Suchergebnisse

O sistema de avaliação de impacto ambiental no Brasil ainda não é capaz de lidar com o desafio apresentado pelos planos plurianuais, que têm sido a forma de organizar as prioridades do governo desde 1996. Espera-se que esse desafio resulte no fortalecimento do sistema. Problemas genéricos com o processo de licenciamento incluem: a formação de lobby a favor da construção, antes de serem tomadas as decisões sobre a prudência dos projetos; o "efeito arrasto" de terceiros, devido à atividade econômica estimulada pela infraestrutura, que escapa do sistema de avaliação de impacto ambiental; uma forte tendência para empresas de consultoria produzirem relatórios favoráveis, como resultado de tentações embutidas no sistema; uma ênfase burocrática na existência de passos, tais como a submissão de relatórios e a realização de audiências públicas, sem considerar o conteúdo do que é dito; e a inabilidade do sistema de avaliação de impactos de considerar a cadeia de eventos que são deslanchados quando um determinado projeto é empreendido. O exemplo dos planos plurianuais, desde o Brasil em Ação (1996-1999) até o atual PAC- 2 (Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento-2, 2012-2015), deixa clara a necessidade de se repensar a maneira como grandes programas de desenvolvimento são decididos e promovidos, assim como a necessidade de se reconsiderar a prudência de vários projetos que os compõem. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Amazônia, desmatamento, impacto ambiental, rodovias. INFRASTRUCTURE IN AMAZONIA: lessons from Brazil's pluri-annual plans Philip M. Fearnside William Frederick Laurance Brazil's environmental impact assessment system is not yet capable of coping with the challenge presented by the pluri-annual plans that have been the means of organizing government priorities since 1996. It is hoped that this challenge results in strengthening of the system. Generic problems with the licensing process include stimulation of a lobby in favor of construction before decisions are made on the advisability of the projects, the "dragging effect" of third parties whereby economic activity is attracted to the infrastructure but escapes the environmental impact assessment system, a tendency for consulting firms to produce favorable reports, a bureaucratic emphasis on the existence of steps such as the submission of reports and the holding of public hearings without regard to the content of what is said, and the inability to take account of the chain of events unleashed when a given project is undertaken. The example of the pluri-annual plans from Brazil in Action (1996-1999) up to the current PAC-2 [Program for the Acceleration of Growth-2] (2012-2015) makes clear the need to rethink how major development decisions are made, and to reconsider a number of the plan's component projects. KEYWORDS: Amazonia, deforestation, environmental impact, highways. INFRASTRUCTURE EN AMAZONIE: les leçons des plans pluriannuels Philip Martin Fearnside William Frederick Laurance Le système d'évaluation de l'impact environnemental au Brésil n'est toujours pas en mesure de relever le défi des plans pluriannuels, élaborés depuis 1996 par le gouvernement, en vue d'organiser ses priorités. Ce défi devrait renforcer le système, c'est ce qu'on en attend. De nombreux problèmes d'ordre général sont liés aux processus d'autorisations, tels que: la formation de lobbying en faveur des constructions, avant même de connaître le bien fondé des projets; le fait "d'entraîner" des tiers, vu les activités économiques engendrées par une infrastructure qui échappe au système d'évaluation de l'impact sur l'environnement; une forte tendance qu'ont les cabinets de consultants d'émettre des rapports favorables, étant donné les tentations inhérentes au système; la lenteur de la bureaucratie pour franchir les étapes, qui exige l'élaboration de rapports et la réalisation d'auditions publiques, sans pour autant tenir compte du contenu de ce qui est dit; et aussi l'incapacité du système en matière d'évaluation des impacts qui doivent être pris en considération dans l'enchainement des événements lorsqu'un projet spécifique est entrepris. L'exemple des plans pluriannuels, allant du "Brésil en Action" (1996- 1999) au plan actuel "PAC-2" (Programme d'Accélération de la Croissance-2, 2012-2015), met en évidence la nécessité de repenser la façon de décider et de promouvoir les programmes de développement majeurs ainsi que le besoin de reconsidérer la raison d'être des projets qui les composent.MOTS-CLES: Amazonie, déforestation, impact environnemental, routes. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh

The thesis contributes to the understanding of the drivers in countries' decision to adjudicate trade issues under the Dispute Settlement Mechanism (DSM) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The DSM is a rules-based device for the resolution of conflicts arising over the interpretation of trade law under the regime of the organization. The DSM is self-enforcing, i.e. all actions of disputes are driven by the parties to the dispute. This Member-driven nature of the DSM implies that the conditions of its use are determined by market-related incentives, Members' resource endowments and constraints, and the characteristics of the political economic relationship between potential complainants and defendants. Negotiations on improvements of the DSM are going on since 1997 without yielding any resolution so far. The negotiations aim at making the DSM more effective and to allow for equal accessibility of the system to all types of Members. Reform proposals span a broad field; however, a targeted improvement of the system requires a thorough understanding of economic incentives and constraints faced by the potential users of the system. Apart from an introduction, the thesis comprises two empirical and a theoretical chapter. The empirical parts are focused on the agro-food sector to provide a more in-depth analysis of sector-related characteristics. The starting point is an aggregated analysis on capacity- and sector-related traits of initiating Members and is based on a Binomial dispute distribution model adapted from the literature. The second empirical chapter builds upon the analysis of the first but shifts the focus to bilaterally dependent characteristics, which are of essential relevance for the enforcement of compliance. The empirical intricacy implied by the pure bilateral approach is solved by the application of the Weighted Endogenous Sampling Maximum Likelihood (WESML) estimator. Results show that Members' tendency toward protectionist policies decrease and the level of protectionism faced in their exports increase their probability to initiate disputes. The first finding suggests a strategic behavior and may also reflect Members' general tendency towards market liberalization. The second finding is in line with the system's objectives. Also, Members' operating experience shows a positive effect on their number of filed disputes. This can be rationalized by decreased fixed costs of litigation and by gained efficiency in the processing of disputes through experience. In addition, the positive influence of lobbying activity, their dependency on the defendant's market for exports and the value of agro-food imports from the defendant country could be supported. The empirical investigations are complemented by a theory paper. Drawing on the findings mentioned above and those from previous empirical investigations on WTO dispute settlement, the chapter develops a comprehensive economic modeling framework for the initiation of disputes. It thereby may serve as a tool for the evaluation of the system's status quo and the assessment of envisaged system changes. ; Die ökonomischen Anreize des WTO Streitschlichtungsverfahrens mit emprischem Schwerpunkt auf dem Agrar- und Lebensmittelsektor Die Dissertation leistet einen Beitrag zum Verständnis der Einflussfaktoren in der Entscheidung von Ländern, ihre Handelsauseinandersetzungen im Rahmen des Streitschlichtungsmechanismus (SSM) der Welthandelsorganisation (WTO) zu verhandeln. Der SSM is eine regelbasierte Institutiton für die Lösung von Konflikten über die Interpretation des Handelsrechts unter dem Geltungsbereich der Organisation. Es handelt sich dabei um ein selbstgesteuertes Verfahren, d.h. dass alle damit verbundenen Aktivitäten von den Streitparteien getragen werden. Diese mitgliedergetriebene Eigenschaft des SSM beinhaltet, dass seine Nutzungsbedingungen bestimmt werden durch marktbezogene Anreize, durch die Ressourcenausstattung der Mitglieder der Organisation und durch die Beschaffenheit der politikökonomischen Beziehung zwischen potentiellen Klägern und Beklagten. Über eine Verbesserung des SSM wird seit 1997 verhandelt, ohne dass es bislang zu einer Lösung gekommen wäre. Die Verhandlungen zielen darauf ab, die Effektivität des SSM zu erhöhen und seine Nutzbarkeit allen Arten von Mitgliedern zu ermöglichen. Die Reformvorschläge sind breit gefächert. Jedoch erfordert eine gezielte Verbesserung des Systems ein tiefgründiges Verständnis der ökonomischen Anreize und der Einschränkungen, denen potentielle Nutzer des Systems gegenüberstehen. Zusätzlich zu einer umfangreicheren Einleitung umfasst die Dissertation zwei empirische und ein theoretisches Kapitel. Die empirischen Teile sind auf den Agrar- und Lebensmittelsektor fokussiert, um eine eingehendere Untersuchung der sektorbezogenen Eigenschaften bereitzustellen. Der Ausgangspunkt ist eine aggregierte Analyse von kapazitäts- und sektorbezogenen Charakteristiken von Klägern, und hat als Grundlage ein Binomiales Verteilungsmodell für Streitfälle, welches aus der Literatur entnommen wurde. Das zweite empirische Kapitel baut auf dieser ersten Analyse auf, verschiebt den Fokus jedoch hin zu bilateral abhängigen Ländereigenschaften, welche von entscheidener Bedeutung für die Durchsetzung der Regeleinhaltung sind. Die mit dem bilateralen Ansatz verbundene empirische Komplexität wird durch die Anwendung des Weighted Endogenous Sampling Maximum Likelihood (WESML)-Schätzers gelöst. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die protektionistische Tendenz von WTO-Mitgliedern ihre Klagewahrscheinlichkeit verringert und der Umfang protektionistischer Politiken, welchen sie in ihren Exportströmen ausgesetzt sind, ihre Klagewahrscheinlichkeit erhöt. Ersteres mag ein strategisches Verhalten der Länder oder auch ihre generelle Einstellung im Hinblick auf Handelsliberalisierung widerspiegeln. Letzteres befindet sich in Übereinstimmung mit den Zielen des Systems. Die Anwendungserfahrung mit dem System zeigt ebenfalls einen positiven Einfluss auf die Anzahl von Klagen. Dies kann erklärt werden mit abnehmenden Fixkosten und zunehmender Effizienz in der Bearbeitung von Streitfällen durch die gewonnene Erfahrung. Zusätzlich zeigen Lobbyaktivität, die Relevanz des beklagten Marktes für Exporte und der Wert von Agrar- und Lebensmittelimporten von diesem einen positiven Effekt auf die Klagewahrscheinlichkeit von Ländern. Die empirischen Analysen werden durch ein theoretisches Kapitel ergänzt. Indem es sich auf die oben zitierten Ergebnisse sowie auf diejenigen vorhergehender empirischer Untersuchungen zum WTO-Streitschlichtungssystem stützt, entwickelt das Theoriekapitel ein umfassendes ökonomisches Modell für die Initiierung von Streitfällen. Es mag daher als Mittel zur Evaluierung des status quo des SSM, wie auch zur Bewertung der anvisierten Änderungen des Systems dienen.

