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This paper maps the difficulties with operationalising the gender discourse described in the peace accord and post-conflict documents, which guide Burundi's peace-building process, through local women's narratives from the security forces. The author claims that due to limited international and local investment, the local women involved in the security forces initiate small practical changes by referring to their vision of femininity, while theoretically legitimising these demands by linking them to the international human rights discourse in order to survive in an overwhelmingly masculine arena. International organisations and donors' focus on traditionally feminine and softer areas, such as reconciliation and reintegration programmes, together with local elites' tendency to view gender as an 'add-on' contribute to this development. Adapted from the source document.

Poststructuralism, Discource and Problematization: Implications for mainstreaming. This article introduces a methodology, called 'what's the problem represented to be?' (WPR approach), that facilitates a form of poststructural policy analysis, and applies it to gender analysis procedures in Ireland and the Netherlands. In this methodology policies are understood as discursive practices, imposing specific shapes (called problem representations) on the 'problems' they purport to 'address'. A WPR approach to policy analysis involves identifying the underlying conceptual logics in these problem representations and evaluating them in terms of their implications or effects. It also alerts those involved in designing and implementing gender mainstreaming programs to their location within dominant conceptual frameworks and the subsequent need for a form of reflexive policy practice.

ABSTRACTIn the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Cohort, I find that the gender gap is not uniform across the distribution of math skills and that these quantile‐specific gaps vary with age. Specifically, girls at the top of the distribution initially fall behind boys but manage to catch up later. At the same time, girls in the lower parts of the distribution lose ground. In fifth grade, a gender gap of 0.2 standard deviation, about 2.5 months of schooling, is observed across the entire distribution. Overall, these patterns indicate the possibility that low performing girls become worse and vice versa. These results demonstrate important dynamics of the gap that are relevant for policy, but that the mean gap fails to show.

Over the course of Arab revolutions, many individual and collective phenomena and behaviours emerged, proving the importance of sex and gender in the concretization of the concepts of authority, and the methods of addressing them in both the public and the private spaces. Among such occurrences are the exacerbation of physical and symbolic violence against women, the frequency of violence, rape, trafficking, and child marriages, all of which have increased to the beat of religious fatwas and new laws that oppose women's citizenship and humanity. The rise to power of Islamic movements has nurtured and further fuelled these phenomena, unveiling the extent to which these currents rely on gender and women as a cornerstone for their discourse.

The article notes that Uzbekistan has created guarantees of gender equality, raised this issue to the level of state policy and achieved success in the field of human rights, increasing the social and political activity of women in our country, protecting their health, supporting their aspirations and initiatives Particular attention was paid to the creation.

Most studies looking at the roll call voting behavior of female legislators have investigated this phenomenon at the state legislative level and for the US House of Representatives. Very little research has looked at the impact of gender on the policy records of US senators. With the number of female senators continuing to increase it is now possible to undertake such an analysis. This study examines the influence of gender in predicting the roll call voting behavior of US senators across several recent congresses. To unearth gender effects, it employs a longitudinal design based on turnover in the Senate, which holds constituency constant while allowing gender and party to vary. The results indicate that male and female senators representing the same state compile very similar voting records on the basic left/right policy dimension. However, when votes on issues of concern to women are examined, female senators tend to be more supportive than the male senators they replaced, and male senators tend to be less supportive than the female senators they replaced.

