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The article is aimed at studying the experience of foreign countries and the former USSR in terms of reforming the economy of the regions, using theories of their development and spatial organization. To this end, the corresponding theories are grouped according to their belonging to the main schools of economic thought and practical orientation. Also, the experience of their positive application is revealed. Thus, theories of the first group, which are based on classical political economy, marginalism and neoclassicalism, are oriented towards the improvement of the spatial organization of the economy (theories of production placement and the spatial organization of the economy), the greatest application was found in Germany and the former USSR. Theories of the second group (planned economic and Keynesian type), envisaging large-scale state aid to backward regions, such as the theory of state regulation of the development of regions, were widely practiced in the USSR and the United States. Theories of the third group (institutional direction), which are aimed primarily at interregional redistribution of economic growth (regional science, "growth poles", clusters, etc.), were used in most countries of the world, but their experience in France, Italy and Finland. Theories of the fourth group (based on the neoclassical synthesis), which envisage the balanced use of the resource potential of the regions (primarily the theory of sustainable self-development of the regions), have become widespread in the EU countries and may therefore become particularly popular in Ukraine in connection with its Euro-integration aspirations. It is the latter group of theories that should become the "core" of the ensemble of theories, which it is advisable to rely on in the process of reforming the economy of the regions of Ukraine. ; Стаття спрямована на вивчення досвіду зарубіжних країн і колишнього СРСР в плані реформуванні економіки регіонів з використанням теорій їхнього розвитку та просторової організації. З цією метою відповідні теорії згруповані за їх приналежністю до основних шкіл економічної думки та практичною спрямованістю. Також розкрито досвід їх позитивного застосування. Так, теорії першої групи, що мають в основі класичну політичну економію, маржиналізм і неокласику та зорієнтовані на удосконалення просторової організації господарства (теорії розміщення виробництва і просторової організації економіки), найбільше застосування знайшли у Німеччині і колишньому СРСР. Теорії другої групи (планово-економічного і кейнсіанського типу), що передбачають масштабну державну допомогу відсталим регіонам, як, наприклад, теорія державного регулювання розвитку регіонів, широко практикувались у СРСР і США. Теорії третьої групи (інституційного напряму), які націлені здебільшого на міжрегіональний перерозподіл економічного зростання (регіональної науки, "полюсів зростання", кластерів та ін.), використовувались у більшості країн світу, але особливо цінним для України є досвід їх застосування у Франції, Італії та Фінляндії. Теорії четвертої групи (на базі неокласичного синтезу), що передбачають збалансоване використання ресурсного потенціалу регіонів (передусім теорія сталого саморозвитку регіонів), знайшли широке застосування в країнах ЄС і тому можуть стати особливо затребуваними в Україні у зв'язку з її євроінтеграційними устремліннями. Саме остання група теорій має стати «ядром» в ансамблі теорій, на які доцільно спиратися в процесі реформування економіки регіонів України.

06.03.2018 tarihli ve 30352 sayılı Resmi Gazetede yayımlanan "Yükseköğretim Kanunu İle Bazı Kanun Ve Kanun Hükmünde Kararnamelerde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun" ile 18.06.2018 tarihli "Lisansüstü Tezlerin Elektronik Ortamda Toplanması, Düzenlenmesi ve Erişime Açılmasına İlişkin Yönerge" gereğince tam metin erişime açılmıştır. ; Dünya, Soğuk Savaş sonrasında uluslararası ilişkilerde önemli bir değişime şahit olmuştur. Diplomasi ve uluslararası ilişkilerde yumuşak güç, sert gücün beraberinde bir artış göstermiştir. Küreselleşme, bilgi teknolojilerinin yaygınlaşması ve iletişim olanaklarının artması bu durumu etkilemiş ve kolaylaştırmıştır. "Kültürel Diplomasi" olarak da adlandırılan olgu; ülkelerin birbirlerine ordu, silah ve diğer etkenleri kullanarak etki etmesi yerine, yumuşak güçleriyle (bilim, sanat, kültür, spor, eğitim vb.) birbirlerini etkilemesi ve birbirleriyle yakınlaşması olarak da tanımlanabilir (Snow, 2009, 3). Ayrıca Afrika, Türkiye gibi gelişmiş ülkelerin, çeşitli sebeplerle ilgisini çekmiştir. Kültürel Çalışmalar ana alanında olarak, bu çalışmanın amacı, kültürel unsurların, insanların algı ve davranışlarını etkilemek için nasıl kullanıldığını, bulmaktır. Sonuç olarak, Sahra altı Afrika'daki Türk kültürel diplomasisine neredeyse yirmi yıldan beri ve özellikle Benin Cumhuriyeti'nde daha yakından bakmak, Fransa ve Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ile karşılaştırıldığında, delegasyon yaklaşımıyla liberal bir modele dayanmaktadır. Bu çalışma, Türk kültürel diplomasisinin temel amaçlarının politik ve ekonomik olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Ve kullanılan mekanizma şunlardan oluşur: Benin'deki Türk elçiliği, Türkiye İşbirliği ve Koordinasyon Ajansı (TİKA), YTB bursları ve Benin'de insani faaliyetlerde bulunan Türk STK'ları. Çalışmada literatür taramasının arından 25 katılımcı ile yapılan yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmeler ve doküman analizi yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Toplanan verileri işlemek için içerik analizi teknikleri ve NVivo nitel analiz yazılımı kullanılmıştır. ; The world has witnessed a significant shift in the international relations after the Cold war. The soft power has risen along with the hard power in diplomacy and international relations fields. Globalisation and the spreading of the technologies of information and communication have also facilitated and accentuated the phenomenon. Cultural Diplomacy is the fact that countries use their soft power potential (education, culture, science, art, sport etc.) instead of army forces, weapons and others to impress, and get closed to each other (Snow, 2009, 3). Besides, Africa has always been for several reasons of great interest for developed countries including Turkey. Falling into Cultural Studies main field, this study aims to look for the cultural elements used to influence people's mind, perception and actions in the framework of cultural diplomacy by bringing light on education and scholarship programs, intercultural communication, humanitarian aids, their actors and their purposes. As a result, a closer look at Turkish cultural diplomacy in Benin Republic, compared to pioneer countries like France and the USA is based on a liberal model by delegation approach. The study reveals that Turkish cultural diplomacy's main purposes are political and economic. And the mechanism used is composed of: the Turkish embassy, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA), YTB scholarships and Non-profit organisations. In this study, documentary analysis and semi structured interviews with 25 participants with relevant profiles were used to collect data. Content analysis technics and NVivo qualitative analysis software were used to process collected data.

