Suchergebnisse

На основе работ по философии политики, политической психологии масс и на классических примерах рассматриваются истоки теории революции как спектакля. Собственно революция анализируется как неизбежное возвращение, оформленное в спектакль, где есть сцена, актеры, театральное действо, в котором существует карнавальная возможность для массы превратиться из зрителей в участников спектакля. Проблема раскрывается на примере украинских событий. ; The analysis of the works of E. Burke, A. de Tocqueville, B.N. Chicherin, A. Fouillee, and S. Moscovici on political philosophy, political psychology of masses provide an opportunity to look at revolutionary alternative as a kind of performance, the sense of which contradicts even the Jaures' interpretation of it as a "barbaric form of progress". The article shows a political revolution as a mass action that is drawn up as a play, whose task is to hide the reverse nature of upcoming changes. Revolution itself is not able to change the nature of institutions, relationships, society and personality. In this context the image of the future becomes an announcement of the revolutionary performance. Stage, actors, theatre performance change the mass from the audience into the play's participants. The problem is revealed through the example of Ukrainian events. A carnival according to Bakhtin transforms very quickly into a bloody revolutionary action according the lows of crowd psychology. The Maidan becomes an embodied triumph of revolution changes over parliamentarism, while maintaining the form of performance. The Ukrainian revolution has shown that the country connects its past with Russian dominance and its future with entrance into the European Union without the temporal self-definition. The revolution has complemented the spatial split of Ukraine into West and East by the mental split that occurred 420 years ago during the Union of Brest into Catholics (noblemen), Greek Catholics (common people of Western Ukraine) oriented to Poland, and Orthodox who were regarded as pariahs. The author analyzes the role of radicalism and patriotism in the revolutionary society where traditional political culture is completed by technological scripts of revolutionary protest.

Впервые ставится проблема существования в недрах матричного политического мышления особого когнитивного стиля плакатного мышления. На основе анализа источников детской литературы, песен показано, как плакатные образы резонируют с архетипами, конструируя устойчивые схемы оценки политической реальности в ее ключевых координатах и потенциально паттерны поведения. ; A paradox of research subject emanates from the fact, that functional for its intended purpose and at the same time shortly living political poster has not only become one of the most interesting phenomenon of the native political culture, that can be proved by the presence of fundamental Russian and foreign researches diversity, but also has been a picture in political thinking formation, having turned to a peculiar style. Special notice is given to children age with its perceptivity to indoctrination influence. The article is devoted to this problem definition and deals with the sources that demonstrate image thinking having crossed the borders of the visual one. It permeated into children literature, songs etc. In this very case writers, text and music authors acted as constructors of political thinking poster style. They formed an image scheme, the place of which could be conditionally defined in coterminous layer of consciousness and unconsciousness. Resonating, poster style of political thinking itself addressed to innermost consciousness phenomena archetypes (according to C. Jung definition). In his works Carl Jung paid significant attention to visual schemes of thinking. Causing archaic interpretation scheme, this resonance contributed to the building of stable attitude to such basic phenomena as native land, hero/enemy, feat etc. As it is illustrated in the article, a poster style of political thinking is not exhausted by the brought up in USSR generation, but also appears in modern youth. It brings a research subject from metaphorical supposition to the field of currently central researches and gives a new horizon for progressive study of this problem.

Статья продолжает исследование Славянского мира как политического конструкта. На этот раз объектом изучения становится образ славянства как основа картирования. Методологической базой статьи является субъективистская трактовка миров воображаемого, по Ж. Ле Гоффу и А. Шюцу, а позиция Б. Андерсона относительно карты как образца реального мира позволяет исследовать фантазийный Славянский мир в ярком сочинении начала XVII в. М. Орбини в качестве вполне реального идеологического конструкта. Обращается особое внимание на глориализм как ключевой концепт работы Орбини, когда «Слава» становится связующим компонентом, на котором выстраиваются история и география Славянского мира. ; This paper researches Slavdom as a political construct, where the image of Slavdom becomes the basis for charting. The research is based on the subjectivistic perception of the imaginary realms, according to J. Le Goff and A. Schutz. B. Anderson's idea that the map is a sample of the real world allows researching the imaginary Slavdom in M. Orbini's work of the early 17th century as a quite real ideological construct. This paper emphasises glorialism as Orbini's key concept, where "Glory" becomes the binder for the history and geography of Slavdom.

