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Is There an Alternative to Ateistic Contemporary Politics? (A)theistic Political Cosiderations of Alexandre Kojève and Carl Schmitt The aim of this Master Thesis is to fulfill the ambition expressed in A. Kojève's manuscript "Atheism" to compare the manifestations of theism and atheism in the field of politics, based on C. Schmitt's perspective of political and political theology, while the theistic political alternative to atheism has not been developed in A. Kojève's political works. Objectives: 1. To release A. Kojève's concept of atheism in the context of the Western thought; 2. To show the significance of the issue of atheism in Western political thought; 3. Justify why the political should be considered not in the context of nature but in the context of the antinomy between atheism and theism; 4. To analyze the relationship between antinomy of theism and atheism and the political. Thesis: A. Kojève's antinomy of theism and atheism is a necessary element in the perception and interpretation of the political and politics. In his study of the phenomenon of atheism, Kojève systematically develops what Pascal began to examine in early modernity as a problem of soul immortality, linked not to speculative philosophical and theological arguments but to reflection on human existence and mortality, which leads to the question of God's existence, but cannot be unequivocally resolved by the efforts of the human mind. A. Kojève describes atheism as a polemical concept. As long as man is mortal, the controversy between atheism and theism is an inevitable antinomy that cannot be resolved by rational consideration, and coexistence between theist and atheists can only be based on inevitable coercion because synthesis is impossible. In Western political thought, the rise of the phenomenon of democracy as atheism can be seen in the dispute between Alexis de Tocqueville and Hegel, which raises the question of whether it is possible to reconcile the concept of a transcendent God with democracy. The connection of the transcendent God's overcoming with democracy raises the controversy of theism and atheism as a political problem which cannot be solved by the efforts of the mind, but only by means of violence. Although Leo Strauss in his commentary on Carl Schmitt interprets the political as a controversy with liberal political philosophy on the status of the natural state, the real controversy over politics takes place not from the perspective of political philosophy but from the perspective of theological thinking. We find the atheistic concept of politics by examining A. Kojève's theory of politics, in which the political is perceived as a historical and finite phenomenon. According to A. Kojève, history and the political end when a person is freed from the fear of eternal death and begins to perceive himself as an absolutely free and mortal individual, thus overcoming the absolute Master - God. Although Schmitt's relationship with the concept of political as historicity is ambiguous, Schmitt's concept of the political is based on the assumption that the difference between friend and enemy is as inevitable as it is impossible to reject the concept of a mystical, miraculous God. However, the political as divinity is only a hypothesis, but its possibility means that A. Kojève failed to prove the completeness of the political. Moreover, the antinomy of atheism and theism bases existentially the inevitable possibility of political. Therefore, we can understand Schmitt's political theology and the political not as critique of liberalism but of atheist (e.g. M. Bakunin) who are seeking to attain the world state and abolish the political.

The Polish Republic of Nobles was characterized by the fact that the activities of public authorities were based on statute law. This is a feature that distinguishes this country from the vast majority of European states in the early modern period where the principle of the sovereign power of the absolute monarch was dominant. In Poland, the highest authority in the state was the Sejm, in which the monarch was only one of the three estates in the Sejm, along with the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. The General Sejm was formed in the second half of the 15th century, expanding its powers over the next two centuries. At the beginning of the 16th century, the view of the sovereignty of law in the state prevailed among the nobility, to which the monarch himself was also subordinated, according to the principle that in Polonia lex est rex. It can therefore be concluded that in Poland as early as in the 16th century there was a practical division of powers according to the principle that two centuries later would be formulated by Baron de Montesquieu, and which would underlie the constitutional systems of the bourgeois state. The second half of the 18th century brought a further change. It was during this period that the subordination of all activities of the state to the applicable law became even more clear. At that time, an essentially hierarchical structure of executive authorities was established with the king, the Guardians of the Law (Pol. Straż Praw) acting as the government, government commissions constituting central departmental institutions, and commissions of order, which were responsible for the performance of local government. All these collegiate bodies were established by legislation with appropriate Sejm constitutions. Their activity and structure were thus clearly defined by the provisions of law. They could function only within the framework of Sejm statutes and on the basis thereof. In most European countries, it was only the postulates of political liberalism in the 19th century that brought the possibility of extending legislative control over the government