This thesis describes causes and consequences of urban fragmentation linked to gated communities expansion in Marseille (France). This work is based on 10 years of research and field surveys led by geographers. The dynamics of enclosure is very strong from over 20 years in Marseille, especially in peripherical areas, urbanized all along 20th and 21th centuries. New-built residential projects in urban regeneration areas or existing streets closure are very common now and tends to be more and more. By this enclosure phenomenon, we question another elementary city's object. We analyse street / road in its symbolical (link with public space), functional (enclosure impacts) and juridical (soil law) way. We address enclosure by its origins through a "geohistory" of streets and their private status, local morphogenesis of peripherical road map, marked by an old liberalism politics and informality. Actor's plurality and their evolution through time about roads management and production reveal important governance stakes. It explains the inheritance and reproduction of a large number of private streets too. Lack of planification and public interventions has promoted enclosure dynamics. We analyse its impact on urban environment and urbanities in 3 ways: cut-offs intensity on urban street continuity and pedestrian moves, contradiction with urban public projects, linked to sustainable politics and at last, conflicts emergence between local residents. We built this work as a research-action, we address the impacts and genesis of this deeply embedded phenomenon. ; Le phénomène de fermeture résidentielle a connu en moins de vingt ans un développement considérable à Marseille, notamment dans les périphéries urbanisées à partir du 20e siècle. Les nouveaux produits immobiliers, issus de la promotion récente dans des zones de renouvellement, ou les anciennes rues de lotissements, de copropriétés, fermées au passage, se sont multipliés et la dynamique tend même à s'amplifier. Par la thématique de la fermeture nous interrogeons un objet élémentaire de l'urbain, la voie, abordée d'un point de vue symbolique (lien avec la question de l'espace public), fonctionnel (impact de la fermeture) et juridique (droit des sols et fermeture). La fermeture est appréhendée par la question de ses origines en faisant une géohistoire du statut privé des voies. Nous analysons la morphogenèse locale du plan de voirie périphérique, marquée par un libéralisme ancien et une informalité des pratiques. La pluralité d'acteurs et l'évolution de leur rôle dans la production et la gestion des voies à Marseille révèlent d'importants enjeux de gouvernance et expliquent l'héritage et la reproduction d'une large trame de voirie privée. Le défaut de planification et d'intervention publiques a favorisé la dynamique d'enclosure des voies dont nous analysons les effets sur la ville et les urbanités sous trois formes : l'intensité des coupures vis-à-vis des continuités du plan de voirie et des déplacements intra-urbains (en particulier piétons), la contradiction avec les plans et les projets publics en lien avec les politiques de « ville durable », enfin, l'émergence de conflits de riverains autour de la création d'enclaves à proximité de centralités et d'équipements publics.

У статті коротко розкрито історію створення та функціонування структур Civil-Millitary Cooperation (далі – CIMIC) в арміях провідних країн світу. Обґрунтовано концепції цивільно-військового співробітництва (далі – ЦВС) у нормативно-правових актах оборонної стратегії США та ряду країн Європи. Показано необхідність розуміння концепції СІМІС в умовах військової діяльності, що спрямована на реконструкцію та модернізацію збройних сил у напрямі тісного зв'язку із цивільною стороною. Висвітлено роль ЦВС як механізму, який дозволяє створити передумови для вирішення поставлених задач, надання відповідної допомоги цивільному населенню та успішного завершення збройного конфлікту. ; The article briefly describes the history of the creation and functioning of Civil – Millitary Cooperation structures in the armies of the leading countries of the world. The concepts of civil-military cooperation in legal acts of defense strategy are justified Croatia, Denmark, France, Germany, USA, Norway, the Netherlands, Ukraine and also NATO. It is shown that it is necessary to understand the concept of SIMIS in the context of military activities aimed at the reconstruction and modernization of the armed forces in the direction of close ties with the civilian side. The role of the Center is shown as a mechanism that allows creating prerequisites for solving the tasks, providing appropriate assistance to the civilian population and the successful conclusion of an armed conflict.Statement of the problem and the state of its research. In recent years, approaches to conflict resolution have changed and the legal requirements for their participants have been substantially revised. The international community is increasing the requirements for taking into account economic, social, religious, political, cultural and humanitarian factors when planning and conducting international peacekeeping operations. As international experience shows, the involvement of a wide range of civil institutions in the process of resolving an existing conflict contributes to the achievement of the common goal of resolving this armed conflict.The relevance of the research center, primarily due to the armed conflict in the East of Ukraine. The CWS system in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is relatively new and is constantly being improved. Theoretical and practical interest is the very functioning of such structures in the armies of foreign states, their features and differences from the Ukrainian system of the Central Military Council.Domestic researchers have already paid some attention to the problems of military-civilian cooperation, exploring information support, the system of training civil-military cooperation specialists, and civilian-military relations in the NATO countries. It is worth noting the articles of Yu. Kalagin, I. Koropatnik, S. Garkushi, N. Vasyukov, E. Titko, P. Tkachuk, V. Opryshko, I. Kuropatkin, A. Nozdrachev, A. Leshchenko, and also a number of collective works. However, the activity of the system of civil-military cooperation of the leading countries of the world is not fully investigated.The purpose of the article is to analyze the regulation of the activities of the structure of civil-military cooperation of the leading countries of the world with an explanation of the basic principles and tasks, where special attention is paid to the element of communication with the civilian element.

