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Theories of the nature of the political community vary with conditions. Just as political pluralism was a phase of the late mellowness of liberalism, so the organic theory of the state is suited for more heroic moments. When integral nationalism was discovered in the United States after the defeat of the South, it was not inappropriate that organic theories should have been supported in order to explain the place of the American nation in history. Nor can it be surprising that today some of the leaders of the United States are looking at the nation as a kind of social organism.If one reads with attention the words of President Lincoln during the early days of the Civil War, it can be seen that the Union was more than just a voluntary association of political communities. The states had their being within the Union, and the Union itself had given birth to the states. Even the history of Texas and its relation to the Union did not impress Lincoln as simply consensual, for if there was consent it was all on the side of Texas. Whatever liberty and authority the states possessed they derived from the Union, and not from any original powers of their own. When the Union became a symbol of organicity in the mind of the North, the earlier individualistic theory of the state was remote enough. The social contract, the consent of all to government, was suitable in the American Revolution, since protest was being made against the specific, arbitrary actions of the British government, animated it would seem by a total conception of Empire. To Lincoln, states, like individuals, were a part of the Union, and the Union might be broken neither by citizens nor by states.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Contributors -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Issues Affecting the Regulatory Environment for Organic Food Safety in Asia Pacific -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 The Regulation of Organics -- 1.3 Structure of the Book -- 1.4 Conclusion -- References -- Part I: International Perspectives on Organics Regulatory Framework -- Chapter 2: Understanding the Regulation of Ecological Food in China: Regulatory Intermediation, Path Dependence and Legal Pluralism -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Materials, Methods and Argument -- 2.3 Evolution of Eco-Food Regulation in China -- 2.4 Explaining the Chinese Regulatory Model -- 2.4.1 Introduction -- 2.4.2 Standards -- 2.4.3 Path Dependence -- 2.4.4 Legal Pluralism -- 2.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Organic Labelling Influencing Consumerism in China and Thailand: A Case for Collaborating with Mature Organic Economies -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 A Preliminary Note on the Return to Organic Agriculture -- 3.3 Organic Food Labelling: The Australian Example -- 3.4 Country-Of-Origin Labels (COOL) -- 3.5 Consumer Trust -- 3.6 Mutual Recognition Regime in Organics -- 3.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Chinese Organic Food Law and Its Impacts on Climate Change -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Overview of Chinese Organic Food Law -- 4.2.1 Regulations Relating to Food Safety and Organic Certification -- 4.2.1.1 Evolution of Food Safety Regulations -- 4.2.1.2 Development of Organic Standards and Certification -- 4.2.2 Challenges to the Enforcement of Food Safety Law -- 4.2.3 Organic Certification Issues -- 4.3 Impacts of Chinese Organic Food Law on Climate Change -- 4.3.1 Impacts on Climate Change Adaptation -- 4.3.2 Impacts on Climate Change Mitigation -- 4.4 Conclusion -- References -- Part II: Histories and Influences on Standards.

Examines the development of pluralism through the works of John Rawls & Jurgen Habermas & argues that the physical existence of pluralism is tied to the structure of organic life itself. Rawls's theories provided a basis for the major theories of democracy, & Habermas took democratic theory toward liberal ideologies that separate the economy from politics. Both theorists believed that governments should provide welfare relief for those who lacked basic needs. Presently, however, the value program is being ignored in the global economy, & democracies are not controlling the socioeconomic dynamics that would destroy pluralism. Without access to the means of life, living things cannot attend to self-differentiation. Capitalism places market structures between living things & the necessities of life, & this is a threat to both pluralism & the ultimate survival of human society. John McMurtry's work with life ethics also claims that living things must adapt to market structures for survival. L. A. Hoffman

This article argues that the concept of bicameralism is central to William Connolly's pluralism. The concept is analysed in terms of its roots in political bicameralism, in the bicameral mind and in organic bicameralism in order to show its richness and its capacity to provide positive answers to a series of standard criticisms of pluralism. Two more persistent critical problems are presented in the problem of evil (can we afford to be open to other political positions if they are evil?) and in the problem of the generation of paradoxes (does pluralism depend on adopting perniciously paradoxical positions?). These questions are answered by drawing connections from Connolly's work to Alfred North Whitehead's definition of evil and to Gilles Deleuze's work on paradox.