This research explores the politics of modern commodity agriculture and the redistributive politics associated with it, focusing on Argentina and Brazil. Despite the magnitude and consequences of agricultural subsidies and taxation, their political origins are poorly understood. It is widely observed that wealthier countries tend to subsidize farmers while poorer countries tax them, and farmers in developed countries are credited as being skilled at lobbying. What is less clear is where that skill and political leverage originates. Using both qualitative and quantitative evidence, the analysis finds that the key determinant of the level of taxation or subsidy of agriculture is the capacity of agricultural producers to form strong political organizations. While factors such as economic development can improve the prospects for rural organization by reducing collective action problems, farmers must also have incentives to invest in political action. Importantly, the structure of markets within the agricultural sector shapes these political investment incentives. When access to inputs for production, particularly land, is governed by markets, political power is less economically valuable, and actors will consequently invest less in politics. Additionally, when markets are more flexible, actors can diversify their investments and manage risk more easily. In contrast, political organization is a more worthwhile investment when allocation of productive inputs and risk management occurs outside of markets.The cases of Argentina and Brazil, two countries that greatly benefited from the agricultural commodity boom of the 2000s, illustrate how market structures shape political incentives. In both countries, new rural market institutions emerged as the unintended consequences of mid-20th-Century regulations. These markets differed in critical ways in the degree to which they were conducive of rural political action. In Argentina, highly flexible markets for short-term land rental and agricultural services emerged. These new markets facilitated the adoption of technology and increasing the scale of production by reducing the need to sink capital into purchasing land and machinery. The flexible markets thus encouraged farmers to invest more heavily in economic options rather than political action. As a result, Argentina's rural sector steadily withdrew from politics over several decades, weakening their previously influential organizations and abstaining from electoral contests. When commodity prices rose and a populist government came into power in the 2000s, Argentine farmers were powerless to prevent the imposition of increasingly high export taxes on agricultural goods. In Brazil, rural policies designed to pacify peasant mobilization and increase agricultural production without agrarian reform had the effect of destroying markets for land rental and making rural labor more costly. Large-scale, well-capitalized, landowning farmers came to dominate production, to the point that the state of Mato Grosso's 5,000 soybean farmers produced 7 percent of the global trade in the crop on farms that averaged more than 8 times larger than properties in the Corn Belt of the United States. Because flexible markets did not emerge in Brazil, these concentrated producers tended to have more capital sunk into their operations and were less able to manage production risks through markets. Political investment thus became a more valuable alternative: a means to diversify their portfolios. Consequently, during the 2000s, new, highly organized and well-funded farmers' associations formed, taking over political parties at the state level, promoting the election of ``rural entrepreneurs" to public office, and building a powerful national lobby. Redistribution between the countryside and the cities shifted to favor farmers, who became net recipients of subsidies. The findings of this research illuminate several important areas of theoretical importance. First, they highlight the close connections between markets and politics. While many studies have focused on how politics creates and shapes markets and on how markets govern economic behavior and industrial organization, the ways that market structures affect political actions has received far less attention. Second, the analysis explores the evolution of redistributive politics as economies grow and new technologies are adopted. Economic development is a disruptive process, and while wealthy countries tend to share certain political commonalities, expanding wealth can lead to vastly different effects. Among many factors, how markets evolve as production develops has significant implications. Third, this research affirms that agricultural commodities can have powerful effects on political dynamics. Scholarship has long affirmed the historical relevance of agricultural exports for many developing countries, yet recent research has tended to focus on the political effects of natural resource endowments, such as oil, copper, and diamonds. This research shows how agricultural commodities can similarly shape political economy and regime dynamics.

xix, 363 p. : ill. ; 24 cm. ; Libro Electrónico ; Upsetting the Offset engages critically with the political economy of carbon markets. It presents a range of case studies and critiques from around the world, showing how the scam of carbon markets affects the lives of communities. But the book doesn't stop there. It also presents a number of alternatives to carbon markets which enable communities to live in real low-carbon futures. 'If you wondered whether capitalism could ever produce the perfect weapon of its own destruction, try this heady mix of carbon fuels, the trade in financial derivatives, and more than a dash of neo-colonialism, and boom! But this book is far from resigned to that fate. After examining the case against carbon trading… the book turns to alternatives, to hope, to sanity, and to the future.' Professor Stefano Harney, Queen Mary, University of London, UK ; Alterar el desplazamiento involucra crítico con la política económica de los mercados de carbón. Se presenta una serie de estudios de caso y las críticas de todo el mundo, mostrando cómo la estafa de los mercados de carbono afecta a la vida de las comunidades. Pero el libro no se detiene allí. También presenta una serie de alternativas a los mercados de carbono que permitan a las comunidades a vivir en tiempo real de baja emisiones de carbono. "Si te has preguntado alguna vez si el capitalismo puede producir el arma perfecta de su propia destrucción, prueba esta embriagadora mezcla de combustibles de carbono, el comercio de los derivados financieros, y más de un toque de neo-colonialismo, y ¡bum! Pero este libro está muy lejos de resignarse a ese destino. Después de examinar el caso contra el comercio de carbono . el libro se convierte en alternativas, a la esperanza, a la cordura, y para el futuro. ; Contributors xi Acknowledgments xix FOREWORDS The Business of Carbon is Different 1 Offsets Under Kyoto: A Dirty Deal for the South 2 Carbon Markets: A Fatal Illusion 5 INTRODUCTION 1 Upsetting the Offset: An Introduction 9 2 Neoliberalism and the Calculable World: The Rise of Carbon Trading 25 CASES 3 Double Jeopardy: Pursuing the Path of Carbon Offsets and Human Rights Abuses 41 4 How Sustainable are Small-Scale Biomass Factories? A Case Study from Thailand 57 5 Politics of Methane Abatement and CDM Projects based on Industrial Swine Production in Chile 72 6 Paying the Polluter? The Relegation of Local Community Concerns in 'Carbon Credit' Proposals of Oil Corporations in Nigeria 86 7 Carbon Sink Plantation in Uganda: Evicting People for Making Space for Trees 98 8 Tree Plantations, Climate Change and Women 102 9 Shall We Still Keep Our Eyes Cerrados? 112 10 Clean Conscience Mechanism: A Case from Uruguay 119 11 India's 'Clean Development' 129 12 Where is Climate Justice in India's First CDM Project? 138 13 The Jindal CDM Projects in Karnataka 148 14 The MSPL Wind Power CDM Project 153 15 The Deogad Hydroelectric CDM Project 159 16 Offsetting Lives and Livelihoods: Atmospheric Brown Cloud and the Targeting of Asia's Rural Poor 163 CRITIQUES 17 Regulation as Corruption in the Carbon Offset Markets 175 18 The Politics of the Clean Development Mechanism: Hiding Capitalism Under the Green Rug 192 19 Rent Seeking and Corporate Lobbying in Climate Negotiations 203 20 Forests, Carbon Markets and Hot Air: Why the Carbon Stored in Forests Should not be Traded 214 21 Hegemony and Climate Justice: A Critical Analysis 230 22 Resistance Makes Carbon Markets 244 23 Green Capitalism, and the Cultural Poverty of Constructing Nature as Service Provider 255 ALTERNATIVES 24 Repaying Africa for Climate Crisis: 'Ecological Debt' as a Development Finance Alternative to Emissions Trading 275 25 Rethinking the Legal Regime for Climate Change: The Human Rights and Equity Imperative 292 26 Low Impact Development 307 27 Planning for Permaculture? Land-Use Planning, Sustainable Development, and 'Ecosystem People' 317 28 Cycles of Sustainability: From Automobility to Bicycology 322 29 Towards the Sustainable School: Social Accounts and Local Solutions 334 30 Inspiring Examples: Sustainable Living 345 AFTERWORDS On the Road to Copenhagen: Urgent Action is Required 357 Time to Breathe 360