Рассматриваются нравственно-политические истоки сибирского фронтира как явления, уникального по своим масштабам и темпам освоения этой огромной территории. Дихотомия концептов «воля» и «доля» раскрывает ментальные начала массовых волн переселения казачьей и крестьянской, а прочтение Сибири как рая или ада служит ценностным основанием для продолжающейся дискуссии о значении данного края для России. ; Siberia occupies about two-thirds of the territory of the Russian Federation. In the present article the authors consider the moral and political bases of the Siberian frontier as a phenomenon of development of this vast territory that is unique in its scale and speed. There are stereotypes of the Western society, and sometimes of the Russians themselves, about the "dark Siberia": emptiness, cold, night, bears, hard labor, when the Siberian world just shrinks to the abbreviation GULAG. No doubt, the extreme climatic conditions of the region as well as the horrors of Siberian camps should not be ignored. At the same time, it should be recalled that, paradoxically, this land, in particular because of its vastness and remoteness from Moscow and Saint-Petersburg, has been considered for centuries as a place of refuge and asylum, as the promised land, where new social practices can take place, as a land of freedom in isolation from an authoritarian and predatory "center". The authors consider the dichotomic concepts 'will' and 'fate' as mental background of massive waves of migration to Siberia Cossack and peasant ones respectively. Human diversity has created a kind of a "spiritual reservoir" for a potential transformation in Siberia today, as before, for the missionaries of various denominations as a result of a variety of religious interactions and ideas. Finally, through history this region can be considered as a kind of Eden where different and even opposing styles and models of life coexist the traditional economy of the Siberian peoples and the oil and gas industry. Protective space for somebody, territory of utopias implementation for others, Siberia has also been and continues to be a place of economic migration. For the Russian internal space as well as for the external one, natural resources of Siberia make a real Eldorado of it. In the process of development the content of the myths about Siberia has been changing: from the image of a great desert out of the Urals to the images of terrestrial paradise or hell. It is not always that this image corresponds to reality, but if we use the concept 'Homeland', it is Siberia that as a result of voluntary and forced selection has created a special type of Russians. The very perception of Siberia as 'paradise' or 'hell' is a value basis for the ongoing discussion about the importance of this land for Russia.

В статье представлен анализ формирования механизма национального брендинга на основе позиционирования российского ОПК. Утверждается, что оборонная отрасль исторически является конституирующей российскую государственность. В современных условиях геополитической нестабильности актуализированалась тема национальной безопасности как базовой общественно-государственной ценности. Выдвинута гипотеза о том, что сильное обороноспособное государство может стать российским национальным брендом. ; In the article the analysis of the mechanism of national branding forming through Russian defense industry positioning is represented. The authors state that the defense industry is historically constitutive for Russian state system. In the modern circumstances of geopolitical instability the theme of national safety as a basic social and state value is actualized. The authors set up a hypothesis that the strong defense industry which is able to defense the state could become Russian national brand. The state offer many innovation instruments for innovation actors including defense industry. The optimal set of innovation instruments and offer of a competitive knowledge-intensive production provide a positive image of the territory, which represents innovation defense enterprises and universities. A communicative positioning strategy may be a key part of forming the innovation policy in Russian defense industry. It is very important to develop and stimulate cooperation between the state, innovation defense enterprises and universities, expert community and media. So the task of political science experts is to work out an effective communicative positioning strategy of national branding for defense industry on the whole. As a result the effective innovation activities promote both their successful positioning and expansion of the reputation potential for the innovation regions and even for the country. Innovation products of defense industry and communicative strategy for their branding create a stable national politic image inside the country and in the global environment.

Статья посвящена славянскому миру как политическому конструкту, своеобразию его становления, связи с российской ментальностью, периодическими актуализациями в переломные для славянских народов эпохи. Рассмотрены попытки постановки и реализации политических проектов славянского мира. Показано, как вытесненный на периферию политической семиотики в актуальной политике славянский мир реализуется в качестве виртуального конструкта в социальных сетях Интернета. ; The article is devoted to the Slavic world as a political construct, the singularity of its formation, the connection with Russian mentality, periodical actualizations during turning periods for Slavic people. The authors examine the attempts of development and implementation of political projects of the Slavic world. It is shown how the Slavic world pushed out on the periphery of political semiotics in the present day politics is being realized as a virtual construct in social Internet networks.