in the form of constitutional and parliamentary responsibility of ministers. In Poland, however, this principle was introduced by the Constitution of 3 May 1791. ; Rzeczpospolita szlachecka charakteryzowała się oparciem wszelkich działań władzy publicznej na prawie stanowionym. Jest to cecha wyróżniającą to państwo od zdecydowanej większości państw europejskich epoki wczesnonowożytnej, gdzie dominowała zasada suwerennej władzy absolutnego monarchy. W Polsce najwyższym organem władzy w państwie był sejm, w którym monarcha był tylko jednym z trzech stanów sejmujących, obok senatu i izby poselskiej. Sejm walny ukształtował się w drugiej połowie XV w., a jego kompetencje były rozszerzane przez dwa następne stulecia. Na początku XVI w. zwyciężył wśród szlachty pogląd o suwerenności prawa w państwie, któremu podporządkowany został także sam monarcha, zgodnie z zasadą głoszącą: in Polonia lex est rex. Można zatem stwierdzić, że w Polsce już w XVI w. doszło do praktycznego podziału władz według zasady, którą dwa wieki później sformułował baron de Montesquieu i która legła u podstaw ustrojów konstytucyjnych państwa burżuazyjnego. Dalszą zmianę przyniosła druga połowa XVIII w. W tym okresie jeszcze dobitniej daje się zauważyć podporządkowanie wszelkich działań państwa obowiązującemu prawu. Wytworzona została wówczas w zasadzie hierarchiczna struktura władz wykonawczych z królem, Strażą Praw pełniącą funkcję rządu, komisjami rządowymi stanowiącymi centralne instytucje resortowe oraz komisjami porządkowymi, na których spoczywała realizacja funkcji zarządu lokalnego. Wszystkie te organy kolegialne zostały powołane na drodze ustawodawczej odpowiednimi konstytucjami sejmowymi. Działalność i ich struktura określone zostały zatem w sposób wyraźny przepisami prawa. Mogły funkcjonować wyłącznie w ramach ustaw sejmowych oraz na ich podstawie. W większości państw europejskich dopiero postulaty liberalizmu politycznego w XIX w. przyniosły możliwość rozszerzenia kontroli rządu ze strony organu ustawodawczego w postaci odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej i parlamentarnej ministrów. W Polsce natomiast wprowadziła tę zasadę już Konstytucja 3 maja 1791 r.

Is There an Alternative to Ateistic Contemporary Politics? (A)theistic Political Cosiderations of Alexandre Kojève and Carl Schmitt The aim of this Master Thesis is to fulfill the ambition expressed in A. Kojève's manuscript "Atheism" to compare the manifestations of theism and atheism in the field of politics, based on C. Schmitt's perspective of political and political theology, while the theistic political alternative to atheism has not been developed in A. Kojève's political works. Objectives: 1. To release A. Kojève's concept of atheism in the context of the Western thought; 2. To show the significance of the issue of atheism in Western political thought; 3. Justify why the political should be considered not in the context of nature but in the context of the antinomy between atheism and theism; 4. To analyze the relationship between antinomy of theism and atheism and the political. Thesis: A. Kojève's antinomy of theism and atheism is a necessary element in the perception and interpretation of the political and politics. In his study of the phenomenon of atheism, Kojève systematically develops what Pascal began to examine in early modernity as a problem of soul immortality, linked not to speculative philosophical and theological arguments but to reflection on human existence and mortality, which leads to the question of God's existence, but cannot be unequivocally resolved by the efforts of the human mind. A. Kojève describes atheism as a polemical concept. As long as man is mortal, the controversy between atheism and theism is an inevitable antinomy that cannot be resolved by rational consideration, and coexistence between theist and atheists can only be based on inevitable coercion because synthesis is impossible. In Western political thought, the rise of the phenomenon of democracy as atheism can be seen in the dispute between Alexis de Tocqueville and Hegel, which raises the question of whether it is possible to reconcile the concept of a transcendent God with democracy. The connection of the transcendent God's overcoming with democracy raises the controversy of theism and atheism as a political problem which cannot be solved by the efforts of the mind, but only by means of violence. Although Leo Strauss in his commentary on Carl Schmitt interprets the political as a controversy with liberal political philosophy on the status of the natural state, the real controversy over politics takes place not from the perspective of political philosophy but from the perspective of theological thinking. We find the atheistic concept of politics by examining A. Kojève's theory of politics, in which the political is perceived as a historical and finite phenomenon. According to A. Kojève, history and the political end when a person is freed from the fear of eternal death and begins to perceive himself as an absolutely free and mortal individual, thus overcoming the absolute Master - God. Although Schmitt's relationship with the concept of political as historicity is ambiguous, Schmitt's concept of the political is based on the assumption that the difference between friend and enemy is as inevitable as it is impossible to reject the concept of a mystical, miraculous God. However, the political as divinity is only a hypothesis, but its possibility means that A. Kojève failed to prove the completeness of the political. Moreover, the antinomy of atheism and theism bases existentially the inevitable possibility of political. Therefore, we can understand Schmitt's political theology and the political not as critique of liberalism but of atheist (e.g. M. Bakunin) who are seeking to attain the world state and abolish the political.