Watch the VIDEO. In the present academic world, excellence is often defined, proved and traded by using the level – both quantitative and qualitative – of scholarly research and publications realized by the staff of higher education institutions. This vision is grounded into the North American perception of academic quality, which was willingly adopted and applied by the top-ranking institutions, consequently becoming standard currency in today's globalized academic marketplace. Although this vision has undisputable merits – especially in what concerns the capacity to clearly measure academic quality by using the number and ranking of scholarly publications, it may not always be adopted and recognized as the most desirable yardstick of organizational excellence by some stakeholders of higher education institutions. To investigate the relationship between academic excellence and scholarly research and publications, from the perspective of various stakeholder groups, we initiated in May 2018 a research project centered around the evolving research strategy of Montpellier Business School (MBS), located in the south of France. Founded in 1897, in the last 15 years MBS has known an impressive growth in the number of students and professors. Presently accredited by both the French higher education bodies, and by international institutions (AACSB, EPAS, AMBA), MBS has followed a distinctive strategy that led to a position of leader in the French market of apprentice students – students that follow their studies while working in (and being paid by) companies. In parallel, to achieve the quality standards required by national and – especially – international accreditations, the school introduced an ambitious program of increasing the number and quality of academic publications. At present, although academic quality is holistically defined and measured using three indicators (i.e., pedagogical quality, research quality, and general service), the evaluation of professors' contribution is skewed towards research excellence. We collected primary data through face-to-face semi-structured interviews with a sample of 20 people, from each of the following categories of stakeholders: students, professors, companies. To avoid "politically correct answers" the discussions took place in informal settings, without revealing the aim of the project. The answers and the notes regarding the "non-verbal" behavior displayed by interviewees were written down immediately after the discussion, and then manually coded by the researcher, using open and axial coding techniques. The results indicate, as expected, that the perception of stakeholders regarding this topic depends on their specific interests and profiles. Although, in principle, all stakeholders outlined the importance of scholarly research and publications for knowledge creation, professional evolution, and theoretical understanding, from a practical perspective, many interviewees – especially company representatives and students – deplored the strong focus on theoretical research that has little relevance for their professional development and applications. Among some thought-provoking findings is the opinion that a good researcher is often a poor teacher, in direct relation to the level of his/her publications' ranking, and that scholarly research and publication increasingly functions as a closed hierarchical system that has lost touch with the practical questions and needs of company managers and students.

BMWFW ; FWF ; FNRS ; FWO (Belgium) ; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) ; Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) ; Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ) ; Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) ; MES (Bulgaria) ; MOST ; NSFC (China) ; COLCIENCIAS (Colombia) ; CSF (Croatia) ; SENESCYT (Ecuador) ; MoER ; ERDF (Estonia) ; Academy of Finland ; MEC ; CEA ; CNRS/IN2P3 (France) ; BMBF ; DFG ; HGF (Germany) ; GSRT (Greece) ; OTKA ; NIH (Hungary) ; DAE ; DST ; IPM ; SFI (Ireland) ; INFN (Italy) ; NRF (Republic of Korea) ; MOE ; UM (Malaysia) ; BUAP ; CONACYT ; UASLP-FAI (Mexico) ; MBIE (New Zealand) ; PAEC (Pakistan) ; FCT (Portugal) ; JINR (Dubna) ; RFBR ; MESTD (Serbia) ; SEIDI ; FEDER (Spain) ; Swiss Funding Agencies (Switzerland) ; NSTDA (Thailand) ; TUBITAK ; TAEK ; NASU ; DOE ; NSF (USA) ; Marie-Curie program ; European Research Council ; Horizon 2020 Grant ; Leventis Foundation ; Alfred P. Sloan Foundation ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Belgian Federal Science Policy Office ; Fonds pour la Formation a la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium) ; Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium) ; FWO (Belgium) under the Excellence of Science - EOS ; Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of the Czech Republic ; Council of Science and Industrial Research, India ; HOMING PLUS program of the Foundation for Polish Science ; European Union, Regional Development Fund ; Sonata-bis ; National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund ; Programa Severo Ochoa del Principado de Asturias ; Thalis ; EU-ESF ; Greek NSRF ; Rachadapisek Sompot Fund for Postdoctoral Fellowship, Chulalongkorn University ; Welch Foundation ; Weston Havens Foundation (USA) ; Horizon 2020 Grant: 675440 ; FWO (Belgium) under the Excellence of Science - EOS: 30820817 ; European Union, Regional Development Fund: Harmonia 2014/14/M/ST2/00428 ; European Union, Regional Development Fund: 2014/13/B/ST2/02543 ; European Union, Regional Development Fund: 2014/15/B/ST2/03998 ; European Union, Regional Development Fund: 2015/19/B/ST2/02861 ; Sonata-bis: 2012/07/E/ST2/01406 ; Welch Foundation: C-1845 ; A search is presented for the production of a pair of Higgs bosons, where one decays into two photons and the other one into a bottom quark-antiquark pair. The analysis is performed using proton-proton collision data at root s = 13 TeV recorded in 2016 by the CMS detector at the LHC, corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 35.9 fb(-1) . The results are in agreement with standard model (SM) predictions. In a search for resonant production, upper limits are set on the cross section for new spin-0 or spin-2 particles. For the SM-like nonresonant production hypothesis, the data exclude a product of cross section and branching fraction larger than 2.0 fb at 95% confidence level (CL), corresponding to about 24 times the SM prediction. Values of the effective Higgs boson self-coupling K X are constrained to be within the range -11 < K-lambda < 17 at 95% CL, assuming all other Higgs boson couplings are at their SM value. The constraints on K-lambda, are the most restrictive to date. (C) 2018 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier B.V.