Maģistra darbs "Attīstības sadarbības politika Eiropas Savienībā: daudzpusējās un Apvienotās Karalistes, Francijas, Zviedrijas divpusējās politikas salīdzinājums" ir izstrādāts ar mērķi salīdzināt Apvienotās Karalistes, Francijas un Zviedrijas divpusējo un Eiropas Savienības daudzpusējo attīstības sadarbības politiku veidošanu un īstenošanu, kā arī apzināt šo politiku kopīgās un atšķirīgās iezīmes. Darba tēmas izvēli noteica attīstības sadarbības ilgstoša atrašās starptautiskās politikas aktuālajā dienas kārtībā, vēlme noskaidrot, kādas ir divpusējās un daudzpusējās attīstības sadarbības politikas priekšrocības un trūkumi, kā šīs politikas tiek veidotas un īstenotas Eiropas Savienības ietvaros, kā arī izpētīt veco ES dalībvalstu divpusējo attīstības sadarbības politiku ietekmi uz ES daudzpusējo attīstības sadarbību. Apvienotās Karalistes, Francijas, Zviedrijas divpusējās un ES daudzpusējās attīstības sadarbības politikas izpēte tiek veidota, izmantojot noteiktos īstenojamos uzdevumus, kuri ietver: attīstības koncepta teorētisko aplūkojumu, pievēršoties ortodoksālajai un kritiski alternatīvajai pieejai, un attīstību ierobežojošo faktoru un veicinošo mehānismu noteikšanu; attīstības sadarbības kā veida nabadzīgo iedzīvotāju labklājības līmeņa uzlabošanai apskati, pievēršoties divpusējās un daudzpusējās sadarbības priekšrocībām un trūkumiem; ES dalībvalstu – Apvienotās Karalistes, Francijas, Zviedrijas – divpusējās un ES daudzpusējās attīstības sadarbības politikas izpēti un izvērtēšanu; kā arī Apvienotās Karalistes, Francijas un Zviedrijas divpusējās un ES daudzpusējās attīstības sadarbības politikas salīdzinājuma veikšanu. Darbā tiek izvirzīta hipotēze, ka tā saukto veco Eiropas Savienības dalībvalstu divpusējā attīstības sadarbības politika ietekmē Eiropas Savienības daudzpusējās attīstības sadarbības politikas veidošanu un īstenošanu. Konkrēto gadījumu izpētes gaitā izvirzītais pieņēmums gūst apstiprinājumu, jo ES dalībvalstīm ir iespējas ietekmēt ES daudzpusējās attīstības sadarbības politikas veidošanu un īstenošanu caur izveidoto institucionālo mehānismu, ieguldīto finanšu līdzekļu apjomu, savu prioritāšu lobēšanu starptautiskā mērogā, ko tās arī aktīvi izmanto, kā rezultātā ES daudzpusējā attīstības sadarbības politika ietver lielāko daļu šo dalībvalstu noteikto mērķu un prioritāšu, tādējādi sniedzot papildus garantijas to īstenošanai. Jānorāda arī, ka jaunajām ES dalībvalstīm pagaidām šādas ietekmes nav, jo tām trūkst pieredzes darbībā ES institūcijās, to attīstības sadarbības politikas īstenošanai paredzētais budžets ir mazs un statuss starptautiskajā vidē ir ievērojami maznozīmīgāks kā vecajām ES dalībvalstīm. ; The paper on graduation 'Development Cooperation Policy in the European Union: Multilateral and the United Kingdom, France, Sweden's Bilateral Policy Comparison' aims to compare making and implementation of the United Kingdom, France, Sweden's bilateral and the European Union's multilateral development cooperation policies, as well as to find out similarities and diferences of these policies. The choice of such theme was caused by the following factors: long standing and role of development cooperation on the international political agenda; as well as interest to understand advantages and disadvantages of bilateral and multilateral development cooperation policy, development cooperation policy-making and implementation in the European Union and to analize the impact of the old EU's member states bilateral development cooperation policies on the EU's multilateral development cooperation. The analysis of the United Kingdom, France, Sweden's bilateral and the EU's multilateral development cooperation policies is made by using the concrete tasks, which include: theoretical review of development concept, focusing on ortodoxal and critical alternative perspectives, ways on facilitating development and obstacles to it; theoretical review of development cooperation, including bilateral and multilateral development cooperation, as a mechanism to enhance the welfare of poor people; research, evaluation and comparison of the EU's member states – the United Kingdom, France, Sweden – bilateral and the EU's multilateral development cooperation policies. The hypothesis of the paper is the following – the bilateral development cooperation policies of the so called old European Union's member states impact the preparation and implementation of the European Union's multilateral development cooperation policy. During the cases studies the assumption found its acknowledgment, since the EU's member states have possibilities to affect the preparation and implementation of the EU's multilateral development cooperation policy using its institutional mechanism, financing for development cooperation and lobbying their priorities on the international level, which have been actively used. As a result most of the given member states goals and priorities have been included in the EU's multilateral development cooperation policy, giving extra garanties for their realisation. It also needs to be noted that the new EU's member states yet do not have such an impact, because they lack experience of working in the EU's institutions, their development cooperation budgets are small and position on the international scale is less important than that of the old EU's member states.