El modelo de democracia liberal suele ser asociado con la idea de neutralidad. Según esta posición, el Estado debe abstenerse de fijar como cierta una determinada concepción de vida buena y, en cambio, debe garantizar las condiciones necesarias para efectos de que cada uno de los ciudadanos pueda llevar a cabo su propia visión de vida buena. No obstante, frente a la anterior pretensión, han surgido críticas que afirman que el objetivo mismo de la neutralidad es inalcanzable y que, además, lo que hacen las democracias liberales es hacer pasar por neutras visiones de lo bueno que realmente privilegian alguna forma de individualismo. El objetivo de esta investigación es reivindicar la posibilidad de la neutralidad a partir de una ampliación del concepto de lo justo. Para lograr esto he dividido el texto en cuatro partes. En la primera parte, mediante la exposición de la teoría de Rawls, daré cuenta de dónde se puede hallar la fuente de la neutralidad (capítulo 1). Una vez realizado lo anterior, expongo algunos de los principales problemas presentes en la teoría de Rawls y algunas de las consecuencias de aceptar estos problemas (capítulo 2). En el siguiente capítulo, muestro que el concepto de justicia puede ser ampliado mediante el concepto de equidad y que, como consecuencia de ello, se pueden resolver muchos de los problemas expuestos con anterioridad (capítulo 3). Finalmente, siguiendo el trabajo de Martha Nussbaum, muestro algunas aplicaciones prácticas de afirmar el concepto de equidad. Allí veremos que el concepto de equidad ha hecho posible un concepto de neutralidad abierta que, sin renunciar a los principales postulados del liberalismo, es capaz de responder a las críticas que a éste se le han formulado (capítulo 4). (Texto tomado de la fuente). ; The model of liberal democracy is often associated with neutrality. According to this position, the state should refrain from setting as certain a particular conception of the good life and, instead, should guarantee the necessary conditions for each citizen to be able to carry out his or her own vision of the good life. However, in response to the above claim, criticism has arisen that the very goal of neutrality is unattainable and that, moreover, what liberal democracies really do is to pass off as neutral visions of the good that actually privilege some form of individualism. The objective of this research is to vindicate the possibility of neutrality based on an extension of the concept of justice. To achieve this I have divided the text into four parts. In the first part, through the exposition of Rawls' theory, I will give an account of where the source of neutrality can be found (chapter 1). Having done so, I expose some of the main problems present in Rawls' theory and some of the consequences of affirming these problems (chapter 2). In the next chapter, I show that the concept of justice can be extended by the concept of equity and that, as a consequence, many of the problems exposed above can be solved (chapter 3). Finally, following Martha Nussbaum's work, I show some practical applications of affirming the concept of equity. There we will see that the concept of equity has made possible a concept of open neutrality which, without renouncing the main postulates of liberalism, is capable of responding to the criticisms that have been made of it (chapter 4). ; Maestría ; Magíster en Filosofía ; Política y ética

The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden's victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West's victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries.

The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex
issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War
have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern
bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet
Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The
purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the
United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate
of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that
these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden?s victory in the 2020 US
Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the
efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the
relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology,
have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance
mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition
forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the
UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems
between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained
relations between the United States and Russia following the West?s victory
in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations
and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the
relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many
respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After
Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by
the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine
and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding
part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the
relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the
2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will
continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both
US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of
sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in
supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and
strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great
Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by
President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK
politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have
seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian
agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his
activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties
between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported
Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his
commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world
political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new
global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably
continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves
to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the
future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer
expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of
the problems that burden the relations between the two countries

Received:24-02-2021. Approved:22-03-2021. The post-revolutionary era in Mexico is marked by the global political environment and attempts to generate a national identity. The latter was created with the need to unify and shape a paradigm of themes around Mexico; thus presenting an image of a country with ancestral cultures.The political ideology of the 20th century defines two points of view and paradigms concerning art. The first is economic liberalism on the side of the great Western powers; the second belongs to the socialist-communist bloc, led by the Soviet Union. In Mexico, the new ideologies broadened the diverse perspectives towards the role of art: a utilitarian and political approach; against growing conceptualism, which left aside the object or the didactic purpose.Under the characteristics of his time, the artist José Clemente Orozco paints a series of murals on the stairs of the Government Palace of Guadalajara. In the central mural of the work, an effective Miguel Hidalgo is observed: one arm up and a torch in the other. The father of the Mexican country is depicted in a particular way. This is how the artist surrounds him with different elements and concepts. Orozco presents a personal interpretation of the priest of Dolores; which, in turn, responds to the artist's ideas towards the political and social scene of post-revolutionary Mexico. How is Miguel Hidalgo presented from the perspective of José Clemente Orozco? As a hypothesis, I point out that the representation of the muralist is not of a heroic or hieratic character; on the contrary, Hidalgo is represented as part of the political paradigm of the post-revolution. ; Recibido: 24-02-2021. Aprobado: 22-03-2021. La época post revolucionaria en México se encuentra marcada por el ambiente político mundial y los intentos de generar una identidad nacional. Esta última fue creada con la necesidad de unificar y moldear un paradigma de temáticas en torno a México; presentando así una imagen de país con culturas ancestrales. La ideología política del siglo XX define dos puntos de vista y paradigmas con respecto al arte. La primera es el liberalismo económico de lado de las grandes potencias occidentales; el segundo pertenece al bloque socialista – comunista, protagonizado por la Unión Soviética. En México, las nuevas ideologías ampliaron las diversas perspectivas hacia el papel del arte: un enfoque utilitarista y político; contra un conceptualismo creciente, el cual dejaba de lado al objeto o la finalidad didáctica.Bajo las características propias de su tiempo, el artista José Clemente Orozco pinta una serie de murales en las escaleras del Palacio de Gobierno de Guadalajara. En el mural central de la obra, se observa un Miguel Hidalgo efectista: un brazo arriba y una antorcha en la otra. El padre de la patria mexicana es graficado de manera particular. Es así como el artista lo rodea de distintos elementos y conceptos. Orozco presenta una interpretación personal del cura de Dolores; la cual, a su vez, responde a las ideas propias del artista hacia el escenario político y social del México post revolucionario. ¿De qué manera es presentado Miguel Hidalgo bajo la perspectiva de José Clemente Orozco? Como hipótesis, señalo que la representación del muralista no es de carácter heroico o hierático; por el contrario, Hidalgo es representado como parte del paradigma político de la post revolución.

