Suchergebnisse

The practical significance of creating 'ethnic territorial units' within the Russian federation remains unclear. Since 2003 the Russian Government has implemented a policy of merging ethnically defined autonomous okrugs (districts) into larger units. The former okrugs have been replaced by the territories of a 'special' status. Some new legal provisions refer to these units' 'ethnic' character. However, examination of the new legislation reveals that issues of ethnicity, the protection and promotion of minority languages, and the cultural heritage of the okrugs have largely been neglected. All the legal acts adopted to date are very general in nature and do not provide details of the guarantees and obligations necessary to put such policies into practice. Adapted from the source document.

This paper addresses the phenomenon of public fora which are designed to represent certain ethnic groups and are set up through a popular vote. The academic and popular interest in such "congresses" results from the fact that over time it has been shown that these endeavors have: (1) proven to be viable and durable organization structures for about two decades; (2) secured flexibility in their establishment and functioning; (3) provided for mass participation in public discussions and voting; (4) avoided "identity trap" and most complexities related to setting qualifications and the selection of eligibility criteria for the participants; (5) been a bridge between minority activists and public authorities. At the same time, the real practical outcomes, the ability to act independently and visibility of the "congresses" on the political landscape are far from being obvious, and this raises questions about the reasons for such doubtful achievements and the very meaning of "representation" in such a context. (ECMI)

This paper addresses the phenomenon of public fora which are designed to represent certain ethnic groups and are set up through a popular vote. The academic and popular interest in such "congresses" results from the fact that over time it has been shown that these endeavors have: (1) proven to be viable and durable organization structures for about two decades; (2) secured flexibility in their establishment and functioning; (3) provided for mass participation in public discussions and voting; (4) avoided "identity trap" and most complexities related to setting qualifications and the selection of eligibility criteria for the participants; (5) been a bridge between minority activists and public authorities. At the same time, the real practical outcomes, the ability to act independently and visibility of the "congresses" on the political landscape are far from being obvious, and this raises questions about the reasons for such doubtful achievements and the very meaning of "representation" in such a context. (ECMI)

Non-territorial autonomy (NTA) is a statecraft tool that is gaining increasing importance in societies seeking to accommodate demands by ethno-cultural groups for a voice in cultural affairs important to the protection and preservation of their identity, such as language and education as well as religion. NTA offers policymakers a range of options for institutional design adaptable to specific circumstances and historical legacies. The ambition of this volume is to provide both policymakers and ethno-cultural groups with a toolkit that promotes social cohesion while respecting diversity

This book explores and evaluates non-territorial autonomy (NTA), an important modality of ethnic and religious diversity management. Whereas multicultural liberal democracies sincerely champion equality and individual human rights, they often have considerable difficulty in accommodating culturally diverse minority communities. In most cases, minority communities do not reside within a compact space, making any territorial representation impossible

The article analyzes the essence of the traditional state functions, their specificity and key differences in comparison with the activities and tasks of the modern state. Discussion of the differences and the argumentation of the types and specificity of the traditional state functions is carried out by the authors on the basis of systematization of various historical and legal studies, political and legal monuments. The article explains that it is possible for each traditional state to identify a number of special functions having historical and typological specificity and a specific historical characteristic. These special functions deepen and concretize the universal (general) function of the state, based on its purpose and thus embodying the essence of the state as a social institution. The authors demonstrate, in a specific context, that the functions of the traditional state as a “base core” form an affective and traditionalist orientation in public power; in contrast to the modern functions of the state, having a value-normative orientation and a goal-rational activity component.

This book provides a comprehensive overview of the norms and practices of ethnic diversity management in the Russian Federation in the last twenty years. It examines the evolution of the legal framework, the institutional architecture and the policies intended to address the large number of challenges posed by Russia's immense ethno-cultural diversity. It analyses the legal, social and political changes affecting ethno-cultural relations and the treatment of ethnic minorities, and assesses how ethnic diversity both influences and is shaped by transformations in Russian politics and society. It concludes by appraising how successful or otherwise policies have been so far, and by outlining the challenges still faced by the Russian Federation. (Routledge)