El objetivo de esta tesis es analizar los pagos de parias que se realizaron en la Península Ibérica, entendidas como un pago de periodicidad anual en moneda, que un poder musulmán realizaba, bajo coacción militar, a un poder cristiano, a cambio de un cese de las hostilidades o del mantenimiento de una situación de no agresión mutua por parte de grandes contingentes militares, entre el siglo XI y el siglo XV. Dedicamos apartados diferenciados a analizar la realidad de las parias tras el colapso del Califato de Córdoba, con los pagos realizados por los reinos de taifas a los reinos de Castilla, Aragón, Navarra y condado de Barcelona. También analizamos el fenómeno durante el siglo XII, en el que tratamos los pagos recibidos por Castilla y Aragón a cargo de los rebeldes contra almorávides y almohades. Acabamos por tratar los abonos de parias realizados por el reino nazarí a Castilla durante su existencia política entre el siglo XIII y el siglo XV. Hemos demostrado es que las parias no son un fenómeno aislado, exclusivo de la Península Ibérica. Hasta ahora, las parias se habían estudiado circunscritas a un espacio únicamente peninsular, mientras que nosotros hemos optado por incluir otros espacios medievales como Oriente Medio, Francia o Inglaterra. También se ha puesto de manifiesto que las parias no son una institución única, sino que va cambiando y tiene objetivos distintos según el espacio y la cronología que analicemos. ; The aim of this thesis is to analyse the payments of parias that were made in the Iberian Peninsula, understood as an annual payment in currency, that a Muslim power made, under military duress, to a Christian power in exchange for a stop of the hostilities or the maintenance of a situation of mutual non-aggression by large military contingents, between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. We devote sections to the analysis og the parias after the collapse of the Caliphate of Córdoba, with the payments made by the Taifa kingdoms to the kingdoms of Castilla, Aragón, Navarra and the county of Barcelona. We also have analyzed the phenomenon during the twelfth century, in which we treated the payments received by Castile and Aragon by the rebels against Almoravids and Almohads. We have ended by studying the parias payments made by the Nasrid kingdom to Castile during its political existence between the thirteenth century and the fifteenth century. We have shown that parias are not an isolated phenomenon, exclusive of the Iberian Peninsula. Until now, the parias had been studied circumscribed to the Iberian Peninsula, while we have chosen to include other medieval spaces in our study such as the Middle East, France or England. It has also become clear that the parias are not an unique institution, but that they change and have different objectives adapting to the space and the chronology in which they take place. ; Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia. Contrato para la Formación del Profesorado Universitario (FPU14/00192)

У статті коротко розкрито історію створення та функціонування структур Civil-Millitary Cooperation (далі – CIMIC) в арміях провідних країн світу. Обґрунтовано концепції цивільно-військового співробітництва (далі – ЦВС) у нормативно-правових актах оборонної стратегії США та ряду країн Європи. Показано необхідність розуміння концепції СІМІС в умовах військової діяльності, що спрямована на реконструкцію та модернізацію збройних сил у напрямі тісного зв'язку із цивільною стороною. Висвітлено роль ЦВС як механізму, який дозволяє створити передумови для вирішення поставлених задач, надання відповідної допомоги цивільному населенню та успішного завершення збройного конфлікту. ; The article briefly describes the history of the creation and functioning of Civil – Millitary Cooperation structures in the armies of the leading countries of the world. The concepts of civil-military cooperation in legal acts of defense strategy are justified Croatia, Denmark, France, Germany, USA, Norway, the Netherlands, Ukraine and also NATO. It is shown that it is necessary to understand the concept of SIMIS in the context of military activities aimed at the reconstruction and modernization of the armed forces in the direction of close ties with the civilian side. The role of the Center is shown as a mechanism that allows creating prerequisites for solving the tasks, providing appropriate assistance to the civilian population and the successful conclusion of an armed conflict.Statement of the problem and the state of its research. In recent years, approaches to conflict resolution have changed and the legal requirements for their participants have been substantially revised. The international community is increasing the requirements for taking into account economic, social, religious, political, cultural and humanitarian factors when planning and conducting international peacekeeping operations. As international experience shows, the involvement of a wide range of civil institutions in the process of resolving an existing conflict contributes to the achievement of the common goal of resolving this armed conflict.The relevance of the research center, primarily due to the armed conflict in the East of Ukraine. The CWS system in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is relatively new and is constantly being improved. Theoretical and practical interest is the very functioning of such structures in the armies of foreign states, their features and differences from the Ukrainian system of the Central Military Council.Domestic researchers have already paid some attention to the problems of military-civilian cooperation, exploring information support, the system of training civil-military cooperation specialists, and civilian-military relations in the NATO countries. It is worth noting the articles of Yu. Kalagin, I. Koropatnik, S. Garkushi, N. Vasyukov, E. Titko, P. Tkachuk, V. Opryshko, I. Kuropatkin, A. Nozdrachev, A. Leshchenko, and also a number of collective works. However, the activity of the system of civil-military cooperation of the leading countries of the world is not fully investigated.The purpose of the article is to analyze the regulation of the activities of the structure of civil-military cooperation of the leading countries of the world with an explanation of the basic principles and tasks, where special attention is paid to the element of communication with the civilian element.

