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Milestones of European symbolism of the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century have been indicated and the meaning of prometheism as fundamental category of symbolism has been determined. It has been explored that the origins of Lithuanian symbolism do not only date back to Russian symbolism but through it they are connected with the broader co-European context. It has been established that one of the fundamental categories of Baltrušaitis' and Papini's viewpoint is prometheism, its political aspect characteristic to both authors has been analysed. It has been determined that Baltrušaitis' promethean viewpoint is based on the philosophy of Solovyov according to which "God-man" is the synthesis of humanity and divinity; whereas Papini's promethean viewpoint refers to Nietzsche's idea of "superhuman" as an absolute category, a man who became God. The connection of Papini's identity metamorphoses and prometheism viewpoint has been investigated; it has been demonstrated that prometheism influenced the twists of Baltrušaitis' intellectual biography and the changes of his relation with Lithuanity. The connections of Baltrušaitis' and Papini's prometheism with the political attitude of authors has been analysed, it has been established that the differences of this attitude were determined by diverse philosophical fundamentals of Russian and Italian prometheism.

Milestones of European symbolism of the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century have been indicated and the meaning of prometheism as fundamental category of symbolism has been determined. It has been explored that the origins of Lithuanian symbolism do not only date back to Russian symbolism but through it they are connected with the broader co-European context. It has been established that one of the fundamental categories of Baltrušaitis' and Papini's viewpoint is prometheism, its political aspect characteristic to both authors has been analysed. It has been determined that Baltrušaitis' promethean viewpoint is based on the philosophy of Solovyov according to which "God-man" is the synthesis of humanity and divinity; whereas Papini's promethean viewpoint refers to Nietzsche's idea of "superhuman" as an absolute category, a man who became God. The connection of Papini's identity metamorphoses and prometheism viewpoint has been investigated; it has been demonstrated that prometheism influenced the twists of Baltrušaitis' intellectual biography and the changes of his relation with Lithuanity. The connections of Baltrušaitis' and Papini's prometheism with the political attitude of authors has been analysed, it has been established that the differences of this attitude were determined by diverse philosophical fundamentals of Russian and Italian prometheism.

Straipsnyje svarstoma ontologinio skirtumo ir jo santykio su metafizika problema Heideggerio filosofijoje. Pirmiausia parodoma, kad ontologinis skirtumas yra metafizikos ištaka ir jos galimybė. Taip pat analizuojama, kokiu būdu Vakarų filosofijos tradicijoje buvo skiriama būtis ir esiniai ir kodėl Heideggeris tai vadina skirtumo užmarštimi. Svarstant tiesos, išsišakojančios į ontinę ir ontologinę, sampratą aiškinamasi, kaip tai atveria skirtumo pamatymo galimybę. Taip pat parodoma, kaip ontologinio skirtumo įžvalga ir ontologinės tiesos samprata pagrindo problemą leidžia iškelti iš naujo ir pagrindą pamatyti kaip bepagrindybę.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: ontologinis skirtumas, metafizika, tiesa, pagrindas.Ontological Difference and MetaphysicsJolanta Saldukaitytė
SummaryThe problem of the "ontological difference" and its relation to metaphysics in Heidegger's philosophy is discussed. The ontological difference is presented as the origin of metaphysics and as its very possibility. In addition, the problem of how being and entities have been separated in the metaphysical tradition and why Heidegger calls this separation the "forgetfulness of difference" is analyzed. In contrast, conceiving the truth as arising from a split between the ontic and the ontological presents the possibility to see the ontological difference itself. An insight into the ontological difference and the conception of ontological truth open the possibility of re-wakening the Grundfrage, the question of ground, and to see the ground (reason) as an abyss (Ab-grund).Keywords: ontological difference, metaphysics, truth, ground.

For all the attention that the concept of reflective practice has attracted, very little has been said concerning what might incline someone to be open to engage in it. My concern in this essay is with two characteristics of professional, including administrative, practice—a language of certainty and a language of inquiry —and, when the conditions under which the language of certainty has come to dominate professional practice, with the question of what might be required to introduce a posture of reflective inquiry into that practice. I advance the idea that "passionate humility" may be one of the criteria requisite for the cultivation of reflective practice, as it contains the promise of turning administrative and policy action from a language of certainty to a language of reflective inquiry. I suggest that we might learn something about the production and place of humility from the treatment of scientific practice in the philosophy of natural and social science, in two areas: in general, which sees "science" as grounded at least in part in an attitude of doubt; and in particular, from interpretive research methods and interpretive policy analysis, in which the language of inquiry is increasingly operative. Both of these might have something important to tell us concerning contemporary practices in administration and management.