Islamic law represents a whole of things. In the early times, Islamic law is a product of divine revelation, prophetic tradition, and custom. In this respect, Islamic law is not only as God's provision which deny human interest, but also human need to regulate society which undergo the on going process. Therefore, costums and traditions were the organic elements, which shape unity of law. Local knowledge and universal values fundamentally enriched Islamic law. This argument is debatable on account of how what some extent customs and traditions can influence or shape the Islamic law. Indonesia is not an exeption. Talking about Islamic law's position in the context of the Indonesian Legal Pluralism was not easy because it has something to do with the structure of Indonesian socio-cultural and socio political reality. This, in turn, needs the special policy through thought and political action.

Since 2008, as a part of a project of state transformation driven by an apparent post-neoliberal shift towards Buen-vivir (Gudynas, 2011), Ecuador has constitutionally acknowledged a plural economy, which includes private capitalistic and public statist forms of economic organization as well as a popular and solidarity sector. Popular and solidarity economy organizations (EPS for its Spanish acronym) have recognized themselves through historically particular institutional paths, such as the cooperative tradition, popular associations and more recent expressions of community-based economy (Ruiz-Rivera & Lemaître, 2016). Those initiatives vindicate a common rationale not driven by the sole purpose of profit maximization, but based on work's value and the securization of their members livelihoods (Sarria Icaza & Tiriba, 2006). Since 2011, the Organic Law of Popular and Solidarity Economy undertook a set of legal arrangements aimed at the regulation, promotion and control of EPS organizations. Hence, public policy design and implementation may nowadays be shaping the practices of organizations (Vega Ugalde, 2016). Through empirical research (participative observation, documentary analysis and semi-directive interviews conducted with organizations and policy makers from April to May 2015, April to June 2016 and from January to April 2017), we analyze the tensions drawn from the institutionalization of EPS in Ecuador, particularly the institutional complexity arising from the inadequacy between the criteria underpinning public policies and the EPS plural operating logics. We argue that the conception and the implementation of government programs mobilize two contradictory logics: on one hand the political recognition of economic pluralism (linked to a notion of Buen-vivir) and on the other hand the integration of the economy to a predominant market logic (partially due to imperatives of efficiency) according to a formal sense of the economy (Polanyi, 1977). These two logics, coexisting in public policies, are confronting the plurality of socioeconomic logics underpinning EPS organizations. The aim of this paper is twofold. First, the various logics mobilized within one emblematic government program for EPS promotion, Compra Pública Inclusiva, are exposed through the analysis of the criteria applied during its operationalization. The results from in-depth case studies with EPS organizations show these mutually incompatible logics are being materialized in the current practices of organizations and the tensions the latter are coping with, in terms of fragmentation, and conflict. Second, we question whether and to what extent EPS initiatives tackle the pressures arising from institutional complexity and how these trade-offs (in terms of strategies) are determined. We draft thereby a typology of responses from EPS organizations that involve actions of adaptation, inter-cooperation and resistance.

Since 2008, as a part of a project of state transformation driven by an apparent post-neoliberal shift towards Buen-vivir (Gudynas, 2011), Ecuador has constitutionally acknowledged a plural economy, which includes private capitalistic and public statist forms of economic organization as well as a popular and solidarity sector. Popular and solidarity economy organizations (EPS for its Spanish acronym) have recognized themselves through historically particular institutional paths, such as the cooperative tradition, popular associations and more recent expressions of community-based economy (Ruiz-Rivera & Lemaître, 2016). Those initiatives vindicate a common rationale not driven by the sole purpose of profit maximization, but based on work's value and the securization of their members livelihoods (Sarria Icaza & Tiriba, 2006). Since 2011, the Organic Law of Popular and Solidarity Economy undertook a set of legal arrangements aimed at the regulation, promotion and control of EPS organizations. Hence, public policy design and implementation may nowadays be shaping the practices of organizations (Vega Ugalde, 2016). Through empirical research (participative observation, documentary analysis and semi-directive interviews conducted with organizations and policy makers from April to May 2015, April to June 2016 and from January to April 2017), we analyze the tensions drawn from the institutionalization of EPS in Ecuador, particularly the institutional complexity arising from the inadequacy between the criteria underpinning public policies and the EPS plural operating logics. We argue that the conception and the implementation of government programs mobilize two contradictory logics: on one hand the political recognition of economic pluralism (linked to a notion of Buen-vivir) and on the other hand the integration of the economy to a predominant market logic (partially due to imperatives of efficiency) according to a formal sense of the economy (Polanyi, 1977). These two logics, coexisting in public policies, are confronting the plurality of socioeconomic logics underpinning EPS organizations. The aim of this paper is twofold. First, the various logics mobilized within one emblematic government program for EPS promotion, Compra Pública Inclusiva, are exposed through the analysis of the criteria applied during its operationalization. The results from in-depth case studies with EPS organizations show these mutually incompatible logics are being materialized in the current practices of organizations and the tensions the latter are coping with, in terms of fragmentation, and conflict. Second, we question whether and to what extent EPS initiatives tackle the pressures arising from institutional complexity and how these trade-offs (in terms of strategies) are determined. We draft thereby a typology of responses from EPS organizations that involve actions of adaptation, inter-cooperation and resistance.