Avrupa'da bütünleşme fikrinin temelleri çok eski tarihlere dayanmaktadır. Fakat bu birliğin kurulmasında II. Dünya Savaşı'nın yarattığı siyasal ve ekonomik çöküntünün yeri büyüktür. Savaş sonrası bozulan ekonomilerini geliştirmek amacıyla Fransa, Almanya, İtalya, Belçika, Hollanda, Lüksemburg ABD'nin de desteğiyle önce 1951 yılında Paris Anlaşması ile Avrupa Kömür ve Çelik Birliği'ni (AKÇT), daha sonra 1957'de Roma Anlaşması ile Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu'nu (AET) ve Avrupa Atom Enerjisi Topluluğu'nu (AAET-EURATOM) kurdular. Süreç içerisinde yapılan antlaşmalarla genişleme yaşayan Topluluk, genişlemeye bağlı olarak kurumlarında değişiklikler yapmış, yeni kurumlar oluşturmuş ve mevcut kurumların yetkilerini arttırmıştır. Yarım asrı geride bırakan Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinin temeli 31 Temmuz 1959'da Türkiye'nin AET'ye üyelik için başvurusu ile atılmıştır. AET Bakanlar Konseyi, Türkiye'nin yapmış olduğu başvuruyu kabul ederek, üyelik koşulları gerçekleşinceye kadar geçerli olacak bir ortaklık anlaşması imzalanmasını önermiştir. 12 Eylül 1963 tarihinde imzalanan Ankara Anlaşması'nın 1 Aralık 1964 tarihinde yürürlüğe girmesiyle de Türkiye-AB ortaklık ilişkisi başlamıştır. Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinde önemli dönüm noktalarından biri 1996 da Gümrük Birliği Anlaşması'nın imzalanması, diğeri ise 1999 yılında gerçekleşen Helsinki Zirvesi'nde Türkiye'nin adaylık statüsünün teyit edilmesidir. Adaylık statüsü verilmesinin ardından Türkiye, Uyum Yasaları ve reform paketleri ile Kopenhag Kriterleri'ne bir an önce uyum sağlamayı hedeflemiştir. 17 Aralık 2004 tarihinde Brüksel'de düzenlenen Zirve toplantısında Türkiye'nin siyasi kriterleri yeterli ölçüde karşıladığı belirtilerek 3 Ekim 2005 tarihinde AB'ye katılım müzakerelerinin resmen başlatılması yönünde karar alınmıştır. ; The basis of the idea of integration in Europe is based on a very ancient history. However, the political and economic collapse created by the 2nd World War was very important in the establishment of this union. France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg by the support of USA firstly constituted the European Coal and Steel Union (ECSC) with the Paris Agreement in 1951 and then continued to constitute the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (AAET-EURATOM) with the Treaty of Rome to develop their post-war distorted economies. The Community, which experienced expansion with the agreements made in the process, made changes in its institutions depending on the enlargement, created new institutions, and increased the powers of the existing institutions. Relations when were founded half a century ago between Turkey and the European Union based on Turkey`s application for membership of the EEC on 31 July 1959.EEC Council of Ministers, accepting that Turkey had made the application, has offered the signing of a partnership agreement will be valid until the membership conditions occur. Following the Ankara agreement signed on 12th September in 1963 entered into force on 1 December 1964, Turkey-EU partnership relationship began. One of the significant turning points in Turkey-EU relations in 1996 the signing of the Customs Union Agreement and the other is the confirmation of Turkey's candidate status at the Helsinki Summit in 1999. After giving candidate status to Turkey, it aims to ensure compliance with the Copenhagen criteria by Adjustment Act and the reform packages. It was indicated that Turkey provides political criteria in the Summit meeting held in Brussels on 17 December 2004. Because of that on 3 October 2005, it was decided to meet the EU accession negotiations formally launched.

