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Cognitive metaphors are extensively studied in linguistics (Gibbs, 1999), particularly in the field of political discourse (Chilton & Ilyin, 1993) and although Chumaceiro (2004) has developed a first approach to metaphors as semantic groups, the study of metaphors as networks remains greatly unexplored in Spanish. For this reason, the purpose of this article is to analyze metaphor networks associated with the notion of 'socialism' in the discourse of President Hugo Chavez. The work is framed by Lakoff and Johnson ([1980] 2007) cognitive perspective and linguistic analysis, according to Cameron (1999). The corpus consists of four broadcasts of the television program Aló Presidente in 2005. First, metaphors are identified following Lakoff and Johnson's categories; then the network of meanings in the metaphors are identified and reorganized. The results of the analysis unveil the presence of eight central networks. We conclude that the networks of metaphors built into political discourse are associated and combined as semantic families according to ideological purposes to show how socialism of the XXI century is conceived. ; Las metáforas cognitivas son un recurso discursivo extensamente estudiado por la lingüística (Gibbs, 1999), especialmente en el ámbito del discurso político (Chilton y Ilyin, 1993), y aunque Chumaceiro (2004) presentó un primer acercamiento al análisis de las metáforas como grupos semánticos, el estudio de las redes de metáforas es todavía un terreno poco explorado. Por esta razón, el propósito central de este artículo es el análisis de las redes de metáforas asociadas con la noción de 'socialismo' en el discurso del ex presidente Hugo Chávez. Para ello se recurre al análisis cognitivo propuesto por Lakoff y Johnson ([1980] 2007) y al análisis lingüístico según Cameron (1999). El corpus lo conforman cuatro emisiones del programa Aló Presidente del año 2005; primero se reconocen las metáforas según las categorías propuestas por Lakoff y Johnson; y luego, siguiendo lo señalado por Cameron, se identifican las redes. Los resultados develan la presencia de ocho redes centrales de metáforas. Se concluye que las redes construidas en el discurso político se asocian y combinan como familias semánticas para cumplir con fines ideológicos y mostrar cómo es concebido el "socialismo del Siglo XXI". ; As metáforas cognitivas são um recurso discursivo extensamente estudado pela linguística (Gibbs, 1999), especialmente no âmbito do discurso político (Chilton & Ilyin, 1993), mas apesar de uma primeira apreciação de Chumaceiro (2004) da análise das metáforas como grupos semânticos, o estudo das redes de metáforas é ainda um terreno pouco explorado. Por esta razão, o propósito central deste artículo é a análise das redes de metáforas associadas â noção de 'socialismo' no discurso do ex presidente venezuelano Hugo Chávez. Para tanto, recorre à análise cognitiva proposta por Lakoff y Johnson ([1980] 2007) e à análise lingüística segundo Cameron (1999). O corpus é constituído de quatro episódios do programa Aló Presidente do ano de 2005. Primeiramente, são reconhecidas as metáforas segundo as categorias propostas por Lakoff y Johnson; e então, seguindo Cameron, identificam-se as redes. Os resultados revelam a presença de oito redes centrais de metáforas. Conclui-se que as redes construídas no discurso político associamse e combinam-se como famílias semânticas para cumprir fins ideológicos e mostrar como é concebido o 'socialismo do Século XXI'.

