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The practical significance of creating 'ethnic territorial units' within the Russian federation remains unclear. Since 2003 the Russian Government has implemented a policy of merging ethnically defined autonomous okrugs (districts) into larger units. The former okrugs have been replaced by the territories of a 'special' status. Some new legal provisions refer to these units' 'ethnic' character. However, examination of the new legislation reveals that issues of ethnicity, the protection and promotion of minority languages, and the cultural heritage of the okrugs have largely been neglected. All the legal acts adopted to date are very general in nature and do not provide details of the guarantees and obligations necessary to put such policies into practice. Adapted from the source document.

Twenty years after the demise of communist policy, this book evaluates the continuing communist legacies in the current minority protection systems and legislations across a number of states in post-communist Europe.The fall of communism and the process of democratisation across post-communist Europe led to considerable change in minority protection with new systems and national political institutions either developed or copied. In general, the new institutions reflected the practices and experiences of (western) European states and were installed upon advice from European sec

This paper addresses the phenomenon of public fora which are designed to represent certain ethnic groups and are set up through a popular vote. The academic and popular interest in such "congresses" results from the fact that over time it has been shown that these endeavors have: (1) proven to be viable and durable organization structures for about two decades; (2) secured flexibility in their establishment and functioning; (3) provided for mass participation in public discussions and voting; (4) avoided "identity trap" and most complexities related to setting qualifications and the selection of eligibility criteria for the participants; (5) been a bridge between minority activists and public authorities. At the same time, the real practical outcomes, the ability to act independently and visibility of the "congresses" on the political landscape are far from being obvious, and this raises questions about the reasons for such doubtful achievements and the very meaning of "representation" in such a context. (ECMI)

This paper addresses the phenomenon of public fora which are designed to represent certain ethnic groups and are set up through a popular vote. The academic and popular interest in such "congresses" results from the fact that over time it has been shown that these endeavors have: (1) proven to be viable and durable organization structures for about two decades; (2) secured flexibility in their establishment and functioning; (3) provided for mass participation in public discussions and voting; (4) avoided "identity trap" and most complexities related to setting qualifications and the selection of eligibility criteria for the participants; (5) been a bridge between minority activists and public authorities. At the same time, the real practical outcomes, the ability to act independently and visibility of the "congresses" on the political landscape are far from being obvious, and this raises questions about the reasons for such doubtful achievements and the very meaning of "representation" in such a context. (ECMI)

Non-territorial autonomy (NTA) is a statecraft tool that is gaining increasing importance in societies seeking to accommodate demands by ethno-cultural groups for a voice in cultural affairs important to the protection and preservation of their identity, such as language and education as well as religion. NTA offers policymakers a range of options for institutional design adaptable to specific circumstances and historical legacies. The ambition of this volume is to provide both policymakers and ethno-cultural groups with a toolkit that promotes social cohesion while respecting diversity