Проаналізовано відмінності та певні спільні аспекти регуляторної політики Німеччини, Франції, Фінляндії, Швеції, США, Росії, Китаю, Узбекистану, Туркменістану, Казахстану, Індонезії, Філіппін, Сінгапуру, Таїланду, В'єтнаму, Японії, Південної Кореї тощо. Визначено мету регуляторної політики кожної з перерахованих країн. Встановлено, що головною метою регуляторної політики більшості країн є зниження регуляторного навантаження на бізнес, громадян чи державні адміністрації на основі відкритості та прозорості прийняття рішень, а також залучення громадян та зацікавлених сторін до процесу здійснення регуляторної політики. У результаті дослідження визначено послідовність імплементації зарубіжного досвіду регуляторної політики, що ґрунтується на його узагальненні та, на відміну від інших, дозволяє отримати систематизоване уявлення про регуляторну політику зарубіжних країн за основними аспектами, такими як мета, моделі, що використовуються, специфіку формування регуляторного середовища, органи, що мають повноваження зі здійснення регуляторної політики за рівнями та їх інституційний статус, основні методи та інструменти. Запропонована послідовність імплементації зарубіжного досвіду регуляторної політики дозволяє на основі критичного аналізу обрати орієнтири для вітчизняної регуляторної політики. ; Ukraine's regulatory policy requires improvement and changes, which have to be developed and implemented on the basis of studying and taking into account of foreign experience under the condition of its critical analysis with strict adherence to the sequence of implementation. The purpose of the article is to determine the sequence of implementation of foreign experience of regulatory policy. Existing models of state regulation and regulatory policy in the world are analyzed. Differences and certain common aspects of regulatory policy of Germany, France, Finland, Sweden, USA, Russia, China, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, Japan, South Korea, etc. are explored. The purpose of the regulatory policy of each of these countries is determined. It has been identified that the overriding goal of regulatory policy in majority of countries is reduction of the regulatory burden on business, citizens or public administrations through openness and transparency in decision-making, as well as involving citizens and stakeholders into the regulatory process. On the basis of the conducted analysis, the generalization of foreign experience of regulatory policy is done with the identification of the main purpose, existing models of regulatory policy, regulatory environment, level of regulation, institutional status of regulatory bodies, as well as the basic methods and instruments of regulatory policy. The main (most acceptable) aspects of the regulatory policy of foreign countries, and the possibilities of their application in domestic realities are determined. The research has determined the sequence of implementation of foreign experience of regulatory policy, which is based on its generalization and, unlike others, allows to obtain a systematic view of the regulatory policy of foreign countries on the main aspects, such as the purpose, used models, the specifics of the formation of regulation bodies which are responsible for implementation of regulatory policies at certain levels and their institutional status, basic methods and tools. The proposed sequence of implementation of foreign regulatory policy experience allows us to select benchmarks for domestic regulatory policy on the basis of critical analysis.

The main idea of the article is the specificity of the modernization of the Tunisian society, as well as its gender aspect, is largely due to the fact that this process, thanks to the efforts of the ruling elite, began before the establishment of the colonial regime. In the context of the existing Islamic tradition, the degree of engagement of women in the social or productive spheres was conditioned by social differentiation. After establishing the French protectorate, actively using the administrative apparatus, encouraging the growth of the non-Muslim population, the French pursued a policy of cultural colonialism, which led to the design of the ideological and political realities of Tunisia in two directions. Representatives of the first direction continued the traditions of pre-colonial reformism, substantiating the idea of self-sufficiency of Islam. Representatives of the second, not denying the cultural significance of Islam, considered the prospects of modernization with the absorption of European experience.Representatives of Islamic modernism argued that, reformed and adapted to the spirit of time, Islam became the ideological basis of social development, in particular the release of women, whose primary role was to play education.The most radical of them questioned the use of hijab, as a purely Islamic tradition. Without denying the traditions of Islam, they advocated assimilation of the achievements of European culture, science and public opinion.The ideal of a new Tunisian woman appeared in the context of the synthesis of Islamic and Western cultures. He called for the emancipation of women and the reform of family-marital relations, taking into account the socio-cultural traditions of the Tunisian society.Thus, most of the Tunisian intellectual elite was united in the view that women's education is a prerequisite for the modernization of society. However, some advocated for its purely Islamic nature, others did not deny the need for secular nature, in this case the French. The position of this kind undoubtedly created the preconditions for solving the issue of women's education.The process of socializing Tunisian women in the 1930s was manifested in the creation of women's community organizations. Members of such organizations, as a rule, were representatives of an enlightened and prosperous elite of Tunisian society, whose activities were initially charitable.Thesis, westernized Tunisian women, who were mostly educated in France, usually propagandised their own feminist ideas. However, their activities caused a sharp rejection, even among representatives of Islamic modernists. Until the second half of the 1950's, it was not a struggle for emancipation, and participation in the national liberation movement was a dominant factor in the social updating of a number of Tunisian women. ; В статті дослідник розкриває специфіку модернізацій них процесів жіночого руху на прикладі туніського суспільства. Цей процес, на думку автора, почався ще до створення колоніального режиму. У контексті існуючої ісламської традиції ступінь залучення жінок до соціальної чи продуктивної сфери було обумовлено соціальною диференціацією. Відбувалось поступове оформлення ідейно-політичних реалій Тунісу. Творення жіночих громадських організацій відбувався завдяки процесу соціалізації туніських жінок. Участь їх у національно-визвольному русі була домінуючим фактором соціального оновлення суспільства.