The overall growth performance of the Indian economy has been characterized by substantial regional variation in growth over the decades (Shand and Bhide 2000). This is despite the focus in successive Five-Year Plan policies and programs on reducing the incidence of poverty and of achieving balanced regional development (Bhide and Shand 1999). A close understanding of the regional patterns of growth within India is desirable for several reasons. First, central importance in policy continues to be the objective of achieving and sustaining a higher overall growth rate in the Indian economy. Policy makers need insights on past performance at state level in order to formulate future policy directions more effectively. Second, high levels of foreign and domestic investment are needed to reach the growth target. Foreign and domestic investors need information on state level performance and prospects to guide their choice of location between states. Third, there are fiscal problems in the states, which are exacerbating those at the Centre, and the issue of fiscal stability now requires these problems at state level to be addressed. Finally, with greater decentralization of policy making process consequent to the economic reforms in the 1990s, information on the states' performance is important for the policy makers at the state level also. Policies will be based on such assessments in each state. The economic reforms that began in the early 1990s brought to the fore the role of State governments in attracting new investments from the private sector needed for growth. In the previous regime of centralized planning, the states' role was largely limited to lobbying for public sector investment. Private investment was influenced by the incentives offered by the states for such investments, but the centralised planning process laid down the criteria for new investments. In the new environment of liberalised economic policies, state governments are increasingly recognising the need for a more competitive approach to attracting new investments in their own states. The economic reforms in the 1990s at the national level have also led to a greater focus on the activities of the States. The dominance of central planning and the grip of economic controls have waned with the change in focus to market-driven and private sector-fuelled development and by growing globalisation. There is a shift towards decentralization of government, with local urban and rural government strengthened by the Constitutional amendments of 1992. It is recognized too that the priority areas in government expenditure for development are in physical infrastructure (roads, waterworks, power), and in social infrastructure (schools, hospitals, family planning), where public funding and provision are determined mainly by State governments. While there is evidence of changes in perception of the role of the states among the policy makers in the various policy statements, actual implementation of the new policies is less impressive. Lahiri and Fardoust (2000) have commented "As a direct consequence of …economic and political developments of the past decade, appropriate policy responses, expenditure allocations and revenue efforts of the Indian State governments have become very important for growth and welfare. Perhaps, most States have lagged behind the central government in introducing economic reforms in the post 1991 period. This relative lack of progress is evident in the areas of tax reforms, disinvestment and liberalization of rules and procedures. A large majority of the States has followed shortsighted, populist policies that have harmed their economic and social development. The composition of expenditures as well as the stock of infrastructure assets has deteriorated with the neglect of cost recovery mechanism for maintaining public assets. Reform at the State level is critical for the country." Clearly a large part of the onus for stimulating economic development and attracting the necessary investment resources lies with the States. Their capacity to rise to this challenge is central to the theme of this paper. States "will be competing more intensely than before, in market place for resources in future and, States may find it somewhat difficult to place a significant responsibility on the Centre for their relative performance" (Reddy 2000). This paper profiles India's regions and most progressive states, with particular reference to recent growth, development and investment outcomes. It examines growth rates, and shares and their determinants.