Why has the political sphere appeared so conducive to falsehood and liars throughout the ages? What is the source of acquiescence to the presence of falsehood in politics on the part of both public opinion and philosophers? An attempt to answer this question, among many others, was undertaken by Hannah Arendt, when she reflected on the status of truth within philosophy and politics. Fact that one cannot dispute truth becomes an insurmountable problem in the mutual relationship between politics and truth. The truth doesn't take privileged position within the political realm. Its foundation is made by opinions that are always formed within a discourse and refer to facts, and it is an agreement of the majority, not the absolute validity, that decides on the outcome of a debate between opinions. In light of this, however outrageous it might seem, Arendt sees unlimited possibilities for the lie, which are due to the nature of facts; their contingency allows for the whole of the public realm to be different from what it is. Equally surprising is the conclusion that telling the truth about facts does not lead to action and, by the same token, is not an act of freedom. Action, and the experience of freedom achieved through action, are born almost exclusively through the lie.

This article focuses on problematizing the harmonisation of higher education in Europe today. The overall aim is to analyse the construction of the European citizen and the rationality of governing related to such a construction. The specific focus will be on the rules and standards of reason in higher education reforms which inscribe continuums of values that exclude as they include. Who is and who is not constructed as a European citizen? Documents on the Bologna process produced in Europe and in Sweden are analysed drawing on the Foucauldian notion of governmentality, showing a neoliberal rationality of governing. The European citizen needs to become flexible, autonomous and self-regulating as a way of facing the threats of the constantly changing future. The technique of diversity is a condition of possibility for constructing such a citizen and for harmonising higher education in Europe. Further, the current power relations in the discourse define what is and what is not European, thus constructing 'the other', the one who is excluded. ; The definitive version is available at onlinelibrary.wiley.com: Andreas Fejes, European citizens under construction – the Bologna process analysed from a governmentality perspective, 2008, Educational Philosophy and Theory, (40), 4, 515-530.http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-5812.2007.00362.x. Copyright: Blackwell Publishing onlinelibrary.wiley.com

This article explores the tensions between cosmopolitanism and sovereignty as a means to conceptualize the ethics of European foreign policy. It starts by discussing the claim that, in order for the EU to play a meaningful role as an international actor, a definition of the common ethical values orienting its political conduct is required. The question of a European federation of states and its ethical conceptualization emerges clearly in some of the philosophical writings of the 17th and 18th centuries. I seek to provide an outline of the main arguments presented by authors such as Saint Pierre, Rousseau and Kant regarding the implications of the emerging difference between cosmopolitanism and the law of nations in the ethics of international relations. The article focuses on the normative significance of the concept of sovereignty as it emerges in modern political philosophy and highlights its tensions with the ideas of moral and political cosmopolitanism. This exploration serves a double function: theoretical and practical. From the theoretical perspective it leads to a better understanding of the tensions involved in conceptualizing a common ethical orientation for the states of Europe. From the practical standpoint it sheds light on some persistent difficulties the European Union faces in trying to move beyond an intergovernmental political arrangement in the field of foreign policy.

Lamia Thabet, Abdel Aziz Mousa Thabet, Sajida Abdul Hussein and Panos Vostanis report on a study that aimed to establish the level of emotional problems among 115 children aged 9–16 years (average 13.4), who were living in two orphanages in the Gaza Strip. The children's age of admission to the orphanage (average 8.8 years) was higher than in traditional orphanages in other countries. This was related to the reasons for admission, following their father's death, and the inability of their remaining family to care for them. However, children retained substantial contact with their family of origin by visiting during school holidays (88.6%) or being visited at the unit (97.4%). Using previous standardised mental health measures completed by the children and their main carers, children demonstrated high rates of anxiety, depressive and post-traumatic stress reactions. These mental health problems were strongly inter-related but were not found to be associated with social/care variables. Potential implications of the findings for orphanages and other residential units in developing countries are discussed. These should take into consideration the socio-cultural characteristics of each country and limited local resources; involve non-governmental organisations and local communities; tackle wider stigmatising attitudes; and instill a child-centred philosophy within these settings.

