of educational policy, elaboration of new approaches and further improvement of educational policy to make an education system highly effective and capable to be one of major factors of steady growth of national economy. The purpose of educational policy – successful implementation of democratic transformations in Russia – more and more connect with state policy in education.Sociocultural conditionality of tendencies of development of modern educational policy in Russia assumes clear and adequate idea of those processes which happen in society, i. e. interdependence of transformation of society and education. We are deeply sure that the instability peculiar to domestic education, is part of instability and instability of the society. The condition of education and tendency of development of the Russian educational policy define a number of conditions, internal for Russia, but external for an education system is a character and the content of socio-political, social and economic processes, a democracy level of development, etc. Here all is important – the general direction of a course of educational policy, its ideology, a financial condition of an education system, change in material support and personnel potential, degree and channels of influence of public opinion on educational policy.Thus, the educational policy as the sociocultural phenomenon, not only keeps and will mobilize educational and political and cultural property of society, but also provides accumulation of intellectual and cultural potential of the nation, promotes formation new and to preservation of traditional system of values, influences mentality of the personality and society, adapts them for new conditions of life and political realities ; Освітня політика в сучасних умовах - це не просто регуляція освіти, з метою підготовки освіченого фахівця, а створення умов для формування людини духовного і морального.Перехідний стан суспільства до нової фази свого розвитку призводить до того, що соціокультурні смисли піддаються переосмисленню в змінених соціально-економічних і суспільно-політичних умовах.
В статье рассматривается цивилизационный анализ как теоретическое направление современной социологии. В рамках веберовской традиции в исторической социологии сопоставляются структурно ориентированные подходы (Р. Коллинз, М. Манн) и концепции цивилизационного анализа (Ш. Эйзенштадт, Й. Арнасон). Рассмотрено исследование советской модели модерна в работах Й. Арнасона; подчеркивается значение концепций цивилизационного анализа для сегодняшней политической социологии; обсуждается влияние на политические процессы в постсоветской России религиозной традиции, цивилизационных характеристик советской модели модерна и советского имперского наследия. ; The article discusses civilizational analysis as a new paradigm in historical sociology. Within the Weberian sociological tradition a distinction is made between the structure-oriented approaches of Randall Collins and Michael Mann and the cultureoriented civilizational perspective represented by Shmuel Eisenstadt and Johann Arnason. However, it is argued that all these theoretical approaches can be seen as complementary. Particular attention is devoted to Arnason's analysis of the Soviet model of modernity, who paid particular attention to the Russian cultural and political tradition which combined a peripheral position within the Western world with some traits of a separate civilization. He discussed the character of imperial modernization in Russia and argued that the origins of the totalitarian project could only be understood with reference to its background. In Arnason's view, the Soviet model incorporated the legacy of imperial transformation from above and the revolutionary vision of a new society which resulted in a specific version of modernity. Arnason distinguished between two types of communist political regimes: the charismatic variant leading to autocracy and a more rationalized oligarchic one. He described two main trends in the dynamics of the Soviet regime from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s: the internal one of re-traditionalization and the external one of globalization. Arnason did not discuss in detail the processes of social and political change in post-Soviet Russia but his approach can be applied to the problematic of post-communist transformations. In the article different theoretical perspectives on post-communist politics are discussed including Seymour Lipset's analysis of the social preconditions for democracy and Randall Collins's geopolitical theory of legitimacy. According to Stephen Hanson, political processes in Russia during the last decade can be regarded as an authoritarian turn of a "post-imperial democracy". Apparently the issues of Orthodox religious tradition, civilizational aspects of the Soviet model of modernity and Soviet imperial background are related to the problematic of post-Soviet political transformations. From the perspective of civilizational analysis post-Soviet Russia can hardly be considered a distinct civilization. While the civilizational identity of the Soviet system was formed by Marxism-Leninism as a "political religion" there is no such identity in today's Russia. It is emphasized that recent political processes in Russia have been influenced mostly by the legacy of the Soviet model of modernity and to a much lesser degree by the Orthodox tradition. As the studies of Levada Center demonstrate, in the 2000s public opinion in Russia accepted the Soviet epoch as a kind of "invented tradition" and expressed nostalgia for the years of Brezhnev's rule. The legacy of the Soviet empire also continues to influence Russian politics. The imperial imagery is used by the Russian elite for increasing the level of legitimacy of the political regime. However, according to Pierre Hassner, today's Russia should be considered a "virtual empire". On the whole civilizational analysis can be seen as an important theoretical resource for understanding post-Soviet political transformations
Collective guilt, i.e. ascertaining 'guilt' to large social groups, whether they may belong to religious, ethnic, class, or simply 'dangerously different' collectives, has been present in all environments, but, some nation states have developed it as a tradition. The first phases of this phenomenon existed since pre-Christian times on the basis of religious schisms. This may be considered from the aspect of the development of the civilization as a specific way of building ethnic and especially religious identities based upon a drastic form of distinction as well. Since those earlier days the natural basis of thinking and determination of guilt was the guilt of resistance and of being different, even present today. Added to this structure of collective guilt is the domination of the winner over the defeated, common for all environments and all outcomes of war. The general domination of Christianity in Europe and frequency of religious schisms intensified the aspect of sin and need for atonement, thence the Jews became the first collective sinners in Europe. In time, the accent of collective guilt became more secular and of this world. Punishment for religious differences more and more grew into punishment for exclusivity and of not fitting within the concepts of the social establishment - especially for resisting those dominating the society. Ideology ever more substituted religion for political interests as a reason for ascertaining collective guilt. This was especially affected by the state of absolute political domination of one political power. Therefore the next great guilt was the guilt of class. Following the October Revolution all those who somehow belonged to the bourgeoisie, even children, were considered guilty. The collective guilt of the Germans was a mixture of the guilt of the defeated and the guilt formed by the dominant ideological circles of liberalism and socialism over fascism. Their guilt was then expressed as the guilt of 'threatening harmony' which was mapped out by both winning sides. Collective punishments ranging from excommunication and eviction to extermination. Proofs of guilt and innocence are unnecessary. The strong trust themselves and judge. Modern America (USA) like Europe suffers from an exaggerated aestheticism of politics. It is in that context that the tradition of collective guilt is developing a new dimension. The position of total superiority is possible even without totalitarism. In order to be bad, it is enough to be a collector of unfavorable qualities. The Serbs are such an example. First of all, they negatively provoked by their behavior the modern conception of European harmony imposed by the dominating powers and thereby directly threatened these interests. The religious difference of the Serbs was not in itself sufficient, so they were forced to accept the status of losers in a war which in fact they militarily survived if not won. As in the ancient inquisition, or not so long ago in the days of fascist and Stalinist totalitarianism, they were openly satanized as a collective. The practice of isolation by the powerful was once again repeated. The guilty are also required to degrade themselves obediently thereby acknowledging and giving legitimacy to the violence committed upon them. Transfer of guilt is also present. Old sinners are always active in pursuit of new ones, as they believe that it washes away their guilt and leads towards distribution onto other subjects. Today as before, no distinctions are made in collect guilt thereby compromising and destroying the innocent as well which is evidence that this ritual still survives in Europe.