TÜRKÇE ABSTRAKT (en fazla 250 sözcük):(TÜBYTAK/TÜRDOK'un Abstrakt Hazyrlama Kylavuzunu kullanynyz.)Pek çok çaly?mada serbest ticaret politikasynyn korumacylyk kar?ysynda teorik bakymdan üstünlü?ü vurgulanmakla beraber, uluslaryn neden ço?u zaman pratikte korumacy bir ticaret politikasy tercih ettikleri tam olarak ifade edilmemektedir. Ayryca neden korumacyly?yn ayny ülkede bazy sektörlerde daha fazla oldu?u ya da zaman içerisinde ayny ülke ve sektörde de?i?iklikler gösterdi?i ya da farkly politika araçlary (örne?in, tarife; kota; antidamping vergisi veya gönüllü ihracat kysytlamasy) ile korunma sa?landy?y konusu da çok az sayyda çaly?mada konu edilmektedir. Bu çaly?mada Avrupa Birli?i ve ABD ticaret politikalarynda karar-alma süreci çerçevesinde yukarydaki sorulara en iyi "kamu tercihi" yakla?ymy ile cevap verilebilece?i ifade edilmektedir. Buna göre söz konusu ülkelerde ticaret politikasy büyük ölçüde toplumsal çykar gruplarynyn isteklerinin bir yansymasy olmaktadyr. Bu ba?lamda politika olu?umunda aktif rol üstlenen aktörler (siyasetçiler; ekonomi bürokrasisi vd.) toplumsal tercihlerin yansytylmasynda kendi bireysel çykarlaryny maksimize etmeye çaly?yrlar. Bununla birlikte politika olu?um süreci içinde genel olarak sosyal de?erlerin ve dü?üncelerin; fikirlerin ve kurumsal yapylanmanyn önemi de tamamen yadsynmamalydyr.Çaly?mada, ticaret politikasynyn olu?um süreci içerisinde GATT/Dünya Ticaret Örgütü'nünde di?sal bir faktör olmakla birlikte kysytly bir rolünün olabilece?i belirtilmektedir. Ancak GATT/DTÖ sistemi bugünkü yapylanmasy itibaryyla serbest ticaret politikasynyn benimsenmesine yönünde "anayasal" bir yaptyrym olu?turmaktan uzaktyr.Bu çaly?ma ulusal ticaret politikasynyn olu?umuna etkide tüm çykar gruplarynyn simetrik bir güce sahip olmadyklary ve özellikle küçük ama kendi içinde daha iyi entegre olmu? korumacylyk yanlysy gruplaryn kendi çykarlarynan yönelik politikalaryn benimsenmesinde daha etkili olduklary ve bu amaçla bir tür "rant-kollama" faaliyeti içinde bulunduklaryny ve bu taleplerini "siyasi piyasalarda" elde edebilmek için lobicilik yaparken aslynda ülke kaynaklarynyn israf edildi?ini; politika çevrelerinin (arz kesimi) tercihlerinde ulusal çykarlardan ziyade siyasi ve ki?isel kaygylar güttüklerini ve bu yolla korumacy çykarlaryn kollandy?yny; bunun bir tür toplumsal transfere yol açty?y ve serbest ticaretin sa?lady?y temel bireysel haklaryn korumacy politikalarla gasp edilebildi?ini vurgulamaktadyr.FİNGİLİZCE ABSTRAKT ( en fazla 250 sözcük)In most of the textbooks, the theoretical superiority of free trade is well founded over trade protection. However, almost all of them with some exceptions tend to explain why we face protectionist policies in practice,and only a few go into detail to analyse the questions as to why protection is larger in some industries tahn in others in the same country at the same time period; or that the level of import restrictions change in time within the same industry of that country; or why particular industries are protected by certain types of trade measures (like tariffs; quotas; anti-dumping duties or VERs).This study emphasises that these questions could be best replied, within the decision-making process in the European Union and the US trade policies, by means of the "public choice" approach. Accordingly, the trade policy outcomes are the reflections, to a greater extent, of societal demands. In this context, the policy-makers (politicians and trade bureaucracy etc.) seek to maximise their own interests under societal pressures. Nonetheless, the study also claims that influence of factors like social values; ideas and institutions should also be taken into consideration as well as the effects of GATT/WTO rules on the domestic policy process as an "exogenous" agent. However, the present flaws and failures in the GATT/WTO system prevent it to form a "constitutional" constraint over protectionist policies; and that it should be re-designed to be a more robust "endogenous" factor for trade liberalisation.In this study, it is proposed that not all domestic interest groups could exert a symmetrical effect in trade policy formation; small but organised protectionist lobbies have more substantial influence on policy outcomes and that they seek "rents" through protection; and that the resources of the country are misused as aresult of their lobbying activties in the political markets, while policy-makers (policy suppliers) follow their own aims rather than the national ones; and that these activities cause transfers and lead to the distortion of the rights of those who could have benefited from free trade.

The problem is to explore the possible coordinates and stability conditions for equilibria between agricultural wealth and industrial wealth generation and distribution processes. Instability of the equilibria may establish the possibility of moving along trajectories to preferred positions. The behaviour of the trajectories approaching such positions, as oscillations periodic or otherwise, may be explored by studying the operation of bifurcation parameters to determine whether such positions are attractors or repellors. The problem extends to determining qualitative change in the dynamic properties of equilibrium shares of wealth under varying conditions of ecospheric sustainability. This paper is prompted by curiousity about the long future of agriculture as the ecosphere is pressured, and dependency on government supports and off-farm income is put in jeopardy by government deficits and economic recession. The problem definition and approach stem from the second generation of systems theory. A predator prey paradigm is used to model the relationship of agriculture to the rest of the economy and the ecosphere. In the event that the ecosphere continues to degrade and productivity differentials between agriculture and industry expand, could chaotic processes emerge to jeopardize the persistence of both agriculture and industry? The transfer of wealth between agriculture and industry is a central theme in development economics. The transfer takes places through shifts of value added attributable to labour, intellectual property, land and capital. Wealth is understood in Adam Smith's terms of the purchasing power for necessities, conveniences and enjoyments of human life. The term agriculture could be generalized to denote all natural resource sectors. These are usually located in rural economies. Industry refers to manufacturing and tertiary sectors, usually associated with urban economies. Debate is ongoing in development economics around sectoral investment priorities based on leading sector hypotheses, dualism and strategies for balanced and unbalanced growth. Comparative statics and market equilibrium modelling, premised on perfect competition, have driven many of the prescriptions for market structures, wages, productivity, extension, training and capital allocations between agriculture and industry. Debate over the prescriptions regularly spills over into trade friction when governments modify competitive advantages of one sector to the other through domestic support programs and border policies. Predator prey modelling appears to offer new insight into a number of persistent questions left unresolved by agricultural economists. Are there substantive economic reasons for government support of agriculture and industry? Government accompanies or directs agricultural development in many jurisdictions globally. Is their reluctance to disengage and allow competitive forces to determine development outcomes based on more than opportunistic lobbying of vested interests? What are the equilibrium and stability conditions underlying the relationships of agricultural to industrial wealth in the long run? What is the effect of ecospheric degradation on the properties of these relationships which could shed light on the sustainability question? Can human determinism influence attainment of these conditions? Are the conditions leading to and away from chaos predictable? The solution of the model presented in this paper suggests that three parametric relationships among economic variables determine the long run tendency either to impoverish or to enrich agriculture and industry. The first is that the terms of trade between agriculture and industry should at least favour agriculture to enable trajectories to move away from both axes in the long run. Second, a scaling parameter representing the productivity for agriculture relative to industry should be near to the value one. Third, the ratio of the growth rate to the rate of degradation of agricultural wealth should be greater than a threshold level of agricultural wealth determined as a composite parameter. This composite is calculated from a fixed industrial cost expressed in terms of a decline in industrial wealth in the absence of agriculture, the price index for industry, and the economic recovery rates for agriculture and industry. All possible trajectories are bounded by parametric asymptotes to the isoclines. The model is formulated mathematically so as to explore the predictability of effects of stability of equilibria on changes in agricultural wealth. This formulation provides for oscillations or \"equilibrium chases\" along trajectories. The outcomes suggest that for economies where industry buys and sells to agriculture, levels of wealth are indeed limited and that the fortunes of industry are favoured by a wealthy sustained agriculture. The alternative, subsistence agriculture, is associated with near zero levels of industrial wealth. Finally, the model demonstrates that agricultural and industrial wealth, while complementing each other in growth processes, may also rise and fall in sustained oscillation relative to each other on a periodic or near periodic basis.

