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ABSTRACT:The article investigates the linkages between urban transformation and informal verbalizations of everyday spaces among male juveniles from Sörnäinen (a working-class district in Helsinki) in 1900–39. Sörkka lads' biographically and contextually varying uses of slang names mirrored their itineraries across the city in the search of earning and spare-time opportunities. As a simultaneously practical and stylistic street language, the uses of slang both eroded (in uniting bilingual male juvenile groups) and strengthened (as with providers and teachers, working-class girls, upper-class urbanites and rural newcomers) existing socio-spatial boundaries. Unlike in the late nineteenth century Stockholmska slang studied by Pred, openly irreverent toponymic expressions vis-à-vis the hegemonic conceptions of urban space were relatively few in early Helsinki slang.

This paper discusses the politics of street names in Belgrade since the beginning of 1990s until today. Given the central place of the capital city in the symbolic geography of the nation, subsequent cultural influences of the capitals' 'city text overcomes its actual scale. The past fifteen years of the 'toponymical transition' are characterized by several phases and specifics in commemoration and de-commemoration of various public symbols both in the contents and means of such identity re-construction. Being mostly consistent, the de-commemoration of themes and persons connected with the related historical period and ideology is usually achieved through revision (without restitution) of street names, and also through identity politics which initiate a politically opportune transfer of toponyms in the symbolic center-periphery relation of the city (and national) text. ; У раду се разматрају карактеристике политике (пре)именовања уличних топонима у Београду од почетка деведесетих година до данас, која се посматра као део идентитетских политика у транзиционом друштву којима се историја и географија уписују у "градски текст", чинећи их интегралним делом људске свакодневице. Културно формативни карактер градског текста (и архитекстуре) престонице превазилази оквире самог града с обзиром на централно место главног града у симболичкој географији нације, те он утиче и на обликовање "националног текста" и сведочи о садржају и стратегијама nation-building-a у одређеном периоду. У току преко петнаест година "топонимске транзиције" у Београду уочавају се различите фазе и особености уклањања и инсталирања различитих јавних симбола, како у смислу садржаја, тако и начина овакве иденитетске (ре)конструкције. При комплементарном процесу истовремене комеморације и декомеморације симбола у урбаном тексту, од самог очетка деведесетих година до данас, као константа се јавља углавном конзистентна декомеморација појмова и особа повезаних са конкретним историјским периодом и идеологијом, док комеморација показује варијабилност у смислу вредности и порука које новоуспостављени топоними носе са собом. За разлику од већине других транзицијских престоница, у главном граду Србије не долази до свеобухватне "рестаурације" пресоцијалистичког уличног називља – нити у једном од таласа преименовања, симболички повратак на (претпостављено) старо/традиционално се не показује као политички довољно опортун, и иако се интервенција у градску топонимију најчешће легитимише прошлошћу, она заправо представља савремени израз политичке воље која топонимску баштину обилно редукује, рециклира и селективно реинсталира. Прекрајање овог сегмента градског текста углавном се врши преко ревизије (најчешће без реституције) одређених топонима, и кроз идентитетске политике које иницирају политички пригодан трансфер топонима на симболичкој и просторној релацији центар – периферија градског (и националног) текста – "ревизија без реституције" топонима циљано "чисти" централне и историјске делове престонице од неподобних јавних симбола потискујући их ка периферији, где се временом новоозначени центар просторно све више шири и симболички потире проскрибовану баштину на маргине и градског и националног тескта у симболичку "сиву зону" и невидљивост. Одсуство епохализма при увођењу нових/старих симбола у јавни простор града убрзава процес просторно/историјске реконфигурације с обзиром да се конструише представа о рутинском и техничком карактеру овог процеа, али и сведочи о несигурности оваквих идентитетских политика које избегавају прокламативну обзнану "промене" и увођење препорних симбола у централни/видљививији део града (који се, могуће привремено, смештају у рубне квартове градског подручја) – пре него симболичко потврђивање већ реализоване друштвене и политичке промене, најрецентнија преиначавања (бео)градског текста представљају један од агенаса идентитетских политика које кроз просторну легитимизацију одређених вредности и симбола придоносе потенцијалној, будућој, легитимизацији и норматизовању одговарајуће културне конструкције нације кроз друге канале културног комуницирања у друштву.