The neo-behavioural ideas of philosophy of education and upbringing are analyzedin the paper. Neo-behaviourism is considered as an outlook and theoreticaland practical pattern of social management. Neo-behaviourism forms the technocraticapproach to education and upbringing, methods of modification of behaviourfor realization of personality's adaptation to the social system. A technocraticthought identifies a personality's responsibility with conformity and submission.According to neo-behaviourism, education and upbringing carry the function oftransmission the main values by means of which a personality adjusts to the ideologyand standards of societal institutes. The author underlines that sometimes thetechnocratic conception of education and upbringing replaces the orientation onthe valued approach to the acts and phenomena by the requirements of personality'sadaptation to the existing political, ideological, and moral norms. ; У статті аналізуються ідеї філософії освіти тавиховання необіхевіоризму. Необіхевіоризм розглядається як світоглядна й теоретико-практична модельсуспільного управління. Необіхевіоризм формує техно-кратичний підхід до освіти та виховання, методимодифікації поведінки для здійснення адаптації особистості до соціальної системи. Відповідальність особистості ототожнюється технократичним мисленням із слухняністю, підкоренням. Освіта й виховання в необіхевіоризмі повиннінести функцію передачі пануючих цінностей, які мають пристосувати особистість до ідеології і стандартів інститутів суспільства. Звертається увага нате, що в технократичних концепціях освіти і виховання іноді орієнтація на ціннісний підхід до вчинків і явищ підмінюється вимогами адаптації особистості доіснуючих політичних, ідеологічних і моральних норм.

One of the most obvious reasons why historians — both professional and academic — find it difficult to challenge hegemonic narratives is psychological. No one wants to be a pariah in their own society by running against the mainstream and finding themselves in an isolated position. But I think there's a deeper level to why historians have found it so difficult (maybe unlike some of their colleagues in the social sciences) to provide narratives which challenge the one which dominates their society's media, culture and academia. And that reason, I think, is that challenging historiographical mythology is not just about facts, it's also about rethinking the role of the historian. It is about being able to update oneself on developments in historiography and even (which is perhaps more difficult I think for historians) in philosophy. This focuses the question on what is reality, what is fiction, what is myth, and what is a fact. I found that one of the most challenging tasks in dealing with the history of my own country, both for Jewish and Palestinian historians, was not just to provide a different narrative to the one that prevails, but also to be able to tie in the concrete discussion with a more epistemological understanding of what history is and how history is received by the public at large.

AbstractIn the short period of two or perhaps three days of training, you can become aware of and practice the skills
required to incorporate risk communications into your management philosophy. Risk communications training, to be
effective, must incorporate role‐playing and include the following: effective listening; a stress on
nonverbal communications; conflict handling modes; trust and credibility; dialogue; and
positional and principled negotiation.Learning by doing is the best axiom in developing these oral communications skills. And while these skills
are related to public relations, they are very different from public affairs skills you may have been exposed to
such as dealing with media "sound bites." Besides, most public relations are handled by the public
affairs office. Risk communications is for when you're on your own.Seek out this training for yourself or even your entire environmental staff so that your effectiveness as an
environmental manager is enhanced. You will never be able to win emotionally charged activists over to your
position. However, by employing risk communication skills in addressing their opposition in public meetings, you
will have a positive impact on open‐minded, undecided individuals who witness this exchange.You will most likely win them over to your position and thereby incrementally increase those who support a
reasoned, balanced, and environmentally sound decision. © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