Das Forschungsprojekt "Nach Bologna. Gender Studies in der unternehmerischen Hochschule. Eine Untersuchung in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz" rückt den Wissensaspekt von Genderchange im Kontext der Hochschulforschung in den Fokus, indem es sich mit Gender Studies-Studiengängen als jenen universitären Strukturen beschäftigt, in denen wissenschaftliches Geschlechterwissen vermittelt wird. Vor dem Hintergrund der gemeinsamen Perspektive des D-A-CH-Verbundes wird im Projekt von der Frage ausgegangen, inwiefern wissenschaftliches (Geschlechter-) Wissen und dessen Vermittlung in der unternehmerischen Hochschule auf spezifische Weise geprägt wird. Ausgangspunkt dieser Fragestellungen sind Recherchen und Inhaltsanalysen, die bereits 2010 im Rahmen der Projektantragsphase durchgeführt wurden. Diese zeigten, dass die Einrichtung von Gender Studies-Studiengängen im Großteil der Fälle mit den aktuellen Transformationsprozessen der Hochschule wie der Autonomisierung und Ökonomisierung einhergeht, insbesondere aber mit jenen Studienreformen, die mit der Bologna-Reform verbunden sind. Neben dem Umbau der Universitäten zu unternehmerischen Hochschulen werden im Projekt daher vor allem die Bologna-Reform und deren Implikationen auf die Einrichtung und inhaltliche Gestaltung von Gender Studies-Studiengängen berücksichtigt. Darüber hinaus konnte in einer ersten Inhaltsanalyse von Gender Studies-Curricula, die ebenfalls als Vorbereitung für den Projektantrag durchgeführt wurde, herausgefunden werden, dass zum Zeitpunkt der Antragsstellung in allen Gender Studies-Studienplänen zwei Themenbereiche eine zentrale Rolle spielten: Zum einen handelt es sich dabei um die interdisziplinäre Ausrichtung, zum anderen um die Praxisrelevanz bzw. Anwendungsbezogenheit der Studiengänge. Daher legte das Projekt seine inhaltlichen Schwerpunkte auf diese beiden Themen, wobei das Grazer Team die Praxisrelevanz der Gender Studies und das Berliner Team die Interdisziplinarität der Gender Studies erforschte. Folgende Themen und Forschungsfragen standen somit stets vor der Folie der aktuell stattfindenden Transformationsprozesse des Hochschulsystems betrachtet im Zentrum unseres Projekts: Wir beschäftigten uns mit der Implementierungsgeschichte der Gender Studies-Studiengänge und fragten danach, welche Aushandlungsprozesse der Implementierung von Gender Studies-Studiengängen voraus gehen und diese begleiten sowie welche Akteur_innen daran beteiligt waren und sind. Eng damit verbunden sind ferner Fragen nach den finanziellen Ressourcen und der organisationalen Verankerung der Studiengänge. Darüber hinaus erforschten wir, welches Wissen, welche Themen, welche Theorien, Methoden sowie Anwendungs- und Praxisbereiche der Geschlechterforschung Eingang in die neuen Studiengänge finden und wie sich diese in offiziellen Texten wie Studienplänen, Flyer oder Homepages nach außen, d.h. bspw. potentiellen Studierenden oder der Universitätsleitung, präsentieren.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain relations between socioeconomic factors and gender longevity gap and to test a number of contradicting theories.Design/methodology/approachFixed effects models are used for cross-country panel data analysis.FindingsThe authors show that in developed countries (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and European Union) a lower gender longevity gap is associated with a higher real GDP per capita, a higher level of urbanization, lower income inequality, lower per capita alcohol consumption and a better ecological environment. An increase in women's aggregate unemployment rate and a decline in men's unemployment are associated with a higher gap in life expectancies. There is also some evidence that the effect of the share of women in parliaments has a U-shape; it has a better descriptive efficiency if taken with a four-year lag, which approximately corresponds to the length of political cycles.Research limitations/implicationsFindings are valid only for developed countries.Practical implicationsThe findings are important for policy discussions, such as designs of pension schemes, gender-based taxation, ecological, urban, health and labor policy.Social implicationsThe factors that increase male and female longevities also reduce the gender longevity gap.Originality/valueThe results contradict to a number of studies for developing countries, which show that lower economic development and greater women discrimination result in a lower gender longevity gap.Peer reviewThe peer review history for this article is available at:https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-02-2019-0082

ObjectiveWe test whether increasing gender earning differences are associated with the surprising decline in the share of women working in information science (IS).MethodsWe use representative data to estimate the gender earnings differential from 1995 to 2015 for full‐time, private‐sector IS workers in the United States. We decompose the differential within and across years. Time trends isolate the pattern of the unexplained gender differential.ResultsNone of our decompositions or projections reveal increased gender earnings differentials over the sample period. If anything, the unexplained differentials modestly decline.ConclusionDespite contentions that the financial treatment of women explains their departure from IS and engineering, we find no evidence of a trend toward larger earnings differentials. Thus, our data argue that the declining share of women in IS likely has its roots elsewhere.

This study analyzes how teens represent themselves through their profile photographs on a popular nonymous chat site. Using visual content analysis methods, we analyzed 400 profile photographs, controlling for the self-reported gender and the apparent race of the photographic subject. The analysis finds significant differences in gaze, posture, dress, and distance from the camera according to gender and race, although racial differences are stronger for boys than for girls. To a surprising extent, the findings mirror previous findings of gender and race differences in face-to-face interaction, suggesting that the teens construe their profile images as invitations to interact with others online. At the same time, their photo choices reproduce culturally dominant ideologies of gender and race as reinforced by mass media images.

Ever since the 1990s, legislated gender quotas have been adopted across the world as a means to increase the number of women in elected bodies. In recent years, legislated gender quotas have also been adopted to rectify the under-representation of women on company boards. Sweden diverges from this trend. Despite the fact that Sweden has been recognized as a model of gender equality, being ranked among the most gender equal countries in the world and having achieved gender balanced political assemblies, legal gender quotas have not been enacted, neither in the political sphere nor in the economic sphere. This paper analyses women's path to power in Sweden. It studies the adoption of special measures and provides an assessment of the factors that facilitate or hinder increases in the proportion of women decision-makers in the political and economic sectors. By applying feminist institutional theory, the dynamics of institutional configurations facilitating or hindering change is investigated. It is argued that the interplay of institutions in the political sector operated in a mutually reinforcing way, thereby constituting a good fit, while the interaction of institutions in the economic sector functioned in a conflicting way. It is also claimed that women's movement organisations (working both within and outside of the political parties) represented critical actors in implementing party quotas in Sweden. Such coordinated efforts did not exist in the corporate sector. There, the forces of resistance were much stronger than the forces for change, thereby hindering the introduction of a legal corporate gender quota.