Who is Hugo Chavez? How can the innumerable charges and countercharges between the Venezuelan and U.S. governments be interpreted? What are the implications for democracy and stability in Latin America? In an attempt to answer these and related questions, the analysis centers on the contemporary geopolitical conflict context of current Venezuelan "Bolivarian" (bolivarianismo) policy. To accomplish this, a basic understanding of the political-historical context within which Venezuelan national security policy is generated is an essential first step toward understanding the situation as a whole. The second step requires an introductory understanding of Chavez's concept of 21st century socialism, and the political-psychological-military ways he envisions to achieve it. Then, a levels of analysis approach will provide a systematic understanding of the geopolitical conflict options that have a critical influence on the logic that determines how such a policy as bolivarianismo might continue to be implemented by Venezuela or any other country in the contemporary world security arena. At the same time, this analysis provides an understanding of how other countries in the Western Hemisphere and elsewhere might begin to respond to bolivarianismo's possible threats. Finally, this is the point from which one can generate strategic-level recommendations for maintaining and enhancing stability in Latin America. ; "October 2005." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 28-33). ; Who is Hugo Chavez? How can the innumerable charges and countercharges between the Venezuelan and U.S. governments be interpreted? What are the implications for democracy and stability in Latin America? In an attempt to answer these and related questions, the analysis centers on the contemporary geopolitical conflict context of current Venezuelan "Bolivarian" (bolivarianismo) policy. To accomplish this, a basic understanding of the political-historical context within which Venezuelan national security policy is generated is an essential first step toward understanding the situation as a whole. The second step requires an introductory understanding of Chavez's concept of 21st century socialism, and the political-psychological-military ways he envisions to achieve it. Then, a levels of analysis approach will provide a systematic understanding of the geopolitical conflict options that have a critical influence on the logic that determines how such a policy as bolivarianismo might continue to be implemented by Venezuela or any other country in the contemporary world security arena. At the same time, this analysis provides an understanding of how other countries in the Western Hemisphere and elsewhere might begin to respond to bolivarianismo's possible threats. Finally, this is the point from which one can generate strategic-level recommendations for maintaining and enhancing stability in Latin America. ; Mode of access: Internet.

¿Habla español? Military Review translated this study to Spanish. View the translated study. The author answers questions regarding "Who is Hugo Chavez?" "How can the innumerable charges and countercharges between the Venezuelan and U.S. governments be interpreted?" "What are the implications for democracy and stability in Latin America?" In an attempt to answer these and related questions, the analysis centers on the contemporary geopolitical conflict context of current Venezuelan "Bolivarian" (bolivarianismo) policy. To accomplish this, a basic understanding of the political-historical context within which Venezuelan national security policy is generated is an essential first step toward understanding the situation as a whole. The second step requires an introductory understanding of Chavez's concept of 21st century socialism, and the political-psychological-military ways he envisions to achieve it. Then, a levels of analysis approach will provide a systematic understanding of the geopolitical conflict options that have a critical influence on the logic that determines how such a policy as bolivarianismo might continue to be implemented by Venezuela or any other country in the contemporary world security arena. At the same time, this analysis provides an understanding of how other countries in the Western Hemisphere and elsewhere might begin to respond to bolivarianismo's possible threats. Finally, this is the point from which one can generate strategic-level recommendations for maintaining and enhancing stability in Latin America. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1732/thumbnail.jpg

Who is Hugo Chavez? How can the innumerable charges and countercharges between the Venezuelan and U.S. governments be interpreted? What are the implications for democracy and stability in Latin America? In an attempt to answer these and related questions, the analysis centers on the contemporary geopolitical conflict context of current Venezuelan "Bolivarian" (bolivarianismo) policy. To accomplish this, a basic understanding of the political-historical context within which Venezuelan national security policy is generated is an essential first step toward understanding the situation as a whole. The second step requires an introductory understanding of Chavez's concept of 21st century socialism, and the political-psychological-military ways he envisions to achieve it. Then, a levels of analysis approach will provide a systematic understanding of the geopolitical conflict options that have a critical influence on the logic that determines how such a policy as bolivarianismo might continue to be implemented by Venezuela or any other country in the contemporary world security arena. At the same time, this analysis provides an understanding of how other countries in the Western Hemisphere and elsewhere might begin to respond to bolivarianismo's possible threats. Finally, this is the point from which one can generate strategic-level recommendations for maintaining and enhancing stability in Latin America

El presente artículo es una revisión de los principales documentos que nos permiten construir los que se llama el pensamiento de Hugo Chávez sobre África. Los documentos revisados van desde discursos, planes políticos y otros materiales escritos, donde el protagonista expresaba su concepción sobre África, su definición social, política y cultural. El lugar que ocupa en la historia del continente americano, las relaciones diplomáticas por construir y las luchas contra los que llamaba sus enemigos comunes, el colonialismo, neocolonialismo y el neo liberalismo. ; This article overlooks all the main documents that allow us to build what is called Hugo Chavez's thinking about Africa. The documents reviewed range from speeches, political plans and other written materials, in which the main character expressed his conception on Africa, its social, political and cultural defi nition. Th e place he occupies in the history of the American continent, the diplomatic relations to be built and the struggles against those he called his common enemies, colonialism, neocolonialism and neo-liberalism. ; 131-143 ; diogenesd@gmail.com ; Semestral

