Suchergebnisse

My paper will first trace the advent of state feminism in Tibet during the early 1950s with the foundation of the 'Tibetan Patriotic Women's Association' (Bod ljongs rgyal gces bud med tshogs pa), closely linked to the introduction of the Chinese communist regime with its mass organizations. The strong mobilization of Tibetan women during the uprising in 1959 in Tibet led to a split among its members and then to a temporary interruption of state feminism; only many years later, state feminism has been reactivated by two different movements: the 'Tibetan Women's Federation' in Tibet (Bod kyi bud med mnyam 'brel lhan tshogs) and the 'Tibetan Women's Association' (Bod kyi bud med tshogs pa) in exile, both with their respective political agendas. I will then present several examples from Tibet and exile of more individually led projects and actions in favor of women and gender equality since the last twenty years such as the 'Tibetan Nun's Project' (Bod kyi btsun ma'i las 'char), which successfully introduced the geshema degree (dge bshes ma) for nuns and female WeChat groups seeking to inform themselves about and distribute feminist ideas. Finally, my paper will ask if state feminism was, and somehow is always, a hindrance to the development of collectively led feminist movements and political empowerment in Tibetan communities.

My paper will first trace the advent of state feminism in Tibet during the early 1950s with the foundation of the 'Tibetan Patriotic Women's Association' (Bod ljongs rgyal gces bud med tshogs pa), closely linked to the introduction of the Chinese communist regime with its mass organizations. The strong mobilization of Tibetan women during the uprising in 1959 in Tibet led to a split among its members and then to a temporary interruption of state feminism; only many years later, state feminism has been reactivated by two different movements: the 'Tibetan Women's Federation' in Tibet (Bod kyi bud med mnyam 'brel lhan tshogs) and the 'Tibetan Women's Association' (Bod kyi bud med tshogs pa) in exile, both with their respective political agendas. I will then present several examples from Tibet and exile of more individually led projects and actions in favor of women and gender equality since the last twenty years such as the 'Tibetan Nun's Project' (Bod kyi btsun ma'i las 'char), which successfully introduced the geshema degree (dge bshes ma) for nuns and female WeChat groups seeking to inform themselves about and distribute feminist ideas. Finally, my paper will ask if state feminism was, and somehow is always, a hindrance to the development of collectively led feminist movements and political empowerment in Tibetan communities.

My paper will first trace the advent of state feminism in Tibet during the early 1950s with the foundation of the 'Tibetan Patriotic Women's Association' (Bod ljongs rgyal gces bud med tshogs pa), closely linked to the introduction of the Chinese communist regime with its mass organizations. The strong mobilization of Tibetan women during the uprising in 1959 in Tibet led to a split among its members and then to a temporary interruption of state feminism; only many years later, state feminism has been reactivated by two different movements: the 'Tibetan Women's Federation' in Tibet (Bod kyi bud med mnyam 'brel lhan tshogs) and the 'Tibetan Women's Association' (Bod kyi bud med tshogs pa) in exile, both with their respective political agendas. I will then present several examples from Tibet and exile of more individually led projects and actions in favor of women and gender equality since the last twenty years such as the 'Tibetan Nun's Project' (Bod kyi btsun ma'i las 'char), which successfully introduced the geshema degree (dge bshes ma) for nuns and female WeChat groups seeking to inform themselves about and distribute feminist ideas. Finally, my paper will ask if state feminism was, and somehow is always, a hindrance to the development of collectively led feminist movements and political empowerment in Tibetan communities.

My paper will first trace the advent of state feminism in Tibet during the early 1950s with the foundation of the 'Tibetan Patriotic Women's Association' (Bod ljongs rgyal gces bud med tshogs pa), closely linked to the introduction of the Chinese communist regime with its mass organizations. The strong