This paper uses text analysis to measure gender bias in cities through the use of street names. Focusing on the case of Spain, we collect data on 15 million street names to analyze gender inequality in urban toponyms. We calculate for each Spanish municipality and each year from 2001 to 2020 a variable measuring the percentage of streets with female names over the total number of streets with male and female names. Our results reveal a strong gender imbalance in Spanish cities: the percentage of streets named after women is only 12% in 2020. We also observe substantial intra-urban differences, with female named streets being relatively scarcer in town centers. Concerning new streets, gender bias is lower but still far from parity. The second part of the paper analyzes the correlation of our indicator of gender bias in street names with variables related to gender attitudes and values, with the results suggesting that it constitutes a useful cultural measure of gender equality at the city level. This study thus helps to measure a relevant phenomenon, given the strong symbolic power attributed to street names, which has been elusive to quantify so far.

Abstract
This essay pioneers a critical approach to place naming in early America, which offers new insight into the evolving definition of plantation. In early seventeenth-century England, planting was understood as a public effort to establish new commonwealths. Only gradually around the Atlantic world did plantations become predominantly associated with private places producing staple crops with enslaved labor. This essay uses the radically underutilized evidence of place-names to explore how this slippage occurred on the ground, and the way it shaped, and was shaped by, the individuals who embraced the status of "planter." The names that individuals gave to the places they called plantations reveal how they perceived the plantation and the political, economic, and social relations it structured. By analyzing data from nearly 5,000 named tracts of land patented in four Maryland counties between 1634 and 1750, this essay charts the changing popularity of distinct elements within plantation names, including geographic descriptors, affects of the landowner, and European place-names. It reveals there was no straightforward rush to carve up the land into privatized commercial units. Instead, individuals initially structured plantations around communal frameworks defined variously by manorialism, urban civic traditions, and shared geographic lexicons. As the tobacco economy consolidated into the hands of a slave-owning class, plantation names reframed places as subjective manifestations of planter identities. These conclusions adjust our understanding of the transition to capitalism and slavery in Maryland and they also offer a blueprint for a broader toponymy of the plantation in the Atlantic world.

The paper highlights the impact of excessive industrialization during the centralized economy era on urban spatial identity, as well as the disruption of this identity through political-administrative decisions, a phenomenon characteristic of the Central and Eastern European region during the era of centralized economies. The tendency to rebalance urban territorial systems is achieved through deindustrialization, together with reindustrialization and tertiarization. All these changes affect functionality, physiognomy as well as urban culture, and can be quantified through the changes in the memory of places. Urban toponyms related to industrialization are disappearing and are replaced by toponyms that illustrate the historical past of the city and, in general, its spatial identity. The paper aims to contribute to the development of research on the impact of oversized industrialization on the memory of places, in the context of the transition from industrial to service-based economies, a process that affected the states of the former Communist Bloc after 1990. Based on bibliographic sources and field research conducted between 2008 and 2020 in two cities in Romania (Bucharest, the country's capital, and Galați, the largest river and seaport and the main centre of the steel industry in the country), we have evaluated quantitatively these changes with the help of indices resulting from the toponymic changes resulting from these processes. The study shows that the functional disturbances due to the oversized industrialization that characterized the communist period only managed to a small extent to affect the correlation between the spatial identity of the two cities and their toponymy.

The paper highlights the impact of excessive industrialization during the centralized economy era on urban spatial identity, as well as the disruption of this identity through political-administrative decisions, a phenomenon characteristic of the Central and Eastern European region during the era of centralized economies. The tendency to rebalance urban territorial systems is achieved through deindustrialization, together with reindustrialization and tertiarization. All these changes affect functionality, physiognomy as well as urban culture, and can be quantified through the changes in the memory of places. Urban toponyms related to industrialization are disappearing and are replaced by toponyms that illustrate the historical past of the city and, in general, its spatial identity. The paper aims to contribute to the development of research on the impact of oversized industrialization on the memory of places, in the context of the transition from industrial to service-based economies, a process that affected the states of the former Communist Bloc after 1990. Based on bibliographic sources and field research conducted between 2008 and 2020 in two cities in Romania (Bucharest, the country's capital, and Galați, the largest river and seaport and the main centre of the steel industry in the country), we have evaluated quantitatively these changes with the help of indices resulting from the toponymic changes resulting from these processes. The study shows that the functional disturbances due to the oversized industrialization that characterized the communist period only managed to a small extent to affect the correlation between the spatial identity of the two cities and their toponymy.