The problem is to explore the possible coordinates and stability conditions for equilibria between agricultural wealth and industrial wealth generation and distribution processes. Instability of the equilibria may establish the possibility of moving along trajectories to preferred positions. The behaviour of the trajectories approaching such positions, as oscillations periodic or otherwise, may be explored by studying the operation of bifurcation parameters to determine whether such positions are attractors or repellors. The problem extends to determining qualitative change in the dynamic properties of equilibrium shares of wealth under varying conditions of ecospheric sustainability. This paper is prompted by curiousity about the long future of agriculture as the ecosphere is pressured, and dependency on government supports and off-farm income is put in jeopardy by government deficits and economic recession. The problem definition and approach stem from the second generation of systems theory. A predator prey paradigm is used to model the relationship of agriculture to the rest of the economy and the ecosphere. In the event that the ecosphere continues to degrade and productivity differentials between agriculture and industry expand, could chaotic processes emerge to jeopardize the persistence of both agriculture and industry? The transfer of wealth between agriculture and industry is a central theme in development economics. The transfer takes places through shifts of value added attributable to labour, intellectual property, land and capital. Wealth is understood in Adam Smith's terms of the purchasing power for necessities, conveniences and enjoyments of human life. The term agriculture could be generalized to denote all natural resource sectors. These are usually located in rural economies. Industry refers to manufacturing and tertiary sectors, usually associated with urban economies. Debate is ongoing in development economics around sectoral investment priorities based on leading sector hypotheses, dualism and strategies for balanced and unbalanced growth. Comparative statics and market equilibrium modelling, premised on perfect competition, have driven many of the prescriptions for market structures, wages, productivity, extension, training and capital allocations between agriculture and industry. Debate over the prescriptions regularly spills over into trade friction when governments modify competitive advantages of one sector to the other through domestic support programs and border policies. Predator prey modelling appears to offer new insight into a number of persistent questions left unresolved by agricultural economists. Are there substantive economic reasons for government support of agriculture and industry? Government accompanies or directs agricultural development in many jurisdictions globally. Is their reluctance to disengage and allow competitive forces to determine development outcomes based on more than opportunistic lobbying of vested interests? What are the equilibrium and stability conditions underlying the relationships of agricultural to industrial wealth in the long run? What is the effect of ecospheric degradation on the properties of these relationships which could shed light on the sustainability question? Can human determinism influence attainment of these conditions? Are the conditions leading to and away from chaos predictable? The solution of the model presented in this paper suggests that three parametric relationships among economic variables determine the long run tendency either to impoverish or to enrich agriculture and industry. The first is that the terms of trade between agriculture and industry should at least favour agriculture to enable trajectories to move away from both axes in the long run. Second, a scaling parameter representing the productivity for agriculture relative to industry should be near to the value one. Third, the ratio of the growth rate to the rate of degradation of agricultural wealth should be greater than a threshold level of agricultural wealth determined as a composite parameter. This composite is calculated from a fixed industrial cost expressed in terms of a decline in industrial wealth in the absence of agriculture, the price index for industry, and the economic recovery rates for agriculture and industry. All possible trajectories are bounded by parametric asymptotes to the isoclines. The model is formulated mathematically so as to explore the predictability of effects of stability of equilibria on changes in agricultural wealth. This formulation provides for oscillations or \"equilibrium chases\" along trajectories. The outcomes suggest that for economies where industry buys and sells to agriculture, levels of wealth are indeed limited and that the fortunes of industry are favoured by a wealthy sustained agriculture. The alternative, subsistence agriculture, is associated with near zero levels of industrial wealth. Finally, the model demonstrates that agricultural and industrial wealth, while complementing each other in growth processes, may also rise and fall in sustained oscillation relative to each other on a periodic or near periodic basis.

International audience ; This paper provides a narrative of the different but complementary accounts of James M. Buchanan and Gordon Tullock on the weaknesses of simple majority voting. The paper shows that these authors took different paths to reach the same conclusion. Buchanan used his knowledge about Knut Wicksell which he applied to an abstract framework. Tullock was inspired by his reading of Duncan Black and Anthony Downs and between 1959 and 1961 in particular, produced numerous published and unpublished works which formed the basis of his contribution to The Calculus of Consent. This book which was jointly authored by Tullock and Buchanan proposes a theoretical reflection on majority voting. The present paper examines Buchanan and Tullock's critique of majority voting and highlights the radical but overlooked contribution made by Tullock to the book and to the development of the Virginia public choice research program. ; Cet article opère un retour sur les démonstrations différentes mais cependant complémentaires proposées par James M. Buchanan et Gordon Tullock pour pointer les faiblesses du vote à la majorité absolue. Nous montrons que les deux auteurs ont emprunté deux voies distinctes pour aboutir à la même conclusion. Buchanan, se fondant sur sa connaissance de Knut Wicksell, a choisi d'étudier le sujet sous un angle abstrait. Tullock a de son côté proposé une démonstration pratique inspirée de ses lectures de Duncan Black et Anthony Downs. Entre 1959 et 1961 notamment Tullock a produit nombre de travaux — publiés ou non — qui forment la base de sa contribution au Calculus of Consent. Cet ouvrage, écrit par les deux auteurs, comprend un troisième type de réflexion à propos du vote à la majorité : une démonstration théorique. Cet article examine la construction du véritable triptyque formé par les travaux de Buchanan et Tullock à propos du vote à la majorité et met en lumière le rôle important, bien que négligé, de Tullock dans la formation du Calculus et dans le développement du programme de recherche du public choice en Virginie.