This dissertation examines emerging difference in the communicative practices of two distinct but related religious communities. It examines the different ways in which Q'eqchi'-Maya Catholics belonging to the Charismatic Catholic Renewal and Mainstream Catholicism approach ritual speech in a single parish in the city of Cobán, Alta Verapaz, Guatemala. This differentiation can be seen in patterns of language choice between Spanish and Q'eqchi, norms of gesture and bodily comportment, as well as the social processes through which ritual specialists are authorized. I argue that the differences are engendered by two distinct language ideologies that correspond to different theologies, each with its own mode of personal piety and model of the religious community. These different practices and the ideologies that support them have led to a low-level, but tense debate among members of the two communities about what it means to be a Q'eqchi'- Maya Catholic. The central issue in this debate is what role, if any, Spanish should have in Q'eqchi'-Maya Catholic worship. Whereas Mainstream Catholics tend to be relatively consistent speakers of Q'eqchi' in their rituals, converts to Charismatic Catholicism have incorporated certain uses of Spanish in their rituals. I argue that Charismatics have incorporated Spanish into their rituals as a means to make their worship style "freer" and also to mark themselves as a unique religious community. Likewise, the new norms of bodily communicative practices that they have adopted and the institutional structures that legitimize ritual specialist speakers reinforce a vision of the religious subject that foregrounds the individual's unmediated relationship to God. In contrast, Mainstream Catholics' practices and ideologies foreground an ideal of the religious subject as a belonging to a hierarchical structure, and promote an ethos of individual control and constraint. Because of the relationship between language and ethnic identity in Guatemala, even though this debate is about the use of language in a specific social domain (Catholic rituals), it has important implications for parishioners' constructions of what it means to be Maya. As Q'eqchi'- Maya reconfigure their ideas about language, religion, ethnicity and social solidarity, they are participating in regional and transnational discourses that affect the politics of ethnicity in Guatemala and the institutional configuration of the Catholic Church. My focus on the two communities' conflicting uses of language and views of what constitutes proper religious practice affords me the opportunity to address several current areas of interest in anthropology. First, the ethnographic case adds to the growing literature on the Anthropology of Christianity by examining how a local set of social actors negotiate the meaning of what it means to be a 'good Christian' through a discourse about communicative practice and its relationship to personal piety and community solidarity. Secondly, this study's focus on language use and language ideologies places it in dialogue with linguistic anthropologists' interest in the role that people's ideas about language shape their social worlds. Its focus on ritual language use allows me to address questions of language ideology in a context that is marked as highly specialized and through a mode of language use that is considered to be closely related to constructions of moral personhood. Finally, by focusing part of the study on gesture and bodily communicative practices more generally, and considering these to be integral parts of language use, I seek to expand the analysis of language ideologies to include multimodal communicative phenomena, such as gesture
This article shows, in a general manner, the problems that are currently felt worldwide and that have been increasing year after year in the Costa Rican society, for which figures are alarming and regardless of age, sex, religion, social status, affect different social areas which look after everyone's wellbeing. These problems that lead to endless fatal consequences: car accidents. This "outbreak" as the WHO (World Health Organization) calls them, has been for decades a silent disease, for which solutions are hard to find, solutions that will put an end to many consequences it leaves on its wake, regardless of the efforts of many governmental institutions. Thus, the development of an initiative is intended in this work, from a perspective that will lead to the search for solutions. These solutions must come from the root of our culture, through continuous, integral education since an early age. The task, without a doubt, corresponds to all who are part of the problem, but the vision and mission to educate citizens aware of their rights, without overlooking their duties in harmony with their surroundings, based on principles that show a more responsible and safe society, corresponds to the Costa Rican Educational System, along with several entities that are part of this situation. This has the objective of finding in continuous and systematic education, an effective tool that in the long term will decrease the statistic figures of deaths in the street, due to negligence or human error cause of the highest incidence of traffic accidents. This could be possible through education in and for traffic culture, with the policies and the ideology to respect life, in search of the common good. ; Este artículo muestra de manera general la problemática que actualmente se vive a nivel mundial, y que ha venido aumentado año tras año en la sociedad costarricense, con cifras alarmantes donde la edad, el sexo, el credo, status social no escapan a tal situación, y que afecta las diferentes áreas sociales que velan por el bienestar de todos, una problemática que desencadena un sin fin de consecuencias fatales: los accidentes de tránsito. Esta epidemia como la llama la OMS (Organización Mundial de la Salud), ha sido desde ya hace décadas una enfermedad silenciosa, donde no se encuentran soluciones eficaces que acaben con tantas secuelas que deja a su paso, a pesar del esfuerzo de muchas instituciones del país. Es así como se pretende desarrollar una iniciativa desde una perspectiva que oriente la búsqueda de soluciones, desde las raíces de nuestra cultura, por medio de una formación integral continua desde edades tempranas. Esta tarea sin lugar a dudas le corresponde a todos los que somos partícipes, pero la visión y misión de formar ciudadanos concientes de sus derechos, sin olvidar sus deberes en armonía con lo que le rodea desde principios que demuestran una sociedad más responsable y segura, le corresponde al sistema educativo costarricense, en conjunto con las diversas entidades que de una u otra forma son parte de esta situación. Esto con el objetivo de encontrar en la educación continua y sistemática, una herramienta efectiva que a mediano o largo plazo logre disminuir las estadísticas de muertes en carretera, por la negligencia o error humano, causa de mayor incidencia en los accidentes de tránsito, por medio de una formación en y para una cultura vial, cuya política e ideología sea respetar la vida en la búsqueda del bienestar común.
This thesis foregrounds the application of anthropological documentary methods and ethnographic investigation in examining the world of child immigrants and the cross-cultural dilemmas they encounter upon entering the formal educational system of the 'host' country- in this case, a primary school setting in Dublin and Paris. The specificity of the primary school classroom as an ethnographic site facilitates a sustained audio-visual examination of immigrant children as they work to re-build their identities in a new and unfamiliar environment. Such a richly textured space opens up potential avenues of exploration for the researcher: what, for example, can intercultural pedagogy learn from the child who is dealing with two or more languages and for whom the past and present have been unexpectedly and irreversibly transformed? How are embodied cultural memories from the past carried and expressed in the immediate present? How are the values of the 'host' culture transmitted and what pressures, if any, are placed on immigrant children to prematurely verbalise their personal stories? How do immigrant children dramatise between themselves and with their teachers the conflicted dynamics of their cultural transformation? How does the cinematic process generate a milieu for young migrant actors to be multi-vocal? The thesis comprises five chapters together with an introduction and a conclusion. Chapter one provides a critical overview of the concept of childhood and the role of migrant children's' agency in the construction of a transcultural identity. Drawing on a number of scholars in cultural anthropology, visual anthropology and cultural studies, the chapter elaborates and explains certain terms and concepts used throughout the thesis: the 'transcultural', the 'anthropology of experience' and 'cross-cultural ethnographic film practice'. Simultaneously the chapter introduces the role of the DVD artefact as an essential and integrated component of the thesis throughout, offering the reader a viewing source of all moving image material, referenced in each of the five chapters. Chapter two introduces film fieldwork conducted in a primary school in Paris in which migrant children, newly arrived in France, and who do not speak French are compelled to learn the language, since it is a compulsory requirement for integration into the French school system. The thematics and critical concepts of this chapter include: the post-colonial school system in France, the effects of linguistic assimilation, the tropes of observational cinema, migrant children's experience of intercultural modes of communication and the role of the somatic in the acquisition of new languages and cultural practices. Chapter three functions as the main field site in the dissertation, comprising the core ethnographic work conducted in a mono-denominational primary school, in the inner city of Dublin. Juxtaposing classrooms (in Paris and Dublin), a contrast is created between two European models of 'multicultural' education and cultural integration. Divided into five sections, chapter three includes thematics and critical concepts, such as observational participant cinema, storytelling and personal memory, transcultural pedagogy, the role of religion, the cultural life of Irish educators, and the role of multicultural literacy. The fourth chapter engages with the subject of a migrant domestic sphere, conducting visual fieldwork with an Algerian family recently reunified in Ireland. The thematics and critical concepts of this chapter include the politics of the migrant domestic space, intergenerational tensions, the practise of cinema-verite, the cultural politics shaping Algerian and Berber minorities, the construction of adolescence and the performance of migration and memory. The fifth and final chapter merges storytelling with an anthropological analysis of migrant children's stories. Thematics and critical concepts throughout this concluding chapter include: memory and remembrance; childhood strategies of agency and resistance; the politics of heteroglossia; children's everyday lived experience, the role of participant cinema and the interview.
