Suchergebnisse

Empfundene Einengungen oder Verletzungen der Privatsphäre und
Wunsch nach gesetzlichen Regelungen zum Schutze persönlicher
Daten.

Themen: Wichtigste politische Ziele; Bedeutung der Privatsphäre
und wahrgenommene Entwicklung von Einengungen bzw. Verletzungen
der Privatsphäre; Nennung der Institutionen, die eine Verletzung
der Privatsphäre durchführten; Einstellung zur Veröffentlichung
von Privatangelegenheiten in Presse und Rundfunk; empfundene
Belästigung durch Reklamesendungen; Einstellung zur zentralen
Registrierung im Wahlregister und zur Informationsspeicherung in
Computern; Skala der als nichtöffentlich gewünschten
persönlichen Daten.

Demographie: Alter (klassiert); Geschlecht; Familienstand; Kinderzahl;
Konfession; Schulbildung; Beruf; Berufstätigkeit; Haushaltsgröße;
Wohnsituation.

By way of summary—this paper has been concerned with a number of problems related to public attitudes toward blindness. A major emphasis has been upon attitudinal components—upon their description, their mediation by different personal values, and their differential sensitivity to methods of attitude change. A second emphasis has been upon tracing through the workings of such introjected attitudes upon the self-concept of the blind person, upon his own attitudes toward the sighted, and upon the degree to which he has obtained independence in his mode of travel, in his work, and in daily activities.

A review of prominent Russian polling institutes' research, 1990-2001, on popular attitudes toward democracy reveals a paradox. When asked what they believe, most Russians were strongly positive about fundamental democratic values; but they were strangely ambivalent about undemocratic phenomena, even actual lawlessness, at all levels of government. This chapter seeks reasons for Russians' acceptance of violations of human rights, restriction of access to information, etc. One is that they have been offered only a bipolar choice of dictatorship or democracy. Research exploring a larger range of political options revealed less commitment to democratic values. It is concluded that the Russian people's opinions count for very little. They might express sentiments of support or disappointment for a government policy, but they are easily manipulated politically, as in the case of the Chechen war. Some hope is seen in the fact that Russians seem to want the regime to strive for democracy. Tables. J. Stanton

Immigrant populations in many developed democracies have grown rapidly, and so too has an extensive literature on natives' attitudes toward immigration. This research has developed from two theoretical foundations, one grounded in political economy, the other in political psychology. These two literatures have developed largely in isolation from one another, yet the conclusions that emerge from each are strikingly similar. Consistently, immigration attitudes show little evidence of being strongly correlated with personal economic circumstances. Instead, research finds that immigration attitudes are shaped by sociotropic concerns about its cultural impacts-and to a lesser extent its economic impacts-on the nation as a whole. This pattern of results has held up as scholars have increasingly turned to experimental tests, and it holds for the United States, Canada, and Western Europe. Still, more work is needed to strengthen the causal identification of sociotropic concerns and to isolate precisely how, when, and why they matter for attitude formation. Adapted from the source document.

Though there are dividing principles between the 2 great institutions which today compete for pol'al allegiance, in the exigencies of particular situations, these diff's may become confused & may only operate over a comparatively narrow field. More needs to be said about the 3 broad groups of people who make up pol'al movements of whatever kind: the professionals, the dedicated, & the periphery. When controversial issues raise the normally low level of interest, difficulties often occur, because the periphery do not always react the same way as the professionals, while the efforts of the parties to promote pol discussion within their org's only touch the dedicated, & the problem of communication with the periphery remains intractable. In both great pol'al movements the class make-up of the professionals differs greatly from that of the periphery, due, presumably, to the criteria adopted by the dedicated, who select candidates. Furthermore, it is a fallacy to suppose that everyone likes to be represented by people of his own type. IPSA.

Immigrant populations in many developed democracies have grown rapidly, and so too has an extensive literature on natives' attitudes toward immigration. This research has developed from two theoretical foundations, one grounded in political economy, the other in political psychology. These two literatures have developed largely in isolation from one another, yet the conclusions that emerge from each are strikingly similar. Consistently, immigration attitudes show little evidence of being strongly correlated with personal economic circumstances. Instead, research finds that immigration attitudes are shaped by sociotropic concerns about its cultural impacts—and to a lesser extent its economic impacts—on the nation as a whole. This pattern of results has held up as scholars have increasingly turned to experimental tests, and it holds for the United States, Canada, and Western Europe. Still, more work is needed to strengthen the causal identification of sociotropic concerns and to isolate precisely how, when, and why they matter for attitude formation.

Death, as we know, can happen at any age and ordinarily, is not necessarily something that we would choose, if we did indeed have a choice. Or is it? In this article, we move to an unexplored issue for WwOP and possibly an uncomfortable one for some, namely euthanasia. Here, Claudine McCreadie speaks quite frankly about the issue and compares her conclusions with those of the rest of society.