The chapter is a contribution to the socio historical analysis of youth work practices and policies in Italy, with the aim to understand the long-term processes that continued to generate a lack of recognition of this sector by the State and its tendency of non-interference over the private youth work organisations. The model of Hurley and Treacy's (1993) helped in classifying, from a sociological perspective, the different practices of youth work through history in Italy. Based on the socio historical reconstruction detailed in this article, by offering examples of youth work practices in Italy oriented to social change (reformist or revolutionary) or to social regulation objectives (liberal or conservative). Within a general legislative vacuum in national youth policy, there is still no public regulation of a specific professional role for youth workers in Italy, while the different political or religious associations tend to train educators according to their respective ideologies. Except for the unique youth education system created by the fascist regime, youth work in Italy has never been part of an organic public policy at national level. Resistance would seem to have been nourished by two key events apparently not yet metabolised: on one hand, the totalitarian projects of the fascist regime and its experiment of state mass youth education; on the other, the student protests of 1968 and the inability of the state to address its demands for change. The tendency to support a pluralistic private offer of association-based youth work appeared, therefore, to provide a way to prevent the risk of exposing public institutions to new totalitarian youth education political programmes, such as that created by fascism. On the other hand, the public funding of youth work spaces or projects managed by private associations from the early 1980s seems also a strategy to contain those forces of youth protest inherited from the youth movements of the 1960s, having repressed their violent expression during the so-called Years of Lead (the 1970s).

In this piece I argue for posthumanism-based deliberation and education toward just global ecologies. I propose posthumanism's nonanthropocentric ethical approach and conceptual framework enables a processual multiperspectival account of rich, variegated bionetworks and their organic and inorganic materials' interrelationships and interdependencies. Among reciprocal studies and methodologies, I consider Mitchell's (2004) integrative pluralism in tandem with a developmental systems paradigm of co-emergence to acknowldge the dynamic epistemological continuum of complex ecologies. In terms of specific embedded learning experiences, I briefly discuss Lind's Konstanz Method of Dilemma Discussion (KMDD)® as one specific approach in which to cultivate democratic capacities whilst embracing the destabilizing-stabilizing tendencies of posthumanistic praxis for inclusive flourishing.

Examines ideas of the intellectual new Right during the 1980s and 1990s, focusing on its endorsement of ethnic regionalism. From nationalism to organic regionalism, ethno-regionalism, organic citizenship, and cultural emancipation, "Europe des peuples", and the idea of European citizenship.

It is argued that a symbolic & iconographic interpretation of pluralism in architecture does not adequately address the politics of recognition in a multicultural society, & suggested that architects explore social questions of identification through form. Two alternatives for the more effective treatment of questions of recognition in architecture are presented: "the space of iconoclasm," & "the space of the voice." The first approach stresses the search for spatial commonalities among individuals so that, on entering public spaces, the individual leaves his or her group identity behind. The design of Boston City Hall Plaza, 1958-1961, when Massachusetts Instit of Technology professor of urban planning Kevin Lynch served as consultant to the Plaza's planners, exemplifies this approach. The second approach is based on an organic iconography that emphasizes the link between the organs of local communities & the organism of society. This approach is illustrated by the master plan developed by architect Christopher Alexander for the U of Oregon, Eugene. It is concluded that links between public spaces & the groups they represent should be explored & developed to encourage diversity. 3 Figures. J. Ferrari