In spite of a common cultural heritage, different, even contrasting social systems have developed in North and South Korea over the last 50 years since it was divided as a result of different ideologies. Since the Korean war, there has been essentially no communication between the people of the two countries. As a result, North Korea has developed into an authoritative strictly controlling and dogmatic communist society. The culture in North Korea has become quite different from that of South Korea, which like the North, has an agricultural heritage but has developed into a free, industrialized and democratic country. Accordingly, it is natural to think that unique personalities have been shaped through life experiences from childhood to adulthood in the two different cultures. These psychological differences may be found among defectors from North Korea and their adaptation problems in South Korean society may reflect these psychological differences barriers and conflicts that a future unified society of the two Koreas may have to deal with. Recently, the number of defectors from North Korea have increased, and currently exceeds 1,000. The issues related to a defectors` life in South Korea are considered to be very important, because �몺 living together with North Koreans in South Korea means that the unification process is already happening, �몼 they are creating preliminary conditions to a future unified society, and �몾 South Koreans experiences with North Korean defectors will determine the attitudes of South Koreans for a future unified society. With this background, the authors have conducted studies on defectors and their adaptation in South Korean society. In this presentation, the results of these studies on the experiences in interpersonal relationships of protecting policemen and NGO volunteer helpers with the defectors are analysed. In addition, studies on the life and development of adolescents in North Korea is presented. Furthermore, a review on the personality characteristics of South Koreans, which have been shaped during same period of turbulence, is provided. Based on these studies, a typical personality profile and the emotional and behavioral patterns of North Koreans will be speculated. Briefly, North Koreans appear to be simple, innocent, rigid, and dogmatic. They lack general information on the outside world and religion, have a poor ability for handling money, are inhibited, self-controlling, splitting objects, altruistic and are group-oriented. In contrast, typical South Koreans appear to be dynamic, out-going, expressive, self-assertive, hard working, competitive and individualistic. Before there is mutual understanding, these differences are thought to cause conflict, or even culture shock when the two peoples meet and live together in a the same society. As an example, because of the lack of skills and general information on a free and competitive society, defectors from North Korea have difficulties in securing jobs and consequently feel inferior and discriminated. Their high expectation for government or social organizations to assist them, which they used to be familiar with, is often not met. Their inhibited emotional reactions tend to be easily expressed impulsively and a tendency toward mistrust and splitting have been used to create difficulties in interpersonal relationship with South Koreans. These studies also suggest that defectors have suffered from various adaptation problems in the free but competitive capitalistic society of South Korea. Their problems are thought to be related in part to cultural differences, and to their characteristic personality and behavioral and emotional patterns, which had been developed and shaped through their previous childhood experiences and education in North Korea The following discussion will focus on predicted conflicts and barriers to unification process, or even culture shock when two people meet during the process of unification. How to resolve or overcome these conflicts and barriers will be essential for the successful, peaceful and final unification of the two Koreas. ; open
In: The Australian journal of politics and history: AJPH, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 501-541
ISSN: 1467-8497
Book reviewed in this article:1975 CRISIS — An Historical Review. By H.O. Browning.THE AUSTRALIAN ECONOMY: A VIEW FROM THE NORTH. Edited by Richard Caves and Lawrence Krause.AUSTRALIAN DEMOCRACY IN THEORY AND PRACTICE. By Graham MaddoxREVOLUTIONARIES AND REFORMISTS: Communism and the Australian Labor Movement 1920–1955. By Robin GollanASCENT TO POWER: WRAN AND THE MEDIA. By Brian Dale.A FEDERAL LEGISLATURE: The Australian Commonwealth Parliament 1901–1980. By Joan Rydon.WHO OWNS THE PAST? PAPERS FROM THE ANNUAL SYMPOSIUM OF THE AUSTRALIAN ACADEMY OF THE HUMANITIES. Edited by Isabel McBryde.DIVORCE IN 19TH CENTURY NEW SOUTH WALES. By Hilary Golder.ESSAYS ON VICTORIAN POLITICS. Edited by P.R. Hay, J. Halligan, J. Warhurst and B. Costar.PROGRAM FOR CHANGE. Edited by Marian Sawyer.TO LIVE IN PEACE: AUSTRALIA'S DEFENCE POLICY. By Michael O'Connor. CarltonTHE JEWS IN VICTORIA, 1835–1985. By Hilary L. Rubinstein. Appendix by W.D. Rubinstein.RUPERT MURDOCH. A PAPER PRINCE. By George Munster.DANIEL MANNIX. THE QUALITY OF LEADERSHIP. By B.A. Santamaria.WHY CHINA? RECOLLECTIONS OF CHINA 1923–1950. By C.P. Fitzgerald.TRADE UNIONS IN CHINA 1949 TO THE PRESENT. The Organisation and Leadership of the All‐China Federation of Trade Unions. By Lee Lai To.JAPAN TODAY. By Roger Buckley.SUPER POWERS IN COLLISION. THE NEW COLD WAR OF THE 1980s. By Noam Chomsky, Jonathan Steele and John Gittings.NUCLEAR WINTER. By Owen GreeneALL THINGS TO ALL MEN: The False Promise of the Modern American Presidency. By Godfrey Hodgson.THE CANADIAN HOUSE OF COMMONS: ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF NORMAN WARD. Edited by John C. Courtney.TOWARDS AN ALTERNATIVE FOR CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN. By George Irvin and Xabier Gorostiaga.MONKS, HERMITS AND THE ASCETIC TRADITION. Ed. by W.V. Sheils.THE BARBARIAN WEST 400–1000. By J.M. Wallace‐Hadrill.POWERS AND LIBERTIES: The Causes and Consequences of the Rise of the West. By John A. Hall.A FINANCIAL HISTORY OF WESTERN EUROPE. By Charles P. Kindleberger.EAST‐CENTRAL EUROPE IN TRANSITION: From the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Century. Ed. by A. Maczak, H. Samsonowicz, and P. Burke.THE SCAREMONGERS. The Advocacy of War and Rearmament 1896–1914. By A.J.A. Morris.THE DECISION TO DISARM GERMANY: BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS POSTWAR GERMAN DISARMAMENT, 1914–1919. By Lorna S. Jaffe.HISTORY AND HERITAGE: The Social Origins of the British Industrial Relations System. By Alan Fox.FACTION AND PARLIAMENT. Essays on Early Stuart History. Edited by Kevin Sharpe.POLITICS AND IDEOLOGY IN ENGLAND 1603–1640. By J.P. Sommerville.THE ECONOMY AND THE 1984 BUDGET. Edited by Michael Keen.FROM MUNICH TO THE LIBERATION, 1938–1944. By Jean‐Pierre Azema.THE NAZI DICTATORSHIP: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES OF INTERPRETATION. By Ian Kershaw.ÖSTERREICH‐LAND DER BEGRENZTEN UNMÖGLICHKEITEN. (Austria‐the Land of Limited Impossibilities). By Karl Pisa.ZION BEFORE ZIONISM, 1838–1880. By Arnold Blumberg.COUNTER—INSURGENCY IN RHODESIA. By J.K. Cilliers.DARWINISM AND DIVINITY: Essays on Evolution and Religious Belief. Edited by John Durant.SEX, IDEOLOGY AND RELIGION: THE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN THE BIBLE. By Kevin Harris.THE POLITICS OF ECONOMIC POLICYMAKING. By Wyn Grant and Shiv Nath.THE ECONOMICS OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. Edited by Joel Mokyr.THE PHOSPHATEERS: A History of the British Phosphate Commissioners and the Christmas Island Phosphate Commission. By Maslyn Williams and Barrie Macdonald.THE FOODMAKERS. By Sarah Sargent.BEYOND DEPENDENCE. By Kosmas Tsokhas.PAYING AND CHOOSING: The Intelligent Person's Guide to the Mixed Economy. By Leo Pliatzky.MARX'S LOST AESTHETIC. Karl Marx and the visual arts. By Margaret A. Rose.THE RISE AND DECLINE OF WESTERN LIBERALISM. By Anthony Arblaster.LIBERALISM AND ITS CRITICS. Edited by Michael J. Sandel.BURKE'S REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE. By F.P. Lock.THE DIVIDING DISCIPLINE: HEGEMONY AND DIVERSITY IN INTERNATIONAL THEORY. By K.J. Holsti.THE STATE. By Anthony de Jasay.A COMMON SENSE GUIDE TO WORLD PEACE. By Benjamin B. Ferencz.
