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Afghanistan will experience a major security and development transition over the next three years. At the Kabul and Lisbon Conferences in 2010, NATO and the Afghan government agreed that full responsibility for security would be handed over to the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) by the end of 2014. Development progress since 2001 has been mixed. Some major achievements have been recorded, such as rapid economic growth (with large fluctuations), relatively low inflation (after hyperinflation in the 1990s), better public financial management, and gains in basic health and education. Key social indicators, including life expectancy and maternal mortality, have improved markedly (admittedly from an extremely low base), and women are participating more in the economy. Yet in other respects, particularly governance and institution building, the country has fared less well, and many indicators have worsened in recent years. Afghanistan remains one of the world's least developed countries, with a per capita gross domestic product (GDP) of only $528 in 2010/11. More than a third of the population live below the poverty line, more than half are vulnerable and at serious risk of falling into poverty, and three?quarters are illiterate. This report is intended to be comprehensive, so it also discusses the broader historical and political economy context of development in the country, and how Afghanistan compares with other countries that have undergone their own transitions over the past 30 years. This report is based on data collected from various sources in 2011, and its analysis and findings therefore comprise the team's considered assessment using the best available information available by the end of that year. In addition, projections of future trends in Afghanistan inevitably are subject to uncertainty and reflect any weaknesses in the underlying data. Thus the report's projections should be seen as subject to further adjustments and improvements as better and more recent information become available. This report is presented in two volumes. Volume one is a stand?alone Overview which highlights the main findings, projections, and recommendations of the study. Volume two consists of five chapters presenting the detailed empirical background, analytical findings, projections, and recommendations of the study, along with a concluding chapter and three technical appendices.

This case study examines contemporary experiences of conflict in four contexts: Papua New Guinea, with particular reference to the island of Bougainville and the Highlands region; Solomon Islands; and Vanuatu. We find common themes in these experiences, despite the regions famous sociolinguistic diversity, fragmented geography and varied experience of globalization. Melanesia offers distinctive lessons about how conflict may be understood, promoted and avoided. The paper is organized in two broad parts. The first part is contextual. It provides a brief account of conflict and violence in social life before and after colonization. It then tracks, largely chronologically, through the local, national and transnational dimensions of contemporary conflict, how it was avoided, how it has changed, and how it has been managed in different contexts. Particular attention is given to global and regional influences, and to how governments, local people, and external security, development and commercial actors, have worked to mitigate and, at times, exacerbate conflict. The second part of the case study is more analytical. It steps back from the particulars to address themes and propositions in the overall conceptual framing of World Development Report (WDR) 2011 about the nature of conflict, and the underlying stresses and interests that may render it more likely. Part two draws lessons from the histories and contexts discussed in part one. The report organizes these around three themes that reflect views shared with us by people during consultations. The first highlights the need to recognize conflict as an inherent part of social change and thus the need to distinguish between socially generative social contest, and forms of conflict that are corrosive and destructive. The second examines how the ways people 'see' and understand the world directly shapes systems of regulation and 'the rules of the game' and thus directly affect responses to conflict. The third theme argues that capable and legitimate institutions to regulate social contest requires not just capable state institutions, but as much, relationships with local and international agents and organizations operating below and above the state.