The Ukraine crisis better known as Maidan is a power struggle between factions within Ukraine. One of the factions wants to align with the European Union and the other with Russia. In March of 2014, the current crisis erupted when Russian special forces occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia also invaded Eastern parts of Ukraine – Donetsk, and Luhansk. Between 2014-2019 a military conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists continued and more than 13 000 people were killed. Throughout the time international actors made an effort to solve the conflict within Normandy format which involves four members – Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany and in 2015 Minsk agreements have been signed. However, Ukraine-Russia war is still an ongoing conflict and it is problematic to forecast its ending. What is more, it is an internationalized conflict that involves not only opposing actors but third parties as well. For example, Lithuania. The third party's role is not a new topic within a field of conflict resolution. Earlier researches pose a question about actors' strategy, its efficiency, who could intervene in a conflict. Nevertheless, it does not discuss possible reasons for intervention, and it does not answer the question of why third parties get involved in a conflict. Although, numerous researches on third parties in post-soviet space has been made. It discusses why the European Union, Russia, and the United States of America intervened in post-soviet conflicts. The most common answer is that they were dividing their sphere of influence. Russia tries to recreate some kind of the Soviet Union while the United States and European Union declares bringing democracy, peace, and stability. Meanwhile, Lithuania's involvement is described as an entirely geopolitical decision. All the same, these researches discuss the only strategic level of the party's involvement in a conflict and it does not bring mezzo level arguments into consideration. Mezzo level narrative is important because it brings a new perspective into the light as well as possibly missed information while formulating macro-level narrative. Based on earlier researches and lacking mezzo level explanation for third party intervention this master's thesis poses a question why or for what reasons Lithuania intervene in a Ukraine-Russia war? It refers to the theoretical perspective suggested by Fen Osler Hampson and his possible explanation for the third force involved in a conflict. F. O. Hampson explains potential strategies and goals as a distinction between realism and liberalism. Considering the theoretical approach this thesis formulates a statement of defense that the governmental sector argues that Lithuania intervenes for governance-based reasons and nongovernmental representative argues that their intervention is based on the social-psychological approach. Given the complex nature of the topic under study, a case study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and content analysis seemed most appropriate. 18 interviews were conducted in April of 2020 as well as 307 press releases from a period between 21st November 2013-31st December 2019 have been analyzed in this research. Participants for this research have been selected based on public information about their workplace. Some names have been removed from the thesis. The findings of this study showed that in this particular situation mezzo level narrative conforms to the macro narrative and one of the most important reasons for Lithuania's intervention is geopolitical means and its security and sovereignty. This thesis does not find differences between the governmental and non-governmental sectors. In short, the statement of defense is not correct. Overall, it could be said that this case study corresponds to the findings of its forerunners, but it also adds a mezzo level explanation to the discussion.

The Ukraine crisis better known as Maidan is a power struggle between factions within Ukraine. One of the factions wants to align with the European Union and the other with Russia. In March of 2014, the current crisis erupted when Russian special forces occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia also invaded Eastern parts of Ukraine – Donetsk, and Luhansk. Between 2014-2019 a military conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists continued and more than 13 000 people were killed. Throughout the time international actors made an effort to solve the conflict within Normandy format which involves four members – Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany and in 2015 Minsk agreements have been signed. However, Ukraine-Russia war is still an ongoing conflict and it is problematic to forecast its ending. What is more, it is an internationalized conflict that involves not only opposing actors but third parties as well. For example, Lithuania. The third party's role is not a new topic within a field of conflict resolution. Earlier researches pose a question about actors' strategy, its efficiency, who could intervene in a conflict. Nevertheless, it does not discuss possible reasons for intervention, and it does not answer the question of why third parties get involved in a conflict. Although, numerous researches on third parties in post-soviet space has been made. It discusses why the European Union, Russia, and the United States of America intervened in post-soviet conflicts. The most common answer is that they were dividing their sphere of influence. Russia tries to recreate some kind of the Soviet Union while the United States and European Union declares bringing democracy, peace, and stability. Meanwhile, Lithuania's involvement is described as an entirely geopolitical decision. All the same, these researches discuss the only strategic level of the party's involvement in a conflict and it does not bring mezzo level arguments into consideration. Mezzo level narrative is important because it brings a new perspective into the light as well as possibly missed information while formulating macro-level narrative. Based on earlier researches and lacking mezzo level explanation for third party intervention this master's thesis poses a question why or for what reasons Lithuania intervene in a Ukraine-Russia war? It refers to the theoretical perspective suggested by Fen Osler Hampson and his possible explanation for the third force involved in a conflict. F. O. Hampson explains potential strategies and goals as a distinction between realism and liberalism. Considering the theoretical approach this thesis formulates a statement of defense that the governmental sector argues that Lithuania intervenes for governance-based reasons and nongovernmental representative argues that their intervention is based on the social-psychological approach. Given the complex nature of the topic under study, a case study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and content analysis seemed most appropriate. 18 interviews were conducted in April of 2020 as well as 307 press releases from a period between 21st November 2013-31st December 2019 have been analyzed in this research. Participants for this research have been selected based on public information about their workplace. Some names have been removed from the thesis. The findings of this study showed that in this particular situation mezzo level narrative conforms to the macro narrative and one of the most important reasons for Lithuania's intervention is geopolitical means and its security and sovereignty. This thesis does not find differences between the governmental and non-governmental sectors. In short, the statement of defense is not correct. Overall, it could be said that this case study corresponds to the findings of its forerunners, but it also adds a mezzo level explanation to the discussion.