International audience ; The VitiTerroir project ambitions to develop a model simulating spatial dynamics of vineyards in Centre-Val de Loire region, France. We study these dynamics in the long (several centuries), medium and short term, using historical sources (administrative surveys, field books, cadasters…). In this paper, we focus on the impact of four factors on the dynamics of vineyards in Touraine over two centuries (1808-2014): wine consumption, the geographical concentration of production, urban growth, and the phylloxera crisis. We want to explore their impacts on the vineyard's areas of each municipality through four sub-models.By exploring every sub-model, we show that the evolution of the people's consumption practices largely explains the evolution of vineyard areas for the majority of the municipalities (68 %). Moreover, we highlight the resilience of some vineyards (Vouvray, Chinon, Bourgueil) even if the phylloxera crisis has affected all the Touraine region in the 1880s. Finally, we show that urban growth, analyzed through demographic change, sometimes explains the decline of some major vineyards of the 19th century. However, it applies only to a minority of communities close to the city of Tours. ; L'ambition du programme régional VitiTerroir est de développer un modèle pour simuler les dynamiques des territoires viticoles en région Centre-Val de Loire sur le temps long (pluriséculaire), moyen et court. Il s'agit, à terme, de mettre en œuvre un outil de modélisation géoprospectif propre à aider aux orientations politiques de la filière. L'approche est résolument géohistorique puisque nous travaillons à partir de sources anciennes (enquêtes préfectorales, cadastre napoléonien, chartriers seigneuriaux…) et contemporaines (Cadastre viticole informatisé, Recensement général agricole…). Nous utilisons un outil de simulation spatialisé pour analyser les trajectoires diachroniques de ces espaces. Dans le cadre de cet article, nous étudions en particulier l'impact de quatre facteurs sur la dynamique des territoires viticoles en Indre-et-Loire (Touraine), et cela sur deux siècles (1800-2014) : la consommation de vin, la polarisation des centres de production, la croissance urbaine et la crise du phylloxera. Ces facteurs, de natures variées, opèrent à différentes échelles géographiques et sur différentes temporalités. Nous explorerons leur impact sur les surfaces viticoles communales à travers quatre sous-modèles.En explorant de manière exhaustive les différents sous-modèles, nous montrons que l'évolution des pratiques de consommation explique largement à elle seule l'évolution des superficies viticoles pour la majorité des communes (68 %). Mais il convient de prendre aussi en compte l'importance de certains vignobles dans l'histoire (facteur « temps ») pour expliquer la résilience de centres de production (Vouvray, Chinon, Bourgueil) au-delà de la crise du phylloxera qui touche la Touraine dans les années 1880. Enfin, nous montrons que la croissance urbaine, analysée par le biais de l'évolution démographique, explique, dans une certaine mesure, le déclin de quelques grands vignobles du 19e siècle. Cependant, ce dernier facteur ne concerne qu'une minorité de communes faisant partie de l'agglomération tourangelle. Enfin, si la crise du phylloxera ne constitue pas un facteur pertinent pour expliquer la dynamique spatiale du vignoble tourangeau sur le long terme, son implémentation améliore la précision du modèle.

International audience ; Depuis la seconde moitié des années 1990, de nombreuses villes européennes ont opté pour une politique volontariste de développement de l'offre en transports publics, présentée par les autorités locales comme un moyen de répondre à la contrainte environnementale en offrant une alternative à la voiture individuelle. En France, ce renouveau s'est plus spécifiquement traduit par la mise en circulation d'un nombre important de lignes de tramway. L'essor du tramway moderne, moins de trente ans après la fermeture de la quasi-totalité des lignes anciennes, peut surprendre. Certains observateurs ont affiché un scepticisme critique à l'égard d'une « mode » coûteuse, qui serait peu efficace tant en termes de progression des parts de marché des transports publics que du point de vue de la réduction des émissions de CO2 (Carmona, 2001) ou s'imposerait comme une solution uniformisée à des problèmes différenciés (Offner, 2001).L'engouement pour les modes ferroviaires au détriment de solutions plus légères (type bus) suggère que l'effet recherché n'est pas uniquement d'améliorer la desserte fine du territoire urbain, ni la qualité de service fournie aux habitants et aux usagers des villes. C'est également – et peut-être surtout – autour de la mise en valeur du territoire que se construisent les représentations qui orientent et légitiment les décisions locales autour des projets de Transports Collectifs en Site Propre (TCSP). Le débat récent autour du Grand Paris Express, projet de métro automatique en rocade pour l'agglomération parisienne, illustre bien la force symbolique du réseau de transport dans sa qualité de lien, dans la capacité à stimuler le développement local que lui attribuent les élus et, plus généralement, dans l'image qu'il donne d'une métropole attractive, en mouvement (Orfeuil, Wiel, 2012 ; Gallez, 2014).Au-delà des simples enjeux de l'organisation des déplacements, l'élaboration et la mise en œuvre des projets de TCSP sont l'occasion pour de nombreuses collectivités d'aborder de manière concrète la problématique de l'organisation territoriale et institutionnelle à l'échelle de l'agglomération. C'est à travers les relations entre les enjeux de transports urbains et les dynamiques de la coopération intercommunale que nous proposons d'appréhender, dans ce chapitre, la relation du tramway à son territoire.Alors que l'intercommunalité semblait s'imposer comme une solution pratique face aux limites imposées par le morcellement communal, le lent développement des Autorités Organisatrices de Transports Urbains (AOTU) intercommunales suggère que les logiques fonctionnelles n'ont pas été dominantes dans le choix des acteurs locaux. Les stratégies de coopération des communes s'inscrivent dans des histoires longues, fortement dépendantes des caractéristiques urbaines, sociales et politiques locales (Gallez, Menerault, 2005). Par ailleurs, l'extension des lignes de transport, l'amélioration de la qualité des services tout comme l'accès des communes au réseau sont appréhendés comme des problèmes politiques dont la portée dépasse largement les seuls aspects sectoriels de la gestion collective d'un service public. Si le caractère politique du développement des transports collectifs et la volonté des acteurs locaux de négocier leur accès au réseau ou d'en maîtriser l'extension ne sont pas récents, comme le rappelle l'histoire des réseaux ferrés urbains (Beaucire, 1988 ; Larroque, 1990 ; Dupuy, 1991), nous souhaitons montrer que la politisation des enjeux et des projets a pris une ampleur nouvelle avec le processus de décentralisation et les réorganisations récentes du pouvoir local, marquées par le processus de structuration politique des agglomérations.