European Union combines territories of 27 member countries and also economical, trade and financial aspects. It has an essential role in global problems and its importance is increasing equal to adoption of collective decisions in sphere of foreign policy. EU converses with all the world key figures and also with those who have their own opinion about world and their own interests.During the last years the meaning of EU as an independent figure in the modern general European safety system is intensifying. It is important to point that diplomacy stays the basement for mutual foreign and safety policy in EU, so that it is supported by trade, help, safety and defense if it's necessary. This policy is directed firstly to solve the conflicts and reach the international understanding.The topicality of issue. The historical development of Europe witnesses that guaranteeing of safety has been a task of various international political blocks and organizations. Exacerbation of untraditional threats influenced the strengthening of institutional and functional role of international organization in sphere of guaranteeing of safety.Dynamics of international processes points the increasing meaning of regional safety systems in providing of stability in the world. Mutual dependence of regional and global organizations of collective safety and defense is intensifying (UN, NATO, OSCE and EU).The aim of the article is an analyzing of European safety and defense police (ESDP) as policy in process of further closer integration within EU and in the relationships with other international safety organizations.The object of survey is mutual safety and defense policy of EU in the context of new threats to the regional and global safety.The subject of survey – international political specifies of formation and evolution, institutional and practical and international law mechanisms of ESDP since the second half of XX cen. – the beginning of XXI cen.The conclusions In such way, in the last 20 years political and institutional changes in EU has created the premises for the new perception of «purely European» safety space. The development of European safety conception is characterized by complex approach, determination of qualitatively new threats and at the same time emphasizes the accepting of values which are mutual for European countries.1. Earlier in the EU state security relied entirely on the political defensive mechanism of NATO and the political mechanism of OSCE and the UN, the security problems are recently becoming further relevance for European policy and become «internal priority» of the European Union. EU concern for maintaining their own security, the creation of an appropriate system and its organization was implemented in an effort to strengthen the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). However, since its launch CFSP was ineffective political-legal and institutional mechanisms. Therefore, in 1999 the European Union introduced a new, more successful initiative called the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP).It should be noted that this area of soft security, ie the post-conflict settlement and assist in civil management, and is currently the most successful and best functioning part of ESDP. Scope military solution is still considered controversial by most Member States and has many obstacles to achieve efficient operation.2. The EU strongly and gradually approaching the ability to influence to European and international security. Over the last decade, the EU was able to significantly develop its military component of ESDP as an important link. In particular, the creation and development of military forces allowed the EU to take over peacekeeping missions as in Europe and beyond.3. Enhancing the EU efforts in the area of foreign and security policy was due to the failure of the EU itself resolve the conflict in the Balkans, the knowledge of its own military and technological backwardness, the understanding of the changes in the content and scope of threats and recognition of the need to build an appropriate response strategy. This led to a conceptual change in European security policy and the emergence of initiatives to create a European military instruments of influence on world politics (in the so-called «hard security»).4. Over the last decade, the EU had 23 civilian missions and military operations on three continents. These include the following: peace of the after effects of Tsunami Aceh (Indonesia), the protection of refugees in Chad, the fight against piracy in Somalia and the Horn of Africa. This suggests that the EU's role as a player in the security becomes tangible.As of November 2010 the EU has both thirteen military and civilian missions in 4 regions of the world: the European continent (the Balkans, Moldova / Ukraine), the Middle East, Asia and Africa. Also completed 11 military and civilian operations in the Balkans, the Caucasus, Asia and Africa.While EU operations using inputs NATO. Thus, we can speak of complementary efforts and mutually beneficial cooperation between the EU and NATO.5. In the EU a priority for further development of ESDP recognizes no quantitative growth indicators and qualitative implementation of capacity in this area, which in turn confronts the EU Member States following objectives: reaching consensus on all aspects of common security and defense policy, development and learning new methodologies crisis management, effective use of international cooperation, strengthening the defense industry and military technology.6. Motivation to improve the state of national security, stabilization of the internal and external situation, reducing dependence and further out from the influence of a number of other reasons make our country more actively in the foreign and security policy. The overall process of the EU integration process involves appropriate in all areas and sectors, including security, so further participation in the CFSP has a positive attitude affect the positioning of Ukraine in the security dimension of European geopolitical space. Achieving this goal is possible only in case of joint ownership of all political parties, the government and the President to improve geo-political situation of our country both in Europe and internationally. ; Статья посвящена исследованию проблемы формирования, развития и усовершенствования оборонительной политики и политики безопасности Европейского Союза, совместной внешней политики и политики безопасности.Анализируются основные шаги европейского сообщества в направлении создания собственной, Европейской оборонительной политики и политики безопасности в контексте новых угроз региональной и глобальной безопасности, состояние и трансформация отношений ЕС и НАТО в сфере безопасности. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню проблеми формування, розбудови та вдосконалення оборонної і безпекової політики Європейського Союзу, спільної зовнішньої та безпекової політики.Аналізуються основні кроки європейського співтовариства в напрямку створення власної, Європейської безпекової та оборонної політики в контексті нових загроз регіональній і глобальній безпеці, стан та трансформація стосунків ЄС і НАТО у сфері безпеки.

UNO-Vermittler Dr. Norbert Holl hat Afghanistan eines der vertracktesten sicherheitspolitischen Probleme der Welt nach dem Kalten Krieg genannt. Dabei hatte der Westen, allen voran die USA, seit dem sowjetischen Truppenabzug 1989 bis in die jüngste Zeit alles Interesse an dem Land verloren. Auch Rußland hat seit 1991 längere Zeit - wenn auch nicht aus identischen Gründen - eine analoge "Linie" verfolgt. Doch aufgrund seiner Rolle als militärische Schutzmacht der GUS ist Moskau von den Geschehnissen im Land am Hindukusch weiterhin mehr oder minder direkt betroffen. Stellt doch Afghanistan mit seiner anhaltenden Anarchie und ihren destabilisierenden Auswirkungen für die zentralasiatischen GUS-Staaten die unmittelbar gefährlichste sicherheitspolitische Bedrohung dar. Hinzu kommt seit geraumer Zeit das Interesse an der Rolle Afghanistans als Transitland für geplante Pipelines und Verkehrsverbindungen mit dem Süden, wodurch die vom Meer abgeschnittenen zentralasiatischen Kontinentalstaaten hoffen, ihre Wirtschaft aus der Krise führen sowie ihre politische Souveränität absichern zu können. (BIOst-Dok)

Today's diplomacy is an ambiguous phenomenon which involves many diverse tools and actions undertaken by national and international actors. Diplomacy is undoubtedly one of a key element of international peace and security as it enables disputes and conflicts to be prevented . There is a host of measures and instruments that can be exercised at any stage of a crisis, among which are special political missions. This paper is an attempt to discuss the nature and role of a special political mission in preventive actions. The main attention is paid to the missions established by the United Nations and by the European Union. 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