Toponomastics is increasingly interested in the subjective role of place names in quotidian life. In the frame of Urban Geography, the interest in this matter is currently growing, as the recently change in modes of habitation has urged our discipline to find new ways of exploring the cities. In this context, the study of how name's significance is connected to a urban society constitutes a very interesting approach. We believe in the importance of place names as tools for decoding urban areas and societies at a local-scale. This consideration has been frequently taken into account in the analysis of exonyms, although in their case they are not exempt of political and practical implications that prevail over the tool function. The study of toponomastic processes helps us understanding how the city works, by analyzing the liaison between urban landscape, imaginaries and toponyms which is reflected in the scarcity of some names, in the biased creation of new toponyms and in the pressure exercised over every place name by tourists, residents and local government for changing, maintaining or eliminating them. Our study-case, Toledo, is one of the oldest cities in Spain, full of myths, stories and histories that can only be understood combined with processes of internal evolution of the city linked to the arrival of new residents and the more and more notorious change of its historical landscape. At a local scale, we are willing to decode the information which is contained in its toponyms about its landscape and its society.

В статье рассматриваются названия внутригородских объектов Квебека (Канада) как источников социокультурной информации. Представлено сравнение русской и канадской топонимической терминологии. Описываются основные этапы становления урбанонимической системы Квебека. Особого внимания заслуживает деятельность Городского топонимического комитета, который выработал критерии отбора городских названий, правила правописания топонимов, а также составил картотеку внутригородских названий. Городской топонимический комитет законодательно утвердил причины для переименования объектов. В статье приведены наиболее значимые примеры дескриптивных, вторичных и мемориальных урбанонимов Квебека. Одной из наиболее частотных является тематическая группа мемориальных урбанонимов, в основе номинации которых имена первых землевладельцев, известных политических, религиозных и военных деятелей Канады. Урбанонимикон является свидетельством экономической и социокультурной динамики развития города. ; The article deals with the names of Quebec (Canada) intercity objects as sources of sociocultural information. We compared Russian and Canadian toponymic terminology and described the basic stages of formation urban toponymy in Quebec. Much attention was paid to the activities of Municipal Toponymic Committee, which had developed selection criteria for city names, spelling rules, made a card-file of intracity names, and legislatively approved the reasons for renaming of objects. The article presented the most significant examples of descriptive, secondary and memorial urban toponyms of Quebec. We concluded that the group of memorial urbanonyms, based on the first names of landowners, famous political, religious and military figures of Canada, was one of the most frequently used. The list of urbanonyms indicated the economic and sociocultural dynamics of the city development.