He had one foot in the grave-but he's come back to life. After 14 years in power, Hugo Chavez was re-elected in early October to another six-year term as President of Venezuela. A first-class orator, Chavez used his charisma to forge a strong emotional bond with his electorate. True, his country's vast oil wealth has allowed him to implement ambitious welfare schemes that have benefited the least well-off. The resulting drop in poverty and social inequality has been the star achievement of his Bolivarian Revolution, but the Venezuelan elites denounce Chavez's policies as catastrophic and rail against the rise in crime, waste and corruption. Either way, in the eyes of political scientists, this blend of oil-funded socialism and quasi-religious leadership has made the Venezuelan President the epitome of neo-populism in Latin America. Adapted from the source document.

In this article analyzing with a qualitative methodology of Álvaro Uribe Vélez and Hugo Chávez Frías's speech, in which found the genetic heritage of Colombia and Venezuela - with fragments of their past, both remote and recent. The metaphor is part of this genetic code and the conclusions leads us to the different aspects of the underlying ideology. The latter refers firstly to«the Bolivarian delirium» with reference to Chávez and secondly to the paisa culture and Violence in Colombia with reference to Uribe. ; El presente artículo analiza a través de una metodología cualitativa los discursos políticos de Álvaro Uribe Vélez y Hugo Chávez Frías en los que se encuentra el patrimonio genético de Colombia y Venezuela, con fragmentos de un pasado reciente y de un pasado pretérito. La metáfora forma parte de ese código genético y las conclusiones llevarán a los diferentes aspectos de la ideología subyacente, o sea lo que se puede llamar «el delirio bolivariano» con referencia a Chávez y la cultura paisa junto con la Violencia en Colombia por lo que a Uribe se refiere.

In this article analyzing with a qualitative methodology of Álvaro Uribe Vélez and Hugo Chávez Frías's speech, in which found the genetic heritage of Colombia and Venezuela - with fragments of their past, both remote and recent. The metaphor is part of this genetic code and the conclusions leads us to the different aspects of the underlying ideology. The latter refers firstly to «the Bolivarian delirium» with reference to Chávez and secondly to the paisa culture and Violence in Colombia with reference to Uribe. ; El presente artículo analiza a través de una metodología cualitativa los discursos políticos de Álvaro Uribe Vélez y Hugo Chávez Frías en los que se encuentra el patrimonio genético de Colombia y Venezuela, con fragmentos de un pasado reciente y de un pasado pretérito. La metáfora forma parte de ese código genético y las conclusiones llevarán a los diferentes aspectos de la ideología subyacente, o sea lo que se puede llamar «el delirio bolivariano» con referencia a Chávez y la cultura paisa junto con la Violencia en Colombia por lo que a Uribe se refiere.

"In diesem Essay wird Hugo Chávez' Bolivarianische Revolution als eine postkoloniale Identitätspolitik untersucht. Der amtierende Präsident Venezuelas beruft sich auf den politischen Mythos des venezolanischen Nationalhelden Simón Bolivar, der zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts zahlreiche lateinamerikanische Länder in die Unabhängigkeit geführt hat. Dadurch macht Chávez seinen AnhängerInnen ein politisches Identitätsangebot, das sich als emanzipatorische Reaktion auf kolonialistische und neokolonialistische Bestandteile im westlichen Diskurs der Moderne versteht. Allerdings kompromittiert das antagonistische Verständnis von Politik, welches dieser 'Bolivarianischen Identitätspolitik' zugrunde liegt, die positiven Aspekte der Revolution. Letztendlich, so das Fazit dieses Essays, mündet die Bolivarianische Revolution in einer bedenklichen Selbstdarstellung als 'antagonistischer Anderer' zum euro-amerikanischen Westen." (Autorenreferat)