Рассматривается конструкт «Святая Русь» как один из предельных ценностных конструктов российской ментальности и отечественной политической культуры. Рассматривается зарождение конструкта, его воплощение в концепты «Москва Третий Рим», «Новый Иерусалим», попытки в прошлом и настоящем использовать его для решения проблем актуальной политики. ; In moments of deep changes, various paths of historical development and in periods of non-obvious future there appears a necessity to find the ultimate bases of the society identity. Among these bases loaded by the meaning and supreme spiritual values, in relation to Russia, the construct "Holy Russia" is mentioned. Being originated in the era of Russian Middle Ages, it embodied in the well-known Philotheos's formula "Moscow the Third Rome". Over centuries, the construct played the key role in political culture to substantiate the God's choice of Russian people and the combination of celestial and earth reality on Russian land. Thus, in accordance with the medieval idea, Russia was assigned the role of a kind of "icon" of Celestial Kingdom while the Russian Tsar played the role of the God's reflection on earth. Philotheos's political formula was embodied in the project "New Jerusalem" of Patriarch Nikon, it was adapted by the people and for the people properly to the construct "Holy Russia". Uniting etymologically "holiness" and "light", it manifested the adversarial position of light to the darkness that is to impiety or vicious belief. It can be traced by the author of the article through linguistic research materials and sources. A breakaway from power-religious orthodoxy which was reflected in religious poetry and pastorals, did not affect the basic idea of exclusivity of Russia, but at the same time, the attention was paid to the issues of truth and justice. Russian philosophy (Solovyov V., Trubetskoy E., Berdyaev N.), referring to the problem of "Holy Russia", spotlights the distinction between different levels of Christianity, such as a temple level, a home one and a universal idea. It shows the failure of chiliastic views on the structure of the Kingdom of God on earth. At the same time, being in thrall to the political situation, the philosophers of the first emigration wave repeated those mistakes which they were opposed to. Events of the recent years, complexity of foreign policy situation and a search for bases of identity boosted to quasi-religious writings, where the construct of "Holy Russia" is being newly exploited as a unique one in its originality, total, messianic to imperial desires. All this in a bizarre form combines the rhetoric of "spiritual poems" of the Russian Middle Ages, the first wave of immigrants journalism and at the same time it contradicts the main purpose of the construct Orthodox unity, the great spiritual values united in this construct of holy men, holy word, holy images, which can only serve the rise of current Russian policy.

В свете предшествующих и последующих событий по присоединению Крыма Россией дается анализ как внутрироссийских, так и международных политических процессов. Выражены мотивы всех участников процесса по активному участию в процессах политической торговли при разрешении кризиса. Представлены политические шаги России в конструировании нового пространства на территориях, подконтрольных ранее администрации В. Януковича. Дана попытка идентификации субъекта политики, чьи действия явились результатом новой повестки дня. ; In the context of joining events (previous and further ones) of the Crimea to the Russian Federation the analysis of Russian domestic and international political processes is given. Joining Ukrainian Crimea to Russia as a subject of the federation it was confirmed by the decree of Russian President Vladimir Putin's March 21, 2014. Incorporation of the Republic of Crimea to the Russian Federation was postulated by the results of a national referendum in the Crimea. One of the reasons for the active support Russia in this process has been deterministic primarily foreign factors. On the issue of energy supplies to the European countries Russia has long relied on political support for the regime of ousted President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych. In the research new political steps of Russia in construction of a new area on territories controlled earlier by V. Yanukovych administration are considered. Ukraine's new government, as well as the international community, speaking with one voice with respect to the non-recognition of annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea to Russia. The scenario of Russian political actions on new developing territories is discovered. The logic of Ukraine, which lost part of its territory as payment for forced regime change, expressed in the conformist narrowcasting confrontation with Russia. Western countries on this issue are going on, removing itself the role of maintaining the status quo of state borders and the types of political regimes. An identification attempt of the subject of politics which actions were the result of a new is given. Western leaders stressed personal responsibility of the head of state Vladimir Putin in the process of accession of the Republic of Crimea to the Russian Federation.