Anlässlich des hundertsten Todestages von Nietzsche, diesem Pionier moderner Psychologie, Tiefenpsychologie und dynamischer Psychotherapie, der hier als der "Philosoph der Überschreitung" gekennzeichnet wird, und anlässlich des Millenniumswechsels wurde ein serieller Text im Diskurs der "klinischen Philosophie" des Integrativen Ansatzes begonnen, der in einer metahermeneutischen Bewegung, in einer neuen Welle der Reflexion, eine "collagierende" hermeneutische Zusammenführung von K o n z e p t e n der Integrativen Therapie versucht. Es werden erkenntnistheoretische und anthropologische Grundgedanken dargestellt, die für ein differentielles und integratives, für ein transversales Arbeiten in der Theorie und Praxis dieses Verfahrens wesentlich sind: Transgressionen von "positions", d.h. ,,Szenen, Akte, Figuren der dissémination" (Derrida 1986, 184), transversale Orientierung in moderner Weltkomplexität, Metahermeneutik als Mehrebenenreflexion, kritische Autorität, Parrhesie, politisches Bewusstsein und Engament zur Gewährleistung von "Hominität" und Humanität. ; On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Nietzsche's death, this pioneer of modern psychology, depth psychology and dynamic psychotherapy- here characterized as the "philosopher of transgression" – we have started with a serial text within the discourse of "clinical philosophy" as a new wave in the Integrative Approach. In the metahermeneutic itineray of reflection, the hermeneutic collage like joining of concepts of Integrative Therapie's basic epistemological and anthropological thoughts are presented, that seem to be essential for a differential and integrative, and for a transversal work within this approach, its theory and practice: Transgressions of "positions", i.e. of "scenes, acts, figures of dissémination" (Derrida 1986, 184), a transversal orientation in the world complexity of modernity, metahermeneutics as multilevel reflection, critical authority, parrhesia, and political consciouness and engagement to warrant "hominity" and humanity. ...

Since the beginning of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Uruguay Round the European Community (EC) has twice attempted to reform the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), resulting in the February 1988 stabilizers reform package and the May 1992 MacSharry reform package. Curiously, these two attempts at reform resulted in vastly different outcomes. The 1988 reform was incremental in nature and functioned mainly as a stopgap measure. The 1992 reform, however, called for a shift from nontransparent consumer subsidies to transparent taxpayer subsidies. This shift represented a fundamental change in the philosophy underlying the CAP and laid the groundwork for an agreement in the Uruguay Round. This article examines the conditions under which this important policy shift occurred. It employs an interpretative case study method that demonstrates the empirical value of Robert Putnam's two-level game model when it is expanded to consider the simultaneous interaction of negotiations at three levels: the domestic level, the EC level, and the international level. The study concludes that the power and heterogeneity of interest groups at various levels of the game matter, that the real and perceived costs of no agreement affect the degree of substantive reform, and, finally, that a three-level interactive strategy is important in achieving an acceptable agreement at each level of the game.

AbstractRapid economic development since the mid-1970s has caused some segments of the Malay intelligentsia in Malaysia to rework aspects of their cultural heritage, in particular, Islamic teachings and philosophy, to create new cultures and new identities. In Sungai Pencala, a suburban Malay community that had undergone considerable social transformation and been exposed to Islamic resurgence, two such tendencies were discernible. The first was associated with the banned Al Arqam movement and the second, with state-sponsored agencies. Proceeding from a conviction that existing identities based on the family, kin groups and locality had to be deconstructed, the Al Arqam movement engaged in a project aimed at forging a group-centred identity through a commune-based living pattern and linking that identity firmly with that of the Middle East. The state's agents, on the other hand, merely sought to modify the existing loyalties so as to produce Malays who would continue to regard the family, community, locality and the nation as important contexts within which they could acquire their ethnic and religious identities. The paper argues that the contrasting tendencies in identity reformulation in Sungai Pencala have much to do with the differences in the way Islam has been used to promote the religiously-expressed interests of certain groups as with the fate of the increasingly differentiated urban-based Malays.

Borrowing from population ecology, this study examined the potential effects of organizational inertia on the implementation of a socio-technical systems (STS) philosophy in five manufacturing plants. Plant history (conversion from a hierarchical system as opposed to STS from start-up) and plant manager style (autocratic as opposed to participative) were posed as potential sources of inertia. As counterproductive inertial forces, a conversion plant history and an autocratic plant manager style were hypothesized to be associated with less participative communication between lower level managers and subordinates in the plants. Using a coding scheme to analyze and compare actual work interactions, we found that when both inertial forces were present, participation between manager and subordinates as equals was less (i.e., there were fewer challenges by subordinates of managers' statements, more manager led discussion, and more subordinate approval seeking). When these inertial forces were absent, subordinates assumed a more assertive, equal role in communication. Subordinates challenged manager assertions, more often led discussion that was copied by the manager, and experienced fewer control attempts by the manager in discussions led by the subordinate. The implications of these findings for advancing our understanding of population ecology dynamics within the firm are discussed. Links between population ecology, communication patterns, and organizational change are also addressed.