The Ukraine crisis better known as Maidan is a power struggle between factions within Ukraine. One of the factions wants to align with the European Union and the other with Russia. In March of 2014, the current crisis erupted when Russian special forces occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia also invaded Eastern parts of Ukraine – Donetsk, and Luhansk. Between 2014-2019 a military conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists continued and more than 13 000 people were killed. Throughout the time international actors made an effort to solve the conflict within Normandy format which involves four members – Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany and in 2015 Minsk agreements have been signed. However, Ukraine-Russia war is still an ongoing conflict and it is problematic to forecast its ending. What is more, it is an internationalized conflict that involves not only opposing actors but third parties as well. For example, Lithuania. The third party's role is not a new topic within a field of conflict resolution. Earlier researches pose a question about actors' strategy, its efficiency, who could intervene in a conflict. Nevertheless, it does not discuss possible reasons for intervention, and it does not answer the question of why third parties get involved in a conflict. Although, numerous researches on third parties in post-soviet space has been made. It discusses why the European Union, Russia, and the United States of America intervened in post-soviet conflicts. The most common answer is that they were dividing their sphere of influence. Russia tries to recreate some kind of the Soviet Union while the United States and European Union declares bringing democracy, peace, and stability. Meanwhile, Lithuania's involvement is described as an entirely geopolitical decision. All the same, these researches discuss the only strategic level of the party's involvement in a conflict and it does not bring mezzo level arguments into consideration. Mezzo level narrative is important because it brings a new perspective into the light as well as possibly missed information while formulating macro-level narrative. Based on earlier researches and lacking mezzo level explanation for third party intervention this master's thesis poses a question why or for what reasons Lithuania intervene in a Ukraine-Russia war? It refers to the theoretical perspective suggested by Fen Osler Hampson and his possible explanation for the third force involved in a conflict. F. O. Hampson explains potential strategies and goals as a distinction between realism and liberalism. Considering the theoretical approach this thesis formulates a statement of defense that the governmental sector argues that Lithuania intervenes for governance-based reasons and nongovernmental representative argues that their intervention is based on the social-psychological approach. Given the complex nature of the topic under study, a case study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and content analysis seemed most appropriate. 18 interviews were conducted in April of 2020 as well as 307 press releases from a period between 21st November 2013-31st December 2019 have been analyzed in this research. Participants for this research have been selected based on public information about their workplace. Some names have been removed from the thesis. The findings of this study showed that in this particular situation mezzo level narrative conforms to the macro narrative and one of the most important reasons for Lithuania's intervention is geopolitical means and its security and sovereignty. This thesis does not find differences between the governmental and non-governmental sectors. In short, the statement of defense is not correct. Overall, it could be said that this case study corresponds to the findings of its forerunners, but it also adds a mezzo level explanation to the discussion.