The article deals with the unofficial names of the streets of Kharkiv. Until 1804 in Kharkiv, all street names were unofficial. Many streets had two or three names. These names were known only to local residents. From the colloquial speech of the townspeople, the city government chose one name, and that name became the official name. Informal names of urban sites best convey the opinion of citizens about their city. In historical toponymy, informal names can be an argument in discussions about how to measure the area of a city. In local lore literature data on the area of the same city sometimes differ significantly. The process of the unofficial name of urban objects has been and remains spontaneous. Informal names are influenced by the interaction of languages, the emergence or disappearance of a certain concept, the natural or unnatural loss of the meaning of a city object, the archaization of names, the literary and artistic activity. One of the objectives of the article is to determine the cause of the appearance of groups of informal names of urban objects and to determine the peculiarities of informal names in the city. The factors affecting the process of the emergence of informal names are listed. The analysis of urbonyms and the processes of creating an informal nomination is combined with the study of the linguistic specifics of the names of streets and other objects of a large city. The author of the article talks about the future directions for the study of unofficial names in the city. Scientists studying urbonyms should take into account the informal names of city objects, colloquial forms of names, features of youth slang, the influence of slang on the formation of urbonyms and of urban identity. ; В статье рассматриваются неофициальные городские названия в речи горожан. В настоящее время актуальна тема мало изученных названий объектов большого города, тематическое и терминологическое разнообразие которых косвенно указывает на актуальность темы исследования. До 1804 года в Харькове все урбанонимы были неофициальными. Многие улицы имели два или три названия, поэтому первыми официальными топонимами города стали названия, которые власть спонтанно выбрала из речи горожан, и именно они стали официальными. Неофициальные названия городских объектов лучше всего передают мнение горожан об их городе. В исторической топонимии прозвища когут стать аргументом в дискуссиях о том, как измерить площадь города. В краеведческой литературе сведения о площади одного и того же города иногда существенно отличаются. Процесс неофициального наименования городских объектов был и остаётся стихийным. На возникновение неофициальных названий влияет взаимодействие языков, возникновение или исчезновение определённой концепции, естественная или неестественная потерся значения городского объекта, архаизация названия, литературная и художественная деятельность современников. Цель статьи ‒ определить причину возникновения прозвищ и определить их специфику. В статье указаны факторы, влияющие на процесс неофициальной номинации городских объектов. Определены причины появления иосновные группы прозвищ по значениям. Анализ урбанонимов и процессов неофициальной номинации совмещён с изучением лингвистической специфики названий улиц и других объектов большого города. Определены основне особенности неофициальных названий. Автор статьи сообщает о дальнейших направлениях исследования неофициальных названий урбанонимов. Специалисты, которые изучают урбанонимы, должны учитывать неофициальные названия городских объектов, разговорные формы названий, особенности молодёжного сленга, влияние сленга на формирование урбанонимов и городской идентичности. ; У статті розглянуто назвиська, що вживають містяни в мовленні. Сьогодні актуальною є тема мало вивчених назвиськ об'єктів великого міста. Тематичне і термінологічне розмаїття яких непрямо вказує на актуальність теми дослідження. До 1804 року в Харкові всі урбаноніми були неофіційними. Багато вулиць мали дві чи три назви, тому першими офіційними топонімами міста стали назви, що влада спонтанно обрала з мовлення містян, і саме вони набули офіційності. Назвиська міських об'єктів якнайкраще переказують думку містян про їхнє місто. В історичній топоніміці назвиська можуть стати аргументом в дискусіях про те, як вимірити площу міста. В краєзнавчий літературі відомості про площу одного й того ж міста іноді суттєво різняться. Процес неофіційно найменування міських об'єктів був і залишається стихійним. На виникнення назвиськ впливає взаємодія мов, поява чи зникнення певної концепції, природна чи неприродна втрата значення міського об'єкта, архаїзація назви, літературна і художня діяльність сучасників. Мета статті ‒ визначити причину появи назвиськ і визначити їхню специфіку. У статті вказано на чинники, що впливають на процес неофіційної номінації міських об'єктів. Визначено причини появи і основні групи назвиськ за значенням. Аналіз урбанонімів і процесів створення неофіційної номінації поєднується з вивченням лінгвістичної специфіки назв вулиць й інших об'єктів великого міста. З'ясовано основні особливості неофіційних назв. Автор статті робить висновок щодо подальших напрямів дослідження назвиськових відповідників урбанонімів. Науковці, що вивчають урбаноніми, повинні враховувати назвиська міських об'єктів, розмовні форми назв, особливості молодіжного сленґу, вплив сленґу на формування урбанонімів і міської ідентичності.

The scientific article is devoted to the consideration of the correlations of urban identity and the image of the city as an important symbolic aspect of such identity and urban toponymy. It is determined that the city dweller, constructing his own urban space, acquiring the status of a place, actualizes the images of "his city" (due to subjective experiences and memories, places that have personal significance for the city dweller) and "our city" (the subject is the urban community, for members which is characterized by self-identification with the values of this urban area). At the same time, in the formation of urban identity, attachment to a place is most significant, which is traditionally understood as a feeling of connection with a specific physical environment based on the meanings that are attached to this physical environment and activities in relation to this space. This attachment to the place allows you to establish a cognitive-emotional connection with the place, which determines both the emergence of a sense of security and belonging to "one's own group". The image of the city includes meanings that are significant for the individual and society, which allow identifying the territory as a place associated with the experience of urban identity.
Urban identity for a person is filled with modal meanings, conditionally divided into positive and negative. Acceptance of urban space and knowledge of the area itself, its names and topoi determines the leading role of urban toponymy, which it plays in the communicative paradigm of the city. The special semiotic status of toponymy is determined by the historical, geographical and cultural content of the symbolic images reproduced by toponyms. The functioning of toponyms is influenced by the urban identity of a person or social group, objectified in the image of the city inherent in them