The article reviews socio-political processes in Venezuela after the death (March 5, 2013) of the president Hugo Chávez. The death of the charismatic leader put the problem of early election on the agenda. The election took place on April 14. The course of the rapid campaign is highlighted. The Establishment was represented by the executive vice president Nicolás Maduro, whom the head of the state had appointed his successor not long before his death. The united opposition nominated Henrique Capriles, the governor of the state Miranda. The destiny of the project of "socialism of the 21st century" was at stake. The Establishment used administrative resources and created a lot of obstacles to the rival. N. Maduro came top although with the tiniest margin. The municipal elections were held in December. Although the authority improved its results, it suffered defeat in the cities where the middle class lived. The society split up into two parts. The article gives special attention to socio-economic troubles and failed attempts to deal with them. It is emphasized that a relative welfare of the poorest groups of the population had its reversed side, which included almost absolute exhaustion of dollar-bringing industry and huge inflation. There are difficulties with the food supply. The citizens are also seriously troubled by a very high crime rate. Serious discontent burst out on February 12, 2014 on the Youth Day, when the people took to the streets, with students in the vanguard. Mass actions lasted for a long time. The authorities who regarded this unrest as an attempt of a coup, reacted quickly, using the force. These events caused an anxiety of the world's community which called on the confronting sides to cease violence and begin negotiations as well as offered to serve as intermediary. Three scenarios of political development of the country are given as a conclusion.

Venezuela's political life has changed a lot during the past few years. Signs of this transformation are the disintegration of the traditional democratic parties, the disassembling of public institutions and five consecutive elections in a period of two years. The promoter and leader of this revolution is Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez Frías, and his more effective weapon has been his political-electoral discourse. This article sustains that the effectiveness of Chavez's discourse springs from the mythical simplicity of his narrative -which can be easily described in the semio-narrative level- and from the passion that permeates the discourse as a whole. The result of accepting Chavez's discourse is to be trapped in a "psychological game" Our main thesis is that Chavez's discourse is born and succeeds by ignoring a preexisting political discourse.

Introduction : a man for difficult times -- The plainsman -- The dream of Simón Bolívar -- From insurrection to election -- Episodes in a class war -- The Bolivarian revolution advances -- The contradictions of twenty-first century socialism -- Thelegacy of Hugo Chávez.

The Chavez model is characterized by a high concentration of power in the president's hands, the elimination of boundaries between the military and civil sectors, and the direct subjection of military personnel to the president's authority. The model also exhibits democratic as well as authoritarian, radical, and Bonapartist elements. The emotional and clientelistic link between the leader and the people is reinforced through various mechanisms and periodically renewed at the polls. Chavez has been savvy in taking advantage of frequent elections to give his regime a plebiscitary character. Accountability is low, and the rule of law is weak. What in a well-functioning democracy would be autonomous institutions are instead subordinated to the president and his lieutenants. If these characteristics we add the limits that hem in the exercise of certain political rights and civil liberties, it becomes clear that Freedom house is right to rate Chavez's Venezuela as belonging outside the ranks of liberal democracies. Adapted from the source document.

Desde diversas perspectivas se ha pretendido poner límites al uso del lenguaje religioso en el discurso público, bajo argumentos como la defensa de laicidad o el pluralismo. El filósofo alemán Jürgen Habermas ha planteado que el discurso religioso pueda entrar a participar en el debate social tras una traducción de sus postulados a términos seculares universalmente aceptables. Sin embargo, la persis-tencia del lenguaje religioso en política aún es capaz de comunicar con éxito, y se mantiene como un recurso válido incluso en una izquierda de corte socialista como la del presidente Hugo Chávez. El propósito de este artículo es analizar la relación discursiva entre política y religión a partir del ejemplo del gobierno venezolano. ; From different perspectives there has been an attempt to put limits on the use of religious language in public discourse, with arguments like the defense of secula-rism or pluralism. The German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has argued that the religious discourse can share in the social debate after a translation of its principles into universally acceptable secular terms. However, the persistence of religious language in politics is still able to communicate successfully, and remains a valua-ble resource even in a socialist-style left like that of President Hugo Chavez. The purpose of this article is to analyze the discourse relationship between politics and religion from the example of the Venezuelan government.