The evolution of educational institutions and secondary schools in the Greek Catholic Diocese of Mukachevo needs research because of the era of Czechoslovak anti-Catholic modernism. This influenced on the development of diocesan educational institutions and their transformation. Generally most researchers have positive vision of the democracy of Czechoslovakia of this time, but in church and educational sphere it was rather "controlled" liberalism. The issue of Greek Catholic schooling is at an early stage of study and needs to be better understood, given the difficult operating conditions due to various financial and administrative constraints. Church schooling played an extremely important role in moral and spiritual spheres, providing the younger generation not only with the necessary knowledge, but also with Christian values. However, in the conditions of Czechoslovak modernism, it turned out to be difficult to spread Christian morality due to the restrictions of the authorities of the Czechoslovak Republic on the educational and school institutions of the Greek Catholic Church in Subcarpathian Russia. It should be noted that the government has limited funding for parish schools, but officials hadn't an alternative to local schools or the necessary human resources. Conflicts of interest led to complications in the educational process, up to the closure of parish schools or the creation of public ones on their basis. The church hierarchy paid more attention to the catechetical work, through the study of religion lessons in all primary schools, while providing the educational process with the necessary literature. Emphasis was placed on working with young people through various Christian youth organizations: "Society of St. Cross "," Subcarpathian Eagle "," St. Mari Congregations ", partly " Plast "and others. A great success was the opening of a boarding school by the diocesan board in the early 1930s, which did not function in the 1920s due to financial difficulties and lack of state support, but was eventually restored. ; Еволюція виховних та середньошкільних навчальних закладів Мукачівської Греко-Католицької єпархії потребує дослідження зважаючи на епоху чехословацького антикатолицького модернізму, що вплинуло на розвиток єпархіальних навчально-виховних закладів і їх трансформацію. І хоч у більшості дослідників загалом позитивні уявлення про демократичність Чехословаччини цієї доби, проте в церковних та освітніх справах це був радше «керований» лібералізм. Греко-католицьке шкільництво перебуває на початковому етапі вивчення і потребує глибшого осмислення, зважаючи на складні умови функціонування через різні фінансові та адміністративні обмеження з боку чехословацької влади. Церковне шкільництво відігравало надзвичайно важливу роль у морально-духовному плані, надаючи молодому поколінню не лише необхідні знання, але й християнські цінності. Втім, в умовах чехословацького модернізму, виявилося непросто поширювати християнську мораль через обмеження владою Чехословацької Республіки (ЧСР) виховних та шкільних інституцій Греко-Католицької Церкви на Підкарпатській Русі, еволюцію і розвиток яких необхідно розглянути нижче. Треба відзначити про обмеження фінансування владою парафіяльних навчальних закладів, при цьому урядовці не мали альтернативи навчальних закладів на місцях, як і необхідного кадрового потенціалу. Конфлікт інтересів призвів до ускладнень виховного процесу, аж до закриття парафіяльних шкіл, чи створення на їх базі державних. При цьому, церковна ієрархія більше уваги приділяла катехитичній праці, через вивчення уроків релігії у всіх навчальних закладах початкової освіти, забезпечуючи навчальний процес необхідною літературою. Більше того, акцент робився на працю з молоддю через різні християнсько-молодіжні організації: «Товариство св. Хреста», «Підкарпаторусський Орел», «Марійські конгрегації», частково «Пласт» та ін. Великим успіхом було відкриття єпархіальним правлінням інтернату на початку 1930-х рр., котрий не функціонував у 1920-х рр. через матеріальні труднощі і відсутнiсть державної підтримки.

The Ukraine crisis better known as Maidan is a power struggle between factions within Ukraine. One of the factions wants to align with the European Union and the other with Russia. In March of 2014, the current crisis erupted when Russian special forces occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia also invaded Eastern parts of Ukraine – Donetsk, and Luhansk. Between 2014-2019 a military conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists continued and more than 13 000 people were killed. Throughout the time international actors made an effort to solve the conflict within Normandy format which involves four members – Russia, Ukraine, France, and Germany and in 2015 Minsk agreements have been signed. However, Ukraine-Russia war is still an ongoing conflict and it is problematic to forecast its ending. What is more, it is an internationalized conflict that involves not only opposing actors but third parties as well. For example, Lithuania. The third party's role is not a new topic within a field of conflict resolution. Earlier researches pose a question about actors' strategy, its efficiency, who could intervene in a conflict. Nevertheless, it does not discuss possible reasons for intervention, and it does not answer the question of why third parties get involved in a conflict. Although, numerous researches on third parties in post-soviet space has been made. It discusses why the European Union, Russia, and the United States of America intervened in post-soviet conflicts. The most common answer is that they were dividing their sphere of influence. Russia tries to recreate some kind of the Soviet Union while the United States and European Union declares bringing democracy, peace, and stability. Meanwhile, Lithuania's involvement is described as an entirely geopolitical decision. All the same, these researches discuss the only strategic level of the party's involvement in a conflict and it does not bring mezzo level arguments into consideration. Mezzo level narrative is important because it brings a new perspective into the light as well as possibly missed information while formulating macro-level narrative. Based on earlier researches and lacking mezzo level explanation for third party intervention this master's thesis poses a question why or for what reasons Lithuania intervene in a Ukraine-Russia war? It refers to the theoretical perspective suggested by Fen Osler Hampson and his possible explanation for the third force involved in a conflict. F. O. Hampson explains potential strategies and goals as a distinction between realism and liberalism. Considering the theoretical approach this thesis formulates a statement of defense that the governmental sector argues that Lithuania intervenes for governance-based reasons and nongovernmental representative argues that their intervention is based on the social-psychological approach. Given the complex nature of the topic under study, a case study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews and content analysis seemed most appropriate. 18 interviews were conducted in April of 2020 as well as 307 press releases from a period between 21st November 2013-31st December 2019 have been analyzed in this research. Participants for this research have been selected based on public information about their workplace. Some names have been removed from the thesis. The findings of this study showed that in this particular situation mezzo level narrative conforms to the macro narrative and one of the most important reasons for Lithuania's intervention is geopolitical means and its security and sovereignty. This thesis does not find differences between the governmental and non-governmental sectors. In short, the statement of defense is not correct. Overall, it could be said that this case study corresponds to the findings of its forerunners, but it also adds a mezzo level explanation to the discussion.