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the disintegration processes at the current stage of European Union development and the consequences to which they can lead. As a result of the study, it was found that the European Union is experiencing not the best times today, and was described the challenges faced by the member states that have an impact on the future of the integration process. The reasons for the emergence disintegration tendencies were identified, the main of which are migration problems, significant contributions of developed countries to the EU budget compared with the small benefit for them, the activation of nationalist movements across the continent. It is determined that a number of problems of a political, economic and ideological nature create obstacles to the successful development of globalization processes in the European space. It was found that the exit from the European Union of some major economies such as Britain, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, will result in significant losses not only in the economies of the countries listed, but also in the macroeconomic indicators of the association, and may lead to a change in the place and role of the Union in the world economy and the prospects for its development. ; Цель статьи заключается в анализе дезинтеграционных процессов на современном этапе развития Европейского Союза и последствий, к которым они могут привести. В результате исследования установлено, что Европейский Союз сегодня переживает не лучшие времена, и определены вызовы, стоящие перед государствами-членами и влияющими на будущее интеграционного образования. Выявлены причины появления дезинтеграционных тенденций, главными из которых являются миграционные проблемы, значительный вклад развитых стран в бюджет ЕС по сравнению с небольшой пользой для них, активизация националистических движений на всем континенте. Определено, что ряд проблем политического, экономического и идеологического характера создают препятствия на пути успешного развития глобализационных процессов на европейском пространстве. Установлено, что выход из Европейского Союза отдельных крупных экономик, таких как Великобритания, Германия, Франция, Италия, Испания, приведет к веским потерям не только в экономике перечисленных стран, но и в макроэкономических показателях объединения, и может привести к изменению места и роли Союза в мировой экономике и перспектив его развития. ; Мета статті полягає в аналізі дезінтеграційних процесів на сучасному етапі розвитку Європейського Союзу та наслідків, до яких вони можуть привести. У результаті дослідження встановлено, що Європейський Союз сьогодні переживає не найкращі часи, та визначено виклики, що постали перед державами-членами і впливають на майбутнє інтеграційного утворення. Виявлено причини появи дезінтеграційних тенденцій, головними з яких є міграційні проблеми, значні внески розвинених країн до бюджету ЄС у порівнянні з невеликою користю для них, активізація націоналістичних рухів на всьому континенті. Визначено, що низка проблем політичного, економічного та ідеологічного характеру створюють перешкоди на шляху успішного розвитку глобалізаційних процесів на європейському просторі. Встановлено, що вихід з Європейського Союзу окремих великих економік, таких як Великобританія, Німеччина, Франція, Італія, Іспанія, спричинить вагомі втрати не тільки в економіці перелічених країн, а й у макроекономічних показниках об'єднання, і може призвести до зміни місця і ролі Союзу в світовій економіці та перспектив його розвитку.

The modern typologies of Euroscepticism, which are developed by researchers, are explored in the article. Among of the researchers are Paul Taggart, Alex Szczerbiak, Sofia Vasilopoulou, Søren Riishøj, Catharina Sørensen, Marcel Lubbers, and Peer Scheepers, Clive H. Church, and Alexandra Gissa. The author focuses on some of the problem aspects of the investigated typologies.For instance, the classic typology of Hard & Soft P. Taggart and A. Szczerbiak is too extensive and is considered to be partially obsolete because does not fully reflect the reality of contemporary Euroscepticism. S. Vasilopoulou admits a collision of the positions of the Eurosceptic parties when she described the "conditional" type of Euroscepticism: on the one hand, they approve of only intergovernmental cooperation at the EU level and do not recognize the supranational functions of its bodies. On the other hand, they are ready to accept the EU in the tighter and deeper form of existence – a confederation that unequivocally implies the presence of supranational bodies, joint defence and so on.The typology of S. Riishøj has no specific framework, according to which the logic of typologization would be understood. The researcher touches upon national societies, identities, geopolitics, political institutions, European institutions, and the notion of functional Eurorealism. As a result, this attempt demonstrates the scale of the reasons for the emergence of Euroscepticism, and then the possible variations of its types, but not vice versa. Similar contradictions exist in other analysed typologies of Euroscepticism.In addition, the author found out that most scholars form the typologies of Euroscepticism, using absolutely different criteria: the degree of opposition of the EU; causes of creation, attitude to the EU and European integration processes; attitude towards the EU membership; aspect of benefit (political/eco- nomic); on the basis of public, party and state discourses, etc.However, as it is stated in the article, in spite of such a variety of typologies and types of Euroscepticism, most of them have common content features: political, economic, and feature of principle.The author also formed two types of Euroscepticism – moderate and radical, based on a preliminary study of supporters of Euroscepticism in the UK, France, and Germany.According to the first type, Eurosceptics criticized and questioned activities of the EU, its institutions, etc., but they are ready to compromise on most of the controversial issues. Therefore, such Euroscepticism is usually constructive at the same time. According to the second type, Eurosceptics is more aggressive and, as a rule, uncompromisingly set against the idea of united Europe, the enlargement of the EU, the existence of a common currency and, in general, the membership of their country in it, and so on.The author concluded that, at present, there is no the only and generally accepted typology, which could be used constantly in exploring the phenomenon under study. The scientific search for the general typology of Euroscepticism continues. ; У статті досліджено сучасні типології євроскептицизму та проаналізовано їх дискусійні аспекти. З'ясовано, що практично всі типології євроскептицизму мають три спільні змістовні риси: політичну, економічну та рису принципової позиції. Також автор пропонує власну типологію євроскептицизму, відповідно до якої він виділяє радикальний і поміркований євроскептицизм.