Концепция ХАССП была разработана в США и внедрена в начале двухтысячных годов. В странах Европейского союза работы по внедрению ХАССП начались с принятия Директивы 93/43/ЕС по гигиене пищевых продуктов. В России был создан национальный стандарт ГОСТ Р 51705.1-2001 «Система качества. Управление качеством пищевых продуктов на основе принципов ХАССП. Общие требования», который с 1 июля 2001 г. введен в действие. При большом количестве технологических операций и учитываемых опасных факторов задача выбора критических контрольных точек представляет определенную сложность. За рубежом используется практика применения ранее созданных типовых систем ХАССП с заранее установленными опасными факторами и критическими точками. Однако в нашей стране разработка подобных типовых систем в настоящее время затруднительна, поскольку требует существенных затрат и координации специалистов разных отраслей пищевой промышленности. Мировой опыт управлением качеством и контролем за безопасностью показал, что обеспечить стабильное качество и допустимые показатели безопасности пищевых продуктов невозможно, если не добиться стабильного качества и низких показателей безопасности исходных материалов. При этом затраты на качество и обеспечение безопасности оказывает прямое влияние на себестоимость товара важнейший фактор конкурентоспособности. Отсутствует система упорядочения источников информации, определение алгоритмов принятия решений, определение порядка проведения работ, исследований и т.д. Все это в целом ставит не простую задачу перед предприятиями перерабатывающей промышленности, с одной стороны обязательностью внедрения принципов ХАССП, с другой полным отсутствием четких алгоритмов действий при их внедрении в производственные и технологические процессы. ; The HACCP concept was developed in the USA and introduced in the early 2000s. In the European Union member states HACCP implementation began with the adoption of the Directive 93/43/EC on food hygiene. The Russian National Standard R 51705.1-2001 "Quality System. Food Quality Management Based on HACCP Principles. General Requirements" came into force on the 1st of July, 2001. The choice of critical control points is complicated because of a large number of technological operations and dangerous accountable factors. There is a practice abroad of applying the previously created HACCP model systems with pre-established hazards and critical points. However, the development of such a model systems is difficult at the present time in our country as it requires material costs and the coordination of specialists in different branches of food industry. The world experience of food quality management and safety control shows that it is impossible to ensure consistent food quality and acceptable food safety indices without consistent quality and acceptable safety indices of raw materials. At the same time the costs for ensuring quality and safety directly affect product prime cost being the most important factor of competitiveness. There is no system of information sources arrangement, the definition of decision-making algorithms, definition of work and test procedures, etc. All the above poses a challenge to processing enterprises: mandatory implementation of HACCP principles with a total absence of clear action algorithms when the principles are implemented into the production and technological processes.

Рассматриваются особенности парламентской коммуникации, вытекающие из своеобразия российской политической культуры. Привлечено внимание к необходимости изучения этой проблематики как важнейшей сферы политики, делается прогноз относительно коммуникативной роли парламента в меняющемся институциональном дизайне российской политики. ; The paper deals with parliamentary communication peculiarities due to Russian political culture originality. The work highlights the necessity of studying this issue since it is considered to be one of the most important spheres of politics. The author forecasts the communicative role of the parliament in the changing institutional concept of Russian politics.

Авторы на фоне феномена ностальгии по советскому рассматривают, какую роль в ее актуализации сыграл конструкт "Победа". Исследование проводится в виде решения проблемы "кодирования" политической культуры России как конструирования "памяти" о Победе. При этом делается вывод, что артикулируется и инвариантная фигура Победителя. Исследуется, как политико-конструктивистские усилия современной власти по собственной легитимации за счет значимых образов прошлого вызывают ответную коммуникативную реакцию. ; Against the background of soviet nostalgia phenomenon the authors consider which role in its actualization the construct Victory has played. The research is realized through coding of Russian political culture as constructing memory about Victory. At the same time the invariant figure of a Victor is well-stated. Political constructive methods of modern authorities at its legitimation by means of meaningful past images are researched and provoke communicative feedback.

Предметом исследования является ситуация в современном отечественном политическом процессе, когда технические возможности СМИ позволяют вести речь о постсовременном потенциале масс-медиа, в то же время содержательная сторона политической коммуникации, методы и приемы воздействия на граждан подтверждают мысль о России как задержавшемся в своем развитии модерне. В данном случае речь пойдет лишь о ценностной составляющей политического телевещания и печатных СМИ на федеральном и региональном уровнях. ; The subject of research in this article is the situation in modern Russian political process, when technical advantages of mass-media let us to talk mass-media's «postmodern» potential about, but the content of political communication, methods and technologies its influence confirms the though that Russia is the «modern», dilating in its development. In this case we will talk only valuable elements of political telecasting and press-media in federal and region's levels about.