In recent years, education policy scholars have begun to utilize social network concepts and methods to describe contemporary policy changes across P-16 levels. While many insights have emerged from this growing literature base, we argue that a more formal network approach rooted in policy network analysis (PNA) is needed to fulfill its conceptual and analytical ambitions. Policy network analysis integrates concepts from social network analysis with theoretical assumptions developed in the field of political science. Toward this end, we first argue that a more rigorous treatment of policy beliefs is needed to analyze the impact of ideas on the policy agenda. Existing literature on the ideological dimensions of market-based reform movements tends to define them largely within the bounds of neo-liberalism and thus far has failed to systematically explain how policy beliefs emerge and converge in this context. Second, we contend that previous work has generally lacked theoretical grounding in formal policy network analysis (PNA). Although there are clear links between the concepts and findings in traditional PNA literature and educational research – particularly the use of networked governance as a concept for understanding the interconnectedness of educational reform networks – a more diligent application of PNA theory and methods would enable educational policy scholars to gain deeper insights into the explanatory processes of policy change. We pay particular attention to the usefulness of these approaches for examining two-mode network data and for modeling ideological policy change. ; En los últimos años, los académicos de las políticas educativas han comenzado a utilizar conceptos y métodos de redes sociales para describir los cambios políticos contemporáneos en los niveles P-16, pero se necesita un enfoque de red más formal arraigado en el análisis de redes de políticas (ANP). El análisis de redes de políticas integra conceptos del análisis de redes sociales con supuestos teóricos desarrollados en el campo de las ciencias políticas. A pesar de los vínculos entre los conceptos y los hallazgos en la literatura tradicional de la ANP y la investigación educativa, en particular el uso de la gobernanza en red como concepto para comprender la interconexión de las redes de reforma educativa, una aplicación más diligente de la teoría y los métodos de la ANP permitiría a los académicos de la política educativa profundizar conocimientos sobre los procesos explicativos del cambio de políticas. Prestamos especial atención a la utilidad de estos enfoques para examinar datos de red de dos modos y para modelar cambios de políticas ideológicas. ; Nos últimos anos, estudiosos de políticas educacionais começaram a utilizar conceitos e métodos de redes sociais para descrever mudanças políticas contemporâneas em todos os níveis P-16, embora seja necessária uma abordagem de rede mais formal enraizada na análise de redes políticas (PNA). A análise de redes políticas integra conceitos da análise de redes sociais com pressupostos teóricos desenvolvidos no campo da ciência política. Apesar das ligações entre os conceitos e descobertas na literatura tradicional de PNA e a pesquisa educacional - particularmente o uso de governança em rede como um conceito para compreender a interconexão das redes de reforma educacional - uma aplicação mais diligente da teoria e dos métodos de PNA permitiria que estudiosos de políticas educacionais se aprofundassem percepções sobre os processos explicativos de mudança de política. Prestamos atenção especial à utilidade dessas abordagens para examinar dados de rede de dois modos e para modelar mudanças ideológicas nas políticas.

The paper aims to analyze from the perspective of liberal democracy the concept of humanistic education within the thought of Martha Nussbaum in order to establish some civic competences within democratic practice. In order to achieve such a purpose, the paper is divided in two moments: first, it identifies the concept of humanistic education in Martha Nussbaum's thought in relation to liberal democracy; second, within the framework of humanistic formation it establishes the civic competences re- quired for democratic practice. Based on the theoretical contributions of contemporary thinkers such as Morin, Sartori, Marsh and Stoker, the paper links the categories of hu- manistic education, liberal democracy and civic competences. Finally, by demarcating the reach of the paper within the field of the political studies, particularly within the normative theory and political liberalism, the purpose of the paper is not to elaborate an education theory or a pedagogical model that explains the different didactic strate- gies of the teaching of humanities, but to reflect on the role played by the humanistic ; El presente artículo tiene como propósito analizar, desde la democracia liberal, el concepto de la educación humanista en el pensamiento de Martha Nussbaum, para el establecimiento de competencias ciudadanas en el ejercicio democrático. Dicho propósito se alcanza a través de dos momentos: el primero, identificar la educación humanista en el pensamiento de Nussbaum en relación con la democracia liberal; el segundo, determinar, en el marco de la formación humanista, las competencias ciudadanas para el ejercicio democrático. Metodológicamente este artículo entrelaza las categorías educación humanista, democracia liberal y competencias ciudadanas, a partir de algunos planteamientos teóricos de pensadores contemporáneos tales como Morin, Sartori, Marsh y Stoker. Finalmente, al delimitar el trabajo dentro de los estudios políticos, especialmente dentro de la teoría normativa y el liberalismo político, el alcance de este trabajo no es proponer una teoría de la educación o un modelo pedagógico que explique las didácticas de la formación en humanidades, sino reflexionar sobre el papel que asume la formación humanista en una democracia de corte liberal. Este artículo pretende ofrecer a la comunidad académica, desde la teoría política, un análisis sobre el concepto de la educación humanista en la democracia liberal desde el pensamiento de Nussbaum. ; Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar, a partir da democracia liberal, o conceito de educação humanista no pensamento de Martha Nussbaum, para o estabelecimento de competências cidadãs no exercício democrático. Este objetivo é atingido a través de duas etapas: a primeira, identificar a educação humanista no pensamento de Mar- tha Nussbaum em relação à democracia liberal; a segunda, determinar, no âmbito da formação humanista, as competências cidadãs para o exercício democrático. Metodo- logicamente este artigo entrelaça as categorias "educação humanista", "democracia li- beral" e "competências cidadãs", a partir de algumas abordagens teóricas de pensadores contemporâneos tais como Morin, Sartori, Marsh e Stoker. Finalmente, ao delimitar o trabalho no interior dos estúdios políticos, especialmente na teoria normativa e o liberalismo político, o escopo deste trabalho não é propor uma teoria da educação ou um modelo pedagógico que explica as didáticas da formação em humanidades, mas refletir sobre o papel que assume a educação humanista numa democracia liberal. Este artigo visa proporcionar à comunidade acadêmica, desde a teoria política, uma análise sobre o conceito de educação humanista na democracia liberal desde o pensamento de Nussbaum.