The paper studies change and continuity in the urban semiosphere of Kharkiv in the post-Maidan period, focusing on themes such as the interplay of languages, street art, toponyms, and the significance of political, ideological, commercial, and artistic discourses in the urban space. The urban vernacular of Kharkiv is examined via the concept of the palimpsest that helps to expose the process of acceptance or rejection of the past, and to assess how things are remembered and forgotten through the tropes of the old narrative that were scrapped and replaced with new ones. The analysis of the linguistic landscape in this study focuses on a broader, more inclusive set of components that are part of public spaces, such as street graffiti metaphors and reactions to the text on graffiti. Thus, а multimodal approach is essential to provide deeper meanings and interpretations of public spaces. To examine the complex linguistic landscape, I bring together a representative collection of public signage that mirrors the dynamics of different historical, linguistic, and ideological factors that shape the contemporary Ukrainian identity, along with the too obvious and simultaneous presence within it of markers of the collective identity from the Soviet period. The juxtaposition of overlapping narratives provides a means to discuss the city's community-building efforts. My paper introduces a few familiar cases of how post-Soviet urban dwellers have shaped social spaces.

The paper studies change and continuity in the urban semiosphere of Kharkiv in the post-Maidan period, focusing on themes such as the interplay of languages, street art, toponyms, and the significance of political, ideological, commercial, and artistic discourses in the urban space. The urban vernacular of Kharkiv is examined via the concept of the palimpsest that helps to expose the process of acceptance or rejection of the past, and to assess how things are remembered and forgotten through the tropes of the old narrative that were scrapped and replaced with new ones. The analysis of the linguistic landscape in this study focuses on a broader, more inclusive set of components that are part of public spaces, such as street graffiti metaphors and reactions to the text on graffiti. Thus, а multimodal approach is essential to provide deeper meanings and interpretations of public spaces. To examine the complex linguistic landscape, I bring together a representative collection of public signage that mirrors the dynamics of different historical, linguistic, and ideological factors that shape the contemporary Ukrainian identity, along with the too obvious and simultaneous presence within it of markers of the collective identity from the Soviet period. The juxtaposition of overlapping narratives provides a means to discuss the city's community-building efforts. My paper introduces a few familiar cases of how post-Soviet urban dwellers have shaped social spaces. ; Published version

This paper investigates the geography of Facebook use at an urban-regional scale, focussing on place-named groups, meaning various interest groups with names relating to places such as towns, neighbourhoods, or points of interest. Conceptualising Facebook as a digital infrastructure – that is, the platform's urban footprint, in the form of its place-named groups, rather than what individuals share and create using the service – we explore the location, theme, and scale of 3016 groups relating to places in Greater London. Firstly, we address the quantitative and qualitative methodological challenges that we faced to identify the groups and ground them geographically. Secondly, we analyse the scale of the toponyms in the group names, which are predominantly linked to London's suburbs. Thirdly, we study the spatial distribution of groups, both overall and by specific types, in relation to the socio-demographic characteristics of residents at the borough level. Through correlation and robust regression analyses, the presence and activity of groups are linked to a relatively older, non-deprived, and non-immigrant population living in less dense areas, with high variability across different group types. These results portray place-named Facebook groups as communication infrastructure skewed towards more banal interactions and places in Greater London's outlying boroughs. This research is among the first to explore and visualise the urban geographies of Facebook groups at a metropolitan scale, showing the extent, nature, and locational tendencies of large-scale social media use as increasingly ordinary aspects of how people come to know, experience, live, and work in cities.

This article explores the history of Bandung, in particular the Dago street area, as a history of place. It looks into how Bandung include Dago has been defined, its etymology and the way in which the people that inhabit the place use and place meaning to these urban spaces. The article argues that civic meaning is rooted in the historic creation of place. It also looks into civic design and civic reform going through different governmentality from the colonial up into the present period to see how much the meaning of place is both historical but also politic and strategic to the present needs of the people that inhabit it.