International audience We revisit the incompatibility of anonymity and neutrality in single-valued social choice. We first analyze the irresoluteness outlook these two axioms together with Pareto efficiency impose on social choice rules and deliver a method to refine irresolute rules without violating anonymity, neutrality, and efficiency. Next, we propose a weakening of neutrality called consequential neutrality that requires resolute social choice rules to assign each alternative to the same number of profiles. We explore social choice problems in which consequential neutrality resolves impossibilities that stem from the fundamental tension between anonymity, neutrality, and resoluteness.

International audience ; This paper provides a narrative of the different but complementary accounts of James M. Buchanan and Gordon Tullock on the weaknesses of simple majority voting. The paper shows that these authors took different paths to reach the same conclusion. Buchanan used his knowledge about Knut Wicksell which he applied to an abstract framework. Tullock was inspired by his reading of Duncan Black and Anthony Downs and between 1959 and 1961 in particular, produced numerous published and unpublished works which formed the basis of his contribution to The Calculus of Consent. This book which was jointly authored by Tullock and Buchanan proposes a theoretical reflection on majority voting. The present paper examines Buchanan and Tullock's critique of majority voting and highlights the radical but overlooked contribution made by Tullock to the book and to the development of the Virginia public choice research program. ; Cet article opère un retour sur les démonstrations différentes mais cependant complémentaires proposées par James M. Buchanan et Gordon Tullock pour pointer les faiblesses du vote à la majorité absolue. Nous montrons que les deux auteurs ont emprunté deux voies distinctes pour aboutir à la même conclusion. Buchanan, se fondant sur sa connaissance de Knut Wicksell, a choisi d'étudier le sujet sous un angle abstrait. Tullock a de son côté proposé une démonstration pratique inspirée de ses lectures de Duncan Black et Anthony Downs. Entre 1959 et 1961 notamment Tullock a produit nombre de travaux — publiés ou non — qui forment la base de sa contribution au Calculus of Consent. Cet ouvrage, écrit par les deux auteurs, comprend un troisième type de réflexion à propos du vote à la majorité : une démonstration théorique. Cet article examine la construction du véritable triptyque formé par les travaux de Buchanan et Tullock à propos du vote à la majorité et met en lumière le rôle important, bien que négligé, de Tullock dans la formation du Calculus et dans le développement du programme de ...

International audience ; This paper provides a narrative of the different but complementary accounts of James M. Buchanan and Gordon Tullock on the weaknesses of simple majority voting. The paper shows that these authors took different paths to reach the same conclusion. Buchanan used his knowledge about Knut Wicksell which he applied to an abstract framework. Tullock was inspired by his reading of Duncan Black and Anthony Downs and between 1959 and 1961 in particular, produced numerous published and unpublished works which formed the basis of his contribution to The Calculus of Consent. This book which was jointly authored by Tullock and Buchanan proposes a theoretical reflection on majority voting. The present paper examines Buchanan and Tullock's critique of majority voting and highlights the radical but overlooked contribution made by Tullock to the book and to the development of the Virginia public choice research program. ; Cet article opère un retour sur les démonstrations différentes mais cependant complémentaires proposées par James M. Buchanan et Gordon Tullock pour pointer les faiblesses du vote à la majorité absolue. Nous montrons que les deux auteurs ont emprunté deux voies distinctes pour aboutir à la même conclusion. Buchanan, se fondant sur sa connaissance de Knut Wicksell, a choisi d'étudier le sujet sous un angle abstrait. Tullock a de son côté proposé une démonstration pratique inspirée de ses lectures de Duncan Black et Anthony Downs. Entre 1959 et 1961 notamment Tullock a produit nombre de travaux — publiés ou non — qui forment la base de sa contribution au Calculus of Consent. Cet ouvrage, écrit par les deux auteurs, comprend un troisième type de réflexion à propos du vote à la majorité : une démonstration théorique. Cet article examine la construction du véritable triptyque formé par les travaux de Buchanan et Tullock à propos du vote à la majorité et met en lumière le rôle important, bien que négligé, de Tullock dans la formation du Calculus et dans le développement du programme de ...

Voting in large elections appears to be both ethically motivated and influenced by strategic considerations. One way to capture this interplay postulates a rule-utilitarian calculus, which abstracts away from voters' heterogeneity in the intensity of support (Feddersen and Sandroni 2006, Coate and Conlin 2004). I argue that this approach is limited when such heterogeneity is considered, because it implies that the intensity of preferences is irrelevant for participation, in contrast to the empirical evidence. I compare the rule-utilitarian framework with a different model of ethical voting, in which agents maximize their individual utility under a moral constraint given by a universalization principle. Such a model predicts instead higher turnout rates among voters with higher intensity of support, thus linking ethical motivation to the spatial theory of voting.

We thank participants of the WEHIA meeting in Nice, the SAET conference in Rio de Janeiro and the Asian Meeting of the Econometric Society in Hong Kong, as well as seminar participants at King's College for comments and discussions. Part of this research has benefited from financial support from the French government managed by l'Agence Nationale de la Recherche under Investissements d'Avenir UCAJEDI(ANR-15-IDEX-01). In particular, we thank the UCAinACTION project. ; International audience ; We study a linear location model (Hotelling, 1929) in which n (with n ≥ 2) boundedly rational players follow (noisy) myopic best-reply behavior. We show through numerical and mathematical analysis that such players spend almost all the time clustered together near the center, re-establishing Hotelling's " Principle of Minimum Differentiation " that had been discredited by equilibrium analyses. Thus, our analysis of the best-response dynamics shows that when considering e.g. market dynamics as well as their policy and welfare implications, it may be important to look beyond equilibrium analyses