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When China signed a Protocol of Accession to the World Trade Organization in December 2001, other country members were allowed to consider China as a Non-Market Economy until the end of 2016. Taking into account this restraint, the aim of this paper is to answer the following question: can the Market Economy Status Recognition (MES) be measured by a de-facto compliance? The variable used to measure the compliance is the number of antidumping investigations initiated by each country. Hence, the countries which recognize China as a market economy would have a fewer antidumping investigations than the countries that are still treating Beijing as a Non Market Economy, which is the key reason of why the Chinese Government has been campaigning vigorously since 2001 to gain a MES status by a larger number of its economic partners. ; El Protocolo de adhesión de China a la Organización Mundial del Comercio, firmado en Diciembre de 2001, permitió a otros países miembros considerar a China como un país sin economía de mercado (NME, por sus siglas en inglés) hasta finales del 2016. Este trabajo pretende responder a la pregunta: ¿Se puede medir el estatuto de economía del mercado (MES, por sus siglas en inglés) según su cumplimiento? La variable utilizada para medir el cumplimiento fue el número de investigaciones de antidumping iniciadas por país. Se espera que los países que reconocen a China el estatuto de economía del mercado, MES, realicen menos investigaciones antidumping que los que todavía consideran que ésta no tiene economía de mercado (NME). Esto explicaría por qué desde el 2001 el gobierno chino ha estado haciendo una enérgica campaña para ganar la condición de MES entre sus socios económicos. ; O protocolo de adesão à Organização Mundial do Comércio da China, assinado em Dezembro de 2001, permitiu a outros países membros apreciarem a China como nação sem economia de mercado (NME, pela sua rubrica no inglês) até o final de 2016. O presente artigo visa responder a pergunta: É possível medir o status de economia de mercado (MES, pela sua rubrica no inglês) conforme a sua efetivação? A variável aplicada para estimar a execução foi à checagem de investigações anti-dumping iniciadas pelos países. Espera-se que os países que reconhecem à China a classificação de MES, reduzam o número das investigações anti-dumping em comparação com os países que ainda tratam esse país como uma economia sem mercado. Isso esclareceria o fato das agressivas campanhas lideradas pelo governo chinês desde 2001 para ganhar o status de MES entre os seus parceiros econômicos.

In the 1980s, Robert W. Cox (considered the "father of Critical Theory" in IR) envisioned that a counter-hegemonic movement could arise in the future from the multilateral alliance of less privileged States, which could resist the dominance of the central powers of the system. Almost three decades later, the 2008 Financial Crisis, the decline of the US hegemony (propelled by its unilateralist actions) and the rise of emerging economies all over the world resulted in a scenario of transformation and redistribution of power in international relations. In that context, a reformist movement driven by developing countries (some of them located geographically distant from one another), especially by the BRICS nations, voiced new demands for democratization of global governance at the international level, contesting the US and Western hegemony in world affairs and the underrepresentation of less-privileged States in important multilateral organizations. From the analysis of the conceptual framing of Critical Theory to the context behind the inception of BRICS and its positions in international relations, this article aims to explore the elements that could possibly connect the group to the interpretations undertaken by Critical Theorists, showing that the group does hold certain positions that can allow such an association.

The article aims to analyze the intermediary relationship between cinema and dance in the feature film The Red Detachment of Women (1961, Xie Jin) and in the filmed ballet of the same title (1971, Pan Wenzhan and Fu Jie). The films belong, respectively, to the so-called Period of 17 Years (1949–1966) and to the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), years that comprise the government of Mao Zedong. The analysis takes into account the peculiar development of Chinese cinema since its beginnings, and its aesthetic originality based on the different types of arts in the country. During the Maoist period, initially under Soviet influence, China's film industry turned to socialist themes with the intention of internationalizing national arts that sought to make the revolution worldwide. Through the slogan gu wei jin yong yang wei zhong yong (古为今用,洋为中用), which means using the ancient for the present, and foreign things for China, the cultural guidelines of the Communist Party relied on the popular appeal of diverse Chinese and foreign arts to build the heroic narratives of a people forged under socialism. They were easily absorbed not only by the local population, but also by people from other countries. The films in question are examples of the aforementioned motto and combine western aesthetic resources, such as classical ballet, with eastern elements such as Chinese operatic theater, resulting in an original aesthetic for cinema

The current international legal regulation of the Arctic and Antarctica was organized during the second half of the XX century to establish an international public power over the two regions, the Arctic Council (AC) and the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS), which is characterized by Euro-American dominance. However, the rise of emerging countries at the beginning of the XXI century suggests a progressive redefinition of the structural balance of international power in favor of states not traditionally perceived as European and Western. This article examines the role of Brazil within the AC and the ATS to address various polar issues, even institutional ones. As a responsible country in the area of cooperation in science and technology in the oceans and polar regions in BRICS, Brazil appeals to its rich experience in Antarctica and declares its interest in joining the Arctic cooperation. For Brazil, participation in polar cooperation is a way to increase its role in global affairs and BRICS as a negotiating platform. It is seen in this context as a promising tool to achieve this goal. This article highlights new paths in the research agenda concerning interests and prospects of Brazilian agency in the polar regions.

Abstract This paper discusses the emergence of non-state actors involved in developing rules on environmental and social standards in transnational arenas that are outside the control of governments and International Organizations. This work is the result of a field research conducted between January and March 2012 in the main palm producing region of Brazil, located in the state of Pará, encompassing the municipalities of Moju, Tailândia and Acará. It comprises a case study of a palm oil producing company based in the Amazon region. The synergy of this company with governmental policy has projected Brazil's soft power, not through foreign policy and diplomacy but by influencing transnational private regulation with the use of labels and certification schemes recognized by stakeholders engaged in the palm oil global chain. The authors use the academic literature on regulation and private governance to highlight the rise of non-state actors as rule-makers in contemporary international relations.

The election of Donald Trump caused a change in the direction of U.S. foreign policy for Latin America with the imposition of new sanctions on the Cuban government (starting a new cold war with the island) and the attempted regime changes in Venezuela and Nicaragua, whose governments are seen as a threat by Washington's elite. In September 2018, during a speech at the opening session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, Donald Trump took up the principles of the Monroe Doctrine as formal a U.S. policy and rejected the alleged interference of foreign states in the western hemisphere and in the internal affairs of the United States — a direct allusion to China and Russia. This change in U.S. policy toward Latin America has had a great impact on Sino-Latin American relations in the context of political pressures and aggressive rhetoric seeking to curb the Chinese presence there. This article explores the motivation behind the new attitude of the United States in its relations with Latin America and how it impacts Sino-Latin American relations.

Abstract Conventional pastureland management has brought Southern Brazilian dairy farms to a financial and environmental crisis. In this context, the management-intensive grazing system (MIG) emerges as a viable alternative to conventional pastureland management. This study aims to analyze the Social-Ecological System (SES) transformation process of the dairy system in Santa Rosa de Lima, Southern Brazil, from conventional management to MIG. For the analysis, two different frameworks were combined: SES transformation process and the triple-loop learning frameworks. The analysis was based on a statistical analysis of interviews, conducted with dairy farmers. Results show that the dairy system in Santa Rosa de Lima is in the middle of a transformation process. During this phase, farmers have already reached single and, partially, double-loop learning. Among the elements needed to successfully move the transformation process forward, social learning stands out as indispensable, as well as financial capital. For this, payments for ecosystem services are suggested.