Does the result of the discussion that there is more than one rationality at stake in environmental policy-making imply a relativistic methodological conclusion? There are three reasons that could pull us toward a relativistic notion of rationality: (1) The existence of competing cultural models of nature forces us to abandon the idea of nature as something outside society. Nature exists for us only through culture. To the extent that we have to accept that nature is a cultural construction, the notion of 'hard facts' vanishes. Nature is - like all social facts - a soft fact. This will open our way of 'regulating nature' through environmental politics and policies to moral claims and moral discourse. (2) Environmental policy cannot be based on the authoritative nature of 'hard facts'. Nature as a collective good is a soft fact that will increase communication and argumentation about what should be done because of the possibility of competing claims of these facts. A political culture of communicating 'as-if-facts' develops. Groups begin to argue as if there were 'hard facts'. To free political communication from 'hard facts' will accelerate communication - and the remaining problem is to guarantee communicability and solve the problem of emerging communicative power. (3) Cultural analysis leads us to question the very basis of modern rationality: the idea of bare facts. Policy analysis as the most advanced form of rationalizing the reproduction of modern societies has given us the possibility to explore the cultural basis of this advanced form of formal rationality. When environmental policy analysis can no longer be based upon this type of rationality we are forced to base the rationality of policy decisions on soft facts. Thus policy-making will be drawn into the communication of 'as-if-facts' (which are soft facts) using institutional power to validate them. That there are no hard facts, that we can talk about everything, that everything is a social construction: all these claims come close to a relativistic position. We do not, however, have to draw such a relativistic conclusion from these arguments. There are again at least three reasons that limit this potential relativism: (1) As long as there is a struggle over 'as-if-facts', rationality lies in the process of communicating such soft facts. The institutionalization of procedures of negotiating and communicating interpretations of facts contains the possibility of procedural rationality. This does not imply a return to absolutism, but rather an 'anti-antirelativism' (Geertz 1984). The purity model is not only a second type of rationality developed within the European tradition that competes with others but also creates the conditions of arguing about the relative weight of each. (2) The observation of two traditions in one culture is an argument against the hegemonic role of one culture and also an argument against relativism. Therefore the purity model becomes the key to an understanding of new and so far suppressed elements of rationality in environmental policy-making. Since this model is the dominated one its thematization not only lays bare the suppressed model but also lays the bare fact of suppression as such which has repercussions on the legitimacy of the dominant model. (3) To conceive nature - in line with what we have called the Jewish model - as an indivisible, holistic entity justifies the construction of nature as a collective good to be shared equally by all. Thus a new ground for fairness and justice can be laid in the modern discourse of a just and fair society. The reconstruction of cultural traditions regulating the relationship of man to nature allows us to identify the forms of symbolically mediated relationships between the two. We do not only use nature for instrumental purposes, we also use it to 'think' the world (to use an expression of Tambiah (1969)). We use natural differences to make sense of social differences, which in turn gives meaning to natural differences (Douglas 1975). Nature, in a sense, gives lessons on how to conceive differences. Moving our focus from justice to purity gives us a better understanding of the differences underlying the emerging modern European culture of environmentalism. The analysis of cultural movements carrying counter cultural traditions thus forces us not only to broaden our theoretical notion of the cultural 'code' underlying European culture, it also forces us to see the carriers of counter cultural traditions as more than movements of protest against modernity and modernization. I claim that the two competing models relating man to nature have become the field of a new emerging type of social struggle over two types of modernity in advanced modern societies. It is my contention that the culture of environmentalism contains the elements for an alternative way of organizing social relations in modern society.
Objectives: The barbarity in Paris, Sydney, and Ottawa has raised critical questions regarding the role of educational institutions in shaping an increasingly pluralistic society. Using autobiographical narrative inquiry methodology as a Muslim-Canadian parent raising four children, I examine the role of educational institutions in the lives of Muslim Canadian students. Why is it that whenever my Muslim Canadian children learn of inhumane incidents going on around the world, instead of their hearts beating in sadness and lament, they race in curiosity towards finding out who committed the incidents? Why does "who" matter more than "why" or "how"? How may this result from the "who" weighing heavily on the conscience of Muslims who feel they are expected to justify the actions of fundamentalists? My 20 year old daughter, who first set foot on Canadian soil at age three, asked me a question with angry tears in her eyes the morning of the tragedy in Paris, "What should we do as Canadian Muslims?" Will I have to answer this question alone, as a parent? What is the role of the school in this? Where does my knowledge as a minority parent stand on the school landscape? The main objective of this paper is to explore possibilities of shared hope and responsibility. How might we envision a future in which a more holistic approach to the inclusion of multiple narratives, identities, realities, perspectives, and practices is embraced in educational institutions?Research Context: Since 9/11, Muslims in the Western world have been portrayed as dangerous, "ideologically represented as a threat" (Sirin & Fine, 2007, p.151). When religious identity and interconnected cultural identity is the subject of stereotypes and discrimination, adjustment to a new culture can be affected (McBrien, 2005; Mosselon, 2009). Learners whose "cultures had been discounted and marginalized" (Williams, 2008, p. 511) "often devalue their own experiences believing that their cultural and linguistic identities must be forfeited once they enter the classroom" (Griffiths, 2014, p. 107). Adolescence is a significant period in which youth negotiate their identities, situated in complicated power relationships and sociohistorical contexts of local and global spaces (Erikson, 1985). During this time, youth experience tensions between how they define themselves and how they are represented by their families, immediate communities, and the broader society (Ajrouch, 2004). As schools often fail to integrate critical understanding of religious diversity, they may be unwelcoming places for Muslim youth (Salili & Hoosain, 2014).Discussion: A generation of students growing up in the 21st century is confronted daily with issues of cultural diversity, identity crisis, and acculturation conflicts. Extremism, a disruption of balance, and its link to Muslim identity has posed serious concerns about the role of educational institutions in the lives of Muslim Canadian students. Anti-Muslim voices are raised around the world, not only in European nations but North American countries as well. The reaction towards Islam, a misunderstood religion, and toward Muslims has been propagandized through media, movies, art, and cartoons. This increasing reaction and tension is leading to serious divisions in societies. The resulting identity crisis that Muslims are facing has presented some blatant challenges, particularly to Muslim youth born and raised in Western society. To understand the way in which immigrants, newcomers, and their children build their lives and identities in a new society requires a conception of integration as something more than a simple notion of a 'cultural Mosaic,' a notion predicated upon nicely fitting pieces of multiple sizes, colors, and shapes. In contrast, growing up between two cultures, balancing cultural identities and a sense of belonging, is a highly complex process. Sirin & Fine (2007) wrote that when one's identity is fiercely contested by the dominant discourse, either through formal institutions, social relationships, and/or the media, one of the first places we witness psychological, social, and political fallout is in the lives of young people. Through examining the liminal nature of my children's identity, I raise questions about who is represented in schools and who is marginalized, whose knowledge counts and whose knowledge is silenced. Responding to this identity crisis is a matter of narrative ethics; it is about attending to people's stories, stories of personal identity and the complexity of a collective identity, as core curriculum in educational institutions.Methodology: Through autobiographical narrative inquiry (Clandinin & Connelly, 2000), I examine my stories of my Canadian 'born and raised' children's experiences of identity struggles in ongoing attempts to integrate. Everyday my children live in intense liminality as holders of dual identities, languages, and cultures, juxtaposed against a social story of Canadian classroom teaching and learning. My children's experiences with school challenge the dominant institutional narrative thus opening a space of inquiry. As a minority parent researcher, I tell and analyze my fluid and densely woven stories of my children's growing up between two cultures in order to learn from these narratives and realize their educative potential for myself and for others.Research Significance: Muslim Canadian students often deal with a 'home culture' and a 'school culture,' thus leading double lives which pose a serious threat to their sense of self and sense of belonging to the place and people. When educators employ "approaches that transcend local and national borders and recognize flexible ways of belonging" (Oikonomidoy, 2009), they are positioned to disrupt the dichotomies of 'us' and 'them' or 'home culture' and 'host culture,' and create spaces that comfort a multitude of hybrid identities (Scente & Hoot, 2007). This research is critical because "the silence of thoughtful people creates a vacuum filled by extremists" (Wheatley, 2007). Through this research, I open channels for constructive dialogue between parents, educators, and community members to "begin to question underlying epistemologies, challenge the status quo, and value and build upon the funds of knowledge intrinsic to the home environments of students, in order to counteract the barriers to effective home-school relationships that plague the school system (Overstreet, 2014, p. 20).
CONTENTS I. PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONSMichał Mazurkiewicz (Poland). Sport versus Religion. 11Natalia А. Kuzmina (Russia). Poetry Book as a Supertext. 19Jonė Grigaliūnienė (Lithuania). Possessive Constructions as a Purely Linguistic Phenomenon?. 31 II. FACTS AND REFLECTIONSAleksandras Krasnovas, Aldona Martinonytė (Lithuania). Symbolizing of Images in Juozas Aputis Stories.40Jūratė Kumetaitienė (Lithuania). Tradition and Metamorphosis of Escapism (Running "from" or "into") in the Modern and Postmodern Norwegian Literature.51Natalia V. Kovtun (Russia). Trickster in the Vicinity of Traditional Modern Prose.65Pavel S. Glushakov (Latvia). Semantic Processes in the Structure of Vasily Shukshin's Poetics.81Tatyana Kamarovskaya (Belarus). Adam and the War.93Virginija Paplauskienė (Lithuania). Woman's Language World in Liune Sutema's Collection "Graffiti.99Jolanta Chwastyk-Kowalczyk (Poland). The Models of e-Comunication in the Polish Society of Britain and Northern Ireland.111Vilma Bijeikienė (Lithuania). How Equivocation Depends on the Way Questions are Asked: a Study in Lithuanian Political Discourse.123Viktorija Makarova (Lithuania). The One Who Names the Things, Masters Them: Ruskij vs. Rosijanin, Ruskij vs. Rosijskij in the Discourse of Russian Presidents.136Dorota Połowniak-Wawrzonek (Poland). Idioms from the Saga Film "Star Wars" in Contemporary Polish Language.144Ilona Mickienė, Inesa Birbilaitė (Lithuania). Women's Naming in Telsiai Parish in the First Dacades of the 18th Century.158Liudmila Garbul (Lithuania). Reflection of Results of Interslavonic Language Contacts in the Russian Chancery Language of the First Half of the 17th Century (Synchronic and Diachronic Aspects). Part II.168Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė (Lithuania). Francophonie in Lithuania. 179Natalia V. Yudina (Russia). On the Role of the Russian Language in the Globalizing World of the XXI Century.189Maria Lojko (Belarus). Teaching Legal English to English Second Language Students in the US Law Schools.200 III. OPINIONElena V. Savich (Belarus). On Generation of an Integrative Method of Discourse Analysis.212Marek Weber (Poland). Lexical Analysis of Selected Lexemes Belonging to the Semantic Field 'Computer Hardware'.220 IV. SCIENTISTS ABOUT SCIENTISTSOleg Poljakov (Lithuania). On the Female Factor in Linguistics and Around It. 228 V. OUR TRANSLATIONSBernard Sypniewski (USA). Snake in the Grass. Part II. Translated by Jurga Cibulskienė.239 VI. SCIENTIFIC LIFE CHRONICLEConferencesTatiana Larina (Russia), Laura Alba-Juez (Spain). Report and reflections of the 2010 International Conference on Intercultural Pragmatics and Communication in Madrid.246Books reviewsAleksandra M. Ponomariova (Russia). ЧЕРВИНСКИЙ, П. П., 2010. Номинативные аспекты и следствия политической коммуникации.252Gabija Bankauskaitė-Sereikienė (Lithuania). PAPLAUSKIENĖ, V., 2009. Liūnė Sutema: gyvenimo ir kūrybos keliais.255Yuri V. Shatin (Russia). Meaningful Curves. ГРИНБАУМ, О. Н., 2010. Роман А.С. Пушкина «Евгений Онегин»: ритмико-смысловой комментарий. 259Journal of scientific lifeDaiva Aliūkaitė (Lithuania). The Idea of the Database of Printed Advertisements: the Project "Sociolinguistics of Advertisements".263Loreta Vaicekauskienė (Lithuania). The Project "Vilnius is Speaking: The Role of Vilnius Language in the Contemporary Lithuania, 2010".265Daiva Aliūkaitė (Lithuania). The Project "Lithuanian Language: Fractures of Ideals, Ideologies and Identities": Language Ideals from the Point of View of Ordinary Speech Community Members.267 Announce.269 VII. REQUIREMENTS FOR PUBLICATION.270 VIII. OUR AUTHORS.278 ; TURINYS / SPIS TREŚCI I. PROBLEMOS IR SPRENDIMAI / PROBLEMY I ICH ROZWIĄZANIAMichał Mazurkiewicz (Lenkija / Polska). Sport a religia. 11Наталья А. Кузьмина (Rusija / Rosja). Книга стихов как сверхтекст. 19Jonė Grigaliūnienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Possessive Constructions as a Purely Linguistic Phenomenon?. 31 II. FAKTAI IR APMĄSTYMAI / FAKTY I ROZWAŻANIAAleksandras Krasnovas, Aldona Martinonytė (Lietuva / Litwa). Įvaizdžių simbolinimas Juozo Apučio novelėse. 40Jūratė Kumetaitienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Eskapizmo tradicija ir metamorfozė (bėgimas "nuo" ar "į"?) moderniojoje ir postmodernistinėje norvegų literatūroje. 51Наталья В. Ковтун (Rusija / Rosja). Трикстер в окрестностях современной традиционной прозы.65Павел С. Глушаков (Latvija / Łotwa). Семантические процессы в структуре поэтики Василия Шукшина.81Tatayna Kamarovskaya (Baltarusija / Białoruś). Adam and the War. 93Virginija Paplauskienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Moters kalbos pasaulis Liūnės Sutemos rinkinyje "Graffiti". 99Jolanta Chwastyk-Kowalczyk (Lenkija / Polska). Sposoby e-komunikowania społeczności polskiej na Wyspach Brytyjskich i w Irlandii. 111Vilma Bijeikienė (Lietuva / Litwa). How Equivocation Depends on the Way Questions are Asked: a Study in Lithuanian Political Discourse. 123Виктория Макарова (Lietuva / Litwa). Кто называет вещи, тот овладевает ими: русский vs. россиянин, русский vs. российский в дискурсе президентов России. 136Dorota Połowniak-Wawrzonek (Lenkija / Polska). Frazeologizmy wywodzące się z filmowej sagi "Gwiezdne wojny" we współczesnej polszczyźnie. 144Ilona Mickienė, Inesa Birbilaitė (Lietuva / Litwa). Moterų įvardijimas XVIII amžiaus pradžioje: Telšių bažnyčios krikšto metrikų studija. 158Людмила Гарбуль (Lietuva / Litwa). Отражение результатов межславянских языковых контактов в русской деловой письменности первой половины ХVII века (синхронный и диахронический аспекты). 2 часть. 168Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Frankofonija Lietuvoje. 179Natalia V. Yudina (Rusija / Rosja). On the Role of the Russian Language in the Globalizing World of the XXI Century. 189Maria Lojko (Baltarusija / Białoruś). Teaching Legal English to English Second Language Students in the US Law Schools.200 III. NUOMONĖ / OPINIE I POGLĄDYЕлена В. Савич (Baltarusija / Białoruś). К вопросу о построении интегративной методики анализа дискурса. 212Marek Weber (Lenkija / Polska). Lexical Analysis of Selected Lexemes Belonging to the Semantic Field 'Computer Hardware'.220 IV. MOKSLININKAI APIE MOKSLININKUS / NAUKOWCYO NAUKOWCACHОлег Поляков (Lietuva / Litwa). О женском факторе в лингвистике и вокруг него. 228 V. MŪSŲ VERTIMAI / NASZE PRZEKŁADYBernard Sypniewski (JAV / USA). Gyvatė žolėje. II dalis. Vertė / Tłum. Jurga Cibulskienė.239 VI. MOKSLINIO GYVENIMO KRONIKA / KRONIKA ŻYCIA NAUKOWEGOKonferencijų apžvalgos / Omówienie konferencjiTatiana Larina (Rusija / Rosja), Laura Alba-Juez (Ispanija / Hiszpania). Report and reflections of the 2010 International Conference on Intercultural Pragmatics and Communication in Madrid.246Knygų recenzijos / Recenzje książekАлександра М. Пономарева (Rusija / Rosja). ЧЕРВИНСКИЙ, П. П., 2010. Номинативные аспекты и следствия политической коммуникации.252Gabija Bankauskaitė-Sereikienė (Lietuva / Litwa). PAPLAUSKIENĖ, V., 2009. Liūnė Sutema: gyvenimo ir kūrybos keliais.255Юрий В. Шатин (Rusija / Rosja). Содержательные кривые. ГРИНБАУМ, О. Н., 2010. Роман А.С. Пушкина «Евгений Онегин»: ритмико-смысловой комментарий.259Mokslinio gyvenimo dienoraštis / Z życia naukowegoDaiva Aliūkaitė (Lietuva / Litwa). Spausdintinių reklamų duomenyno idėja: projektas "Reklamų sociolingvistika".263Loreta Vaicekauskienė (Lietuva / Litwa). Projektas "Kalba Vilnius: Vilniaus kalbos vaidmuo šiuolaikinėje Lietuvoje, 2010".265Daiva Aliūkaitė (Lietuva / Litwa). Projektas "Lietuvių kalba: idealai, ideologijos ir tapatybės lūžiai": kalbos idealai paprastų kalbos bendruomenės narių akimis.267 Anonsai / Zapowiedzi.269 VII. REIKALAVIMAI STRAIPSNIAMS / ZASADY OPRACOWYWANIA PUBLIKACJI.270 VIII. MŪSŲ AUTORIAI / NASI AUTORZY.278
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Pınar Bilgin on Non-Western IR, Hybridity, and the One-Toothed Monster called Civilization
Questions of civilization underpin much of IR scholarship—whether explicitly (in terms of the construction of non-Western 'others') or implicitly (in the assumption that provincial institutions from Europe constitute a universal model of how we ought to relate to one another in international politics). While this topic surfaces frequently in debates about postcolonial international politics, few scholars are able to tackle this conundrum with the same sense of acuteness as Pınar Bilgin. In this Talk, she—amongst others—elaborates on not doing Turkish IR, what postsecular IR comprises, and discusses her own position in regards to that one-toothed monster called civilization.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
What I think is the biggest challenge in current IR is not so much a debate, but the difficulty for students of IR to come up with ways of making sense of the world in a way that appreciates different experiences and sensibilities and others' contributions and contestations. International Relations as we know it at the moment and as offered in the standard textbooks, portrays a world that they really don't recognize as the world that they live in. And I should point out that I am not just speaking of Non-Western experiences and sensibilities—there is in any case a growing body of literature on Non-Western IR, and you have spoken to Amitav Acharya (Theory Talk #42), Siba Grovogui (Theory Talk #57) and others—but I am also referring to all those perspectives in which international knowledge are presented and which the textbooks do not usually reflect, including feminist perspectives for instance (such as Ann Tickner, Theory Talk #54), or perspectives from the Global South some of which actually fall into the definition of 'the West'. So when I speak of ways of making sense of the world in a way that appreciates different experiences and sensibilities, I am referring to the agenda of Critical Theory of IR. I do think we have come a long way since the early 1990s when I was a student of IR and Critical Theory was beginning to make its mark then, but we still have a long way to go. For instance, critical approaches to security have come a long way in terms of considering insecurities of specific social groups that mainstream approaches overlook, but it has a long way to go still in terms of actually incorporating insecurities as viewed by those people, instead of just explaining them away.
As for the principal debate in IR, the debate that goes on in my mind is how to study IR in a way that appreciates different experiences and sensibilities and acknowledges other contributions as well as contestations. This is not the principal debate in the field, but the field that comes closest is the one that I try and contribute to, and that is the field of non-Western approaches to IR. It is not exactly a debate, of course, in the sense that the very mainstream Western approaches that it targets are not paying any attention. So it's the critics themselves who have their disagreements, and on the one hand there are those who point to other ways of thinking about the international, Stephen Chan comes to mind as the producer of one of the early examples of that. I can think of Robbie Shilliam's more recent book on the subject, thinking about the international from non-Western perspectives. On the other hand are those who survey IR in different parts of the world, to see how it is done, what their concerns and debates are. Ole Waever, Arlene Tickner and David Blaney's three-volume series 'Worlding Beyond the West' contains materials from both these directions.
My own approach is slightly different in that while acknowledging the limits of our approaches to IR as any critical IR person would, I don't necessarily think that turning to others' 'authentic' perspectives to look for different ways of thinking about the international is the way forward for students of IR. That brings me to back the way I set up the challenge to IR today: it is about incorporating others' perspectives, as well as acknowledging their contributions and contestations. I think I would like to take a more historical approach to this. It's not just about contemporary differences—studies on these are very valuable and I learn a lot from them—but what I've also found very valuable are connections: how much give and take has already taken place over the years, how for instance the roots of human rights can be found in multiple places in our history and in different parts of the world, how the Human Rights Convention was penned by multiple actors, how human rights norms don't go deep enough and how calls for deepening them have in fact emerged from different parts of the world, not just the West. So these contributions can actually point to our history and to different perspectives across the globe, but these are often referred to as non-Western IR, whereas they're actually pointing to our conversations, our communication, the give and take between us. That is what I am mainly interested in at the moment: the multiple authorship of ideas, and pointing to them you actually face the biggest challenge. It builds on Edward Said's legacy, so it's a critical IR project, the way I see it: Said built on multiple beginnings and engaged in contrapuntal reading. I should add that when I am talking about 'sensibilities', I am not necessarily talking about it with reference to other parts of the world, although it may seem this way. The more reflexive approaches to IR have taught us that we are all shaped by and all respond to our contexts—in one way or another.
One interesting result of Arlene Tickner's and Ole Waever's book, International Relations Scholarship around the World, was that IR in different parts of the world is not in fact that different: it is still state-centric, it talks about security in the way that most mainstream textbooks would talk about it, and IR courses are structured in such a way that you would be able to recognize in most parts of the world. Such surveys, therefore, tell us that IR works quite similarly in other parts of the world. Hence the need to look for difference in alternative sources and the need to look beyond IR—towards anthropology, sociology, linguistics, etc.—there is growing interest in conceptions of the international beyond what IR allows us. This is not confined to looking beyond the West, but is equally emerging in Western scholarship: there is now emerging literature on postsecularism and IR, and bringing religion back into the study of IR. However, I am not so much interested in studying differences (without underestimating the significance of such studies) but studying to our conversations, our communication, the give and take between us.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in IR?
My journey to this point has been through critical security studies. I studied international relations at Middle East Technical University in Ankara and did a Master's Degree Bilkent University in Ankara where I currently work. I was not entirely comfortable with IR as an undergraduate student, thought I could not quite put my finger on the reason why—though I was able to make sense of during my later studies. At the undergraduate level, I received an interdisciplinary training, not so much by design but rather by accident: I picked courses on political theory, economic history and political anthropology, simply because our curriculum allowed such a design. I was lucky to have interesting people teaching interesting courses. And again by sheer coincidence we had a visiting professor who introduced me to philosophy of science and the work of Thomas Kuhn and I began to question the standard IR training I had been receiving. So then I went on to an MA degree at Bilkent University which became consequential for me in two ways: for one, that University has the best IR library in Turkey, so there are no limits to what you can learn even when you are left to your own devices, and secondly, Hollis and Smith's Explaining and Understanding International Relations (1991) was on our reading list. So when I began reading that against the background of Thomas Kuhn, I began to make sense of IR in a very different way. Mind you, I was still not able to see my future in IR at that time.
Then I began writing my MA dissertation and was also working at Turkey's then very powerful semi-military institution the MGK, the National Security Council, at the General Secretariat: I was hired as a junior researcher and lasted for about four-and-a-half months, and then I went abroad for further studies, but those months were what set me on my path to Critical Security Studies. Working there, I began to appreciate the need for reflexivity, and the difficult role of the researcher, and the relationship between theory and practice. At that point I received a Chevening scholarship from the British Council, and the condition attached was that I could not use it towards PhD studies but had to use it for a one-year degree. I decided to study something that I could not study at home, and came across Ken Booth's work ('Security and Emancipation,' 1991) and knew of course Barry Buzan's oeuvre (Theory Talk #35), and found that Aberystwyth University offered a one-year degree in Strategic Studies, which is what I decided to do. That happened to be the first year they offered an Master's degree in Critical Security Studies, and I became one of the first five students to take that course, taught jointly by Ken Booth, Richard Wyn Jones and Nicholas Wheeler. Together with Steve Smith, who was Head of Department at the time, they were committed to giving us an excellent education, so it was a great place to be and I stayed on to do my PhD there as well. It's a small Welsh town with only 13,000 people and the University has about the same number of students. During that time I read important examples of critical IR scholarship, as well as the newly emerging literature on Security Studies, and it was around that time that Michael Williams (Theory Talk #39) joined the Department and he was a great influence on my work, as was of course my dissertation advisor Ken Booth: I learned a lot from him in terms of substance and style.
After receiving my PhD in the year 2000 I joined the IR department at Bilkent University as the only critical theorist there. Bilkent was at the time one of the few universities in Turkey committed to excellence in research—now there are more—and that allowed me the academic freedom to pursue my research interests in Critical Security Studies: I was able to focus on my work without having to spread out into other fields. It helped that I became part of research networks as well: I've already mentioned Arlene Tickner's and Ole Waever's work, their project on geocultural epistemologies in IR and 'Worlding beyong the West'. Ole Waever invited me to join, thus opening up my second research agenda since my PhD, enriched by workshops and conversations with scholars in the group. It is not far removed from my core work, but it is an added dimension. And this helped me over time to overcome my earlier doubts about IR, for I began to see just how multidisciplinary it was. It was only through Critical IR that I learned how parallel perspectives in other disciplines, and alternative ideas could be brought to bear on IR—something you also find nowadays in international political sociology or different aspects of anthropology in constructivism.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
In terms of skills, I think that studying at different institutions if possible, different settings with different academic traditions helps a lot. Institutions vary widely in their emphasis—Bilkent for instance believes that the best teachers are those who do cutting-edge research. Others may disagree and say that small teaching colleges are the best, because they pass on what they specialise in. I think therefore that studying at different institutions is very good for students, whether it be within formal exchange frameworks or acquiring fellowships for study away, not to mention of course fieldwork, which offers new settings: every new environment is an important learning experience, even if the substance is not so useful and what you learn is not necessarily so significant. Secondly, some would suggest learning a different language is important, along with acquiring a foothold in area studies and comparative studies, and I agree with that. Thirdly, Stefano Guzzini talks about IR theory being what a student needs in terms of disposition and skills: he has this piece in the Journal of International Relations and Development (2001), where he makes the case specifically for would-be diplomats in Central and Eastern European countries that by learning theory, students would be equipped to communicate across cultural boundaries—it's like learning a new language. They would learn to watch out against ethnocentrism, he argues, and this is one of the pieces I use when I teach IR theory. In this spirit, I think it important to use theory as a new language, as one of the tools that every student should have in their toolkit. And finally, I think I'd follow Cynthia Enloe's (Theory Talk #48) recommendation that it's useful to have a foot both in IR theory and in comparative studies. I feel that one without the other is less rewarding, though one will not know what one is missing until one goes to explore.
In my PhD work I focused on the Middle East, since then I have looked more in depth at Europe's relationship with the Euro-Mediterranean relations and Turkey-EU relations as empirical points of reference. This has been enriching and has benefited my research. In sum, it is essential to read as broadly as possible, and I give the same advice to my M.A. and to my PhD students. You can't read everything, and it can happen that the more we read the more confused we get, but in this Theory Talks is doing a great job by allowing students to learn from the experience of others. Learning happens also at conferences: you may find subjects that are of no interest to you, but that is helpful also, and on the other hand new subjects will broaden horizons. The wealth of cultural references in each part of the world can be baffling and may make it difficult to delve deep. The only way we make sense of the unknown through what we know.
What regional or perhaps even global protagonism can you envisage for IR studies emerging from Turkey? Turkey is often perceived to bridge Europe and the Middle East, Europe and Asia, but we have the problem that Asia itself is a Western idea, then a 'bridge' is in danger of belonging to neither.
As I made clear in what I said above, I don't think of IR in terms of contributions emerging from this part of the world or that part of the world. And although I grew up in Turkey and began my academic career there, I don't consider my own work to be in any way a 'Turkish perspective' on IR. What can be said to be Turkish about my perspective is that I have to travel to Aberystwyth and Copenhagen and all those ISA conference locations to discover that I can have (and some say I should) have a Turkish perspective. My undergraduate education was about learning IR as a 'universally undisputed'. I now know the limitations of that universalism, but I cannot offer a specifically located perspective, for it is a complicated picture that emerges in front of us. I am not in favour of replacing one parochialism with another one, in terms of those who speak of X School of IR versus Y School of IR.
Having said that, I consider that my contribution as being comfortable with what Orhan Pamuk has called the 'in-between world', though I prefer to use the term 'hybridity', not in-between-ness. That Turkish policy-makers have always claimed a bridge status for their country, but these ideas are rooted in Turkey's hybridity and belonging to multiple worlds (as opposed to being in between multiple worlds). Policy-makers can talk about being a bridge between Europe and Asia, or Europe and the Middle East, because Turkey in fact belongs to all these worlds. So in some ways being at ease with this hybridity does allow me to have a particular perspective in IR that I may not have had if I had come from a different background. But then again, it's difficult to know. I have taken courses in political anthropology, learning about the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey as an imagined community, but all my introductions to geocultural studies and epistemology came from Critical IR settings, so looking for geographically or culturally specific roots simply doesn't work. As Said put it, it is 'beginnings' that we should be looking for, not 'origins.'
When Europeans and North Americans speak of 'state building' and 'development', Turkey is often taken as a model example of conversion to Western models—largely by its own choice. Should Turkey's path and modern reality be understood differently?
I am not comfortable with the word 'model', but 'example' may be a preferable term. So what is Turkey an example of? That has become a particular research question for me and I have written on this—Turkey's choice to locate itself in the West and what that means. Turkey is interesting for having decided to locate itself in the West, and this is where language and culture come in the picture. More often than not, the literature tends to assume that elites in places like Turkey would make the decision to adopt the 'Western model', and the rationale for adopting that model is not questioned, but instead taken to be 'obvious' from development theory and its teleological outlook: 'it just happened'. It is those that do not adopt the dominant model, those that decide against Westernization, that need explaining. Perhaps I would not have asked myself that question, had I not—and here my biography comes into the picture—been puzzled by references to 'civilization' in Turkish texts. If you look into Turkish literature or historical documents you will find references to 'civilization' everywhere—the national anthem refers to civilization as a 'one-toothed monster called civilization'. As a young student, I just couldn't make sense of this and wondered why is everyone talking about civilization and why is it a good and a difficult thing at the same time?
I began to make sense of this as I was researching Turkey's choices about secularism in the late 19th and early 20th century, and was looking at some of those documents once again, but this time with insights provided by postcolonial IR. The language commonly used was 'joining' the West, and secularisation was a part of the package, but it was not necessarily a question of mere emulation but search for security, being a part of the 'international society'. These were not easy decisions, so here I look at Turkey's choice to locate itself in the West within the security context. There was a notion of a 'standard of civilization' in Europe and the West more broadly which others were expected to 'live up to', and this gives you some sense of the ubiquity of the references to civilization in the discourses of Turkish policy makers at the time. I am not suggesting that this is the whole answer, and I do not reject distinct answers, but I do think it helps understand Turkey's decision to locate itself in the West in the early 20th century. So this is where my security aspects of my work and Critical IR together. My starting point is to identify the ubiquity of one notion and then locate that within critical IR theory. Turkey becomes an example of postcolonial insecurities. Though never having been colonized it nonetheless exhibits those 'postcolonial anxieties' in Sankaran Krishna's words.
I am keenly aware of the reality that even when we as academics are doing our most theoretical and abstract work, we are never removed from the roles of the 'real world', for we are teachers at the same time: by the time we put our ideas to paper we have already disseminated them through our teaching. Some of us are more committed to teaching than others, of course, but some critical theorists see the most important part of their job as being good educators and training the new generation, as opposed to being more public intellectuals and writing op-ed pieces and talking to bigger audiences. We are therefore never far removed from the world of practice and from disseminating our ideas about security and international relations, because we are teachers, and some of our students will go on to work in the real world institutions, like government or the media.
Beyond that, there is a growing vitality in the literature on the privatisation of security: on private armies and how security is being privatised and fielded out to professionals. The new literature that is emerging on this is more and more interesting, I am thinking for instance of Anna Leander's work here: she talks about privatization of security not only in terms of the involvement of private professionals going off to do what government or other actors tell them to do, but also in terms of the setting up of security agendas and shaping security, determining what threats are, and determining what risks are and quite literally how we should be leading our lives. In this sense theory and critical security studies have become very real for all of us, because no one group of people owns the definitions.
Currently I am working on a manuscript that brings together two of my research interests, conceptions of the international beyond the West and Critical Security Studies. I use the case of Turkey for purposes of illustration but also for insight. I am trying to think of ways of studying security that are attentive to the periphery's conceptions of the international as a source of (non-material) insecurity.
Pınar Bilgin is the author of Regional Security in the Middle East: a Critical Perspective (Routledge, 2005) and over 50 papers. She is an Associate Member of the Turkish Academy of Sciences. She received the Young Scientists Incentive Award of the Scientific and Technical Research Council of Turkey (TÜBITAK) in 2009 and 'Young Scientist' (GEBIP) award of Turkish Academy of Sciences (TÜBA, 2008). She served as the President of Central and East European International Studies Association (CEEISA), and chair of International Political Sociology Section of ISA. She is a Member of the Steering Committee of Standing Group on International Relations (SGIR) and an Associate Editor of International Political Sociology.