The evolution of educational institutions and secondary schools in the Greek Catholic Diocese of Mukachevo needs research because of the era of Czechoslovak anti-Catholic modernism. This influenced on the development of diocesan educational institutions and their transformation. Generally most researchers have positive vision of the democracy of Czechoslovakia of this time, but in church and educational sphere it was rather "controlled" liberalism. The issue of Greek Catholic schooling is at an early stage of study and needs to be better understood, given the difficult operating conditions due to various financial and administrative constraints. Church schooling played an extremely important role in moral and spiritual spheres, providing the younger generation not only with the necessary knowledge, but also with Christian values. However, in the conditions of Czechoslovak modernism, it turned out to be difficult to spread Christian morality due to the restrictions of the authorities of the Czechoslovak Republic on the educational and school institutions of the Greek Catholic Church in Subcarpathian Russia. It should be noted that the government has limited funding for parish schools, but officials hadn't an alternative to local schools or the necessary human resources. Conflicts of interest led to complications in the educational process, up to the closure of parish schools or the creation of public ones on their basis. The church hierarchy paid more attention to the catechetical work, through the study of religion lessons in all primary schools, while providing the educational process with the necessary literature. Emphasis was placed on working with young people through various Christian youth organizations: "Society of St. Cross "," Subcarpathian Eagle "," St. Mari Congregations ", partly " Plast "and others. A great success was the opening of a boarding school by the diocesan board in the early 1930s, which did not function in the 1920s due to financial difficulties and lack of state support, but was eventually restored. ; Еволюція виховних та середньошкільних навчальних закладів Мукачівської Греко-Католицької єпархії потребує дослідження зважаючи на епоху чехословацького антикатолицького модернізму, що вплинуло на розвиток єпархіальних навчально-виховних закладів і їх трансформацію. І хоч у більшості дослідників загалом позитивні уявлення про демократичність Чехословаччини цієї доби, проте в церковних та освітніх справах це був радше «керований» лібералізм. Греко-католицьке шкільництво перебуває на початковому етапі вивчення і потребує глибшого осмислення, зважаючи на складні умови функціонування через різні фінансові та адміністративні обмеження з боку чехословацької влади. Церковне шкільництво відігравало надзвичайно важливу роль у морально-духовному плані, надаючи молодому поколінню не лише необхідні знання, але й християнські цінності. Втім, в умовах чехословацького модернізму, виявилося непросто поширювати християнську мораль через обмеження владою Чехословацької Республіки (ЧСР) виховних та шкільних інституцій Греко-Католицької Церкви на Підкарпатській Русі, еволюцію і розвиток яких необхідно розглянути нижче. Треба відзначити про обмеження фінансування владою парафіяльних навчальних закладів, при цьому урядовці не мали альтернативи навчальних закладів на місцях, як і необхідного кадрового потенціалу. Конфлікт інтересів призвів до ускладнень виховного процесу, аж до закриття парафіяльних шкіл, чи створення на їх базі державних. При цьому, церковна ієрархія більше уваги приділяла катехитичній праці, через вивчення уроків релігії у всіх навчальних закладах початкової освіти, забезпечуючи навчальний процес необхідною літературою. Більше того, акцент робився на працю з молоддю через різні християнсько-молодіжні організації: «Товариство св. Хреста», «Підкарпаторусський Орел», «Марійські конгрегації», частково «Пласт» та ін. Великим успіхом було відкриття єпархіальним правлінням інтернату на початку 1930-х рр., котрий не функціонував у 1920-х рр. через матеріальні труднощі і відсутнiсть державної підтримки.