Related links
Faculty Profile at Bilkent University Read Bilgin's Thinking Past 'Western' IR? (2008) here (pdf) Read Bilgin's A Return to 'Civilisational Geopolitics' in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in the Post-Cold War Era (2004) here (pdf) Read Bilgin's Whose 'Middle East'? Geopolitical Inventions and Practices of Security (2004) here (pdf) Read Bilgin's and A.D. Morton's Historicising representations of 'Failed States': beyong the cold-war annexation of the social sciences? (2002) here (pdf)
The main economic function of the university is associated with providing the organizations-economic operators with new highly qualified personnel. The formal grounds of professional ethos of high school teacher should first be: an adequate level of professional competence in a particular field of scientific knowledge, adequate pedagogical skills, high level of reflectivity and especially moral consciousness of the teacher, educational services market presence, a sufficient level of economic development, formation of basic communities involved in the use of professional competence of university lecturer (most professors, students, customers qualified university graduates, university administration etc.). Market society gave commercialism problem in education providing the industrial scale, that even post-industrial technologies are unable to overcome. The main economic benefit of university activity should evaluate in the terms of capital turnover - but, above all, symbolic capital, then social capital, then economic (including financial), and then all other forms of capital that one can imagine – political or any more. University produces and reproduces meanings – these meanings drive development of society in general, including economic. The situations of social interaction then becomes the foundation that creates institutions not formally, but informally and continuously: this generation is comparable to the democratic way of doing business every day as opposed to participation in democratic elections just once every five years. The model of conversation sets the thematic certainty, not just grammatical correctness of communication. So, for our study it refers to the specific educational ethical values that may limit some and stimulate other economic actions with specific educational ethics. These rules are in its most specific so that the better they work in education - the worse they can be applied in other fields such as politics, law, religion or any other. Therefore the use of this approach to education focuses on general research not of social norms, but of the specific educational standards, and within the education system is not to create a specific "institutional educational sub-world" as a variation of the overall institutional world that "rutinize" educational practice, but to study existing forms of educational communication to the (in Luhmann's terms) contingence in the course of educational interactions, which combines binding behaviors and casualty select from these options, ie a combination of situational over-situationality. This over-situationality appears not as typization of available, but as the identification of its selective character. The fact that certain educational practices used in various educational circumstances does not mean that it is a typical or even successful, or some certified algorithms for solving educational problems. The same educational practice may be the answer to a completely different educational situations that have only a few identical components, which revealed sensitive for such practice. Accordingly, it can be more or less successful depending on how these "sensitive" components are crucial for any givensituation. This applies to the comparison of educational ethics norms with no-educational, and a variety of ethical standards. However, on educational standards - there should still be own, especially "sensitive"components in each case, ie in particular also has its own economic behavior ethics in education. The main economic criterion in the selection of education applicants is estimation of the prospects of the applicant as a future professional. Hardly anyone who participated in some role (as applicant or a member of the selection committee) in the admission campaign in university might argue that this particular economic criterion could be only partly formalized and contains a significant proportion of ethical (or unethical) ratio selection committee to the applicant . And this ethic is directly related to economic calculation - even when it is not aware of the selection committee members or the university administration. If selection of applicants will be made successful, the economic component of education depends on – whether a student will be able to master the curriculum, or one will be expelled for academic failure, or find further place of employment, and therefore raise the market value or university and its business reputation, or vice versa, and so on.Keywords: university, values, ethical values, a high school teacher, economic function, professional ethos, professional competence ; Основна економічна функція університету пов'язана іззабезпеченням організацій-суб'єктів економічної діяльності новимивисококваліфікованими кадрами. До формальних підстав виникнення професійного етосу викладача вищої школи слід зараховувати передусім: достатній рівень фахової компетентності у певній царині наукового знання, достатній рівень педагогічної майстерності, високий рівень рефлективності і особливо моральної свідомості викладача, наявність ринку педагогічних послуг, достатній рівень розвитку економіки, сформованість основних спільнот, причетних до застосування професійної компетенції викладача університету (самої професури, студентства, замовників кваліфікованих випускників університету, адміністрації університету тощо). Ринкове суспільство надало проблемі меркантильності у наданні освіти індустріальних масштабів, які не в змозі перебороти навіть постіндустріальні технології. Основний економічний ефект від діяльності університету варто оцінювати мовою обертання капіталу – але, передусім, капіталу символічного, потім вже капіталу соціального, потім економічного (у тому числі фінансового), а вже потім усіх інших форм капіталу, які можна уявити – політичного чи будь-якого ще. Університет продукує і репродукує смисли – ці смисли рухають розвиток суспільства загалом, у тому числі й економічний.Ключові слова: університет, цінності, етичні цінності, викладач вищої школи, економічна функція, професійний етос, професійна компетенція.Основная экономическая функция университета связана с обеспечением организаций-субъектов экономической деятельности новыми высококвалифицированными кадрами. К формальным основаниям возникновения профессионального этоса преподавателя высшей школы следует относить прежде всего: достаточный уровень профессиональной компетентности в определенной области научного знания, достаточный уровень педагогического мастерства, высокий уровень рефлексивности и особенно нравственного сознания преподавателя, наличие рынка педагогических услуг, достаточный уровень развития экономики, сформированность основных сообществ, причастных к применению профессиональной компетенции преподавателя университета (самой профессуры, студенчества, заказчиков квалифицированных выпускников университета, администрации университета и т.д.). Рыночное общество придало проблеме меркантильности в предоставлении образования индустриальных масштабов, которые не в состоянии преодолеть даже постиндустриальные технологии. Основной экономический эффект от деятельности университета стоит оценивать на языке обращения капитала – но, прежде всего, капитала символического, потом уже капитала социального, затем экономического (в том числе финансового), а уже потом всех форм капитала, которые можно представить – политического или какого-либо еще. Университет производит и репродуцирует смыслы – эти смыслы движут развитие общества в целом, в том числе и экономическое.Ключевые слова: университет, ценности, этические ценности, преподаватель высшей школы, экономическая функция, профессиональный этос, профессиональная компетенция.The main economic function of the university is associated with providing the organizations-economic operators with new highly qualified personnel. The formal grounds of professional ethos of high school teacher should first be: an adequate level of professional competence in a particular field of scientific knowledge, adequate pedagogical skills, high level of reflectivity and especially moral consciousness of the teacher, educational services market presence, a sufficient level of economic development, formation of basic communities involved in the use of professional competence of university lecturer (most professors, students, customers qualified university graduates, university administration etc.). Market society gave commercialism problem in education providing the industrial scale, that even post-industrial technologies are unable to overcome. The main economic benefit of university activity should evaluate in the terms of capital turnover - but, above all, symbolic capital, then social capital, then economic (including financial), and then all other forms of capital that one can imagine – political or any more. University produces and reproduces meanings – these meanings drive development of society in general, including economic. The situations of social interaction then becomes the foundation that creates institutions not formally, but informally and continuously: this generation is comparable to the democratic way of doing business every day as opposed to participation in democratic elections just once every five years. The model of conversation sets the thematic certainty, not just grammatical correctness of communication. So, for our study it refers to the specific educational ethical values that may limit some and stimulate other economic actions with specific educational ethics. These rules are in its most specific so that the better they work in education - the worse they can be applied in other fields such as politics, law, religion or any other. Therefore the use of this approach to education focuses on general research not of social norms, but of the specific educational standards, and within the education system is not to create a specific "institutional educational sub-world" as a variation of the overall institutional world that "rutinize" educational practice, but to study existing forms of educational communication to the (in Luhmann's terms) contingence in the course of educational interactions, which combines binding behaviors and casualty select from these options, ie a combination of situational over-situationality. This over-situationality appears not as typization of available, but as the identification of its selective character. The fact that certain educational practices used in various educational circumstances does not mean that it is a typical or even successful, or some certified algorithms for solving educational problems. The same educational practice may be the answer to a completely different educational situations that have only a few identical components, which revealed sensitive for such practice. Accordingly, it can be more or less successful depending on how these "sensitive" components are crucial for any givensituation. This applies to the comparison of educational ethics norms with no-educational, and a variety of ethical standards. However, on educational standards - there should still be own, especially "sensitive"components in each case, ie in particular also has its own economic behavior ethics in education. The main economic criterion in the selection of education applicants is estimation of the prospects of the applicant as a future professional. Hardly anyone who participated in some role (as applicant or a member of the selection committee) in the admission campaign in university might argue that this particular economic criterion could be only partly formalized and contains a significant proportion of ethical (or unethical) ratio selection committee to the applicant . And this ethic is directly related to economic calculation - even when it is not aware of the selection committee members or the university administration. If selection of applicants will be made successful, the economic component of education depends on – whether a student will be able to master the curriculum, or one will be expelled for academic failure, or find further place of employment, and therefore raise the market value or university and its business reputation, or vice versa, and so on.Keywords: university, values, ethical values, a high school teacher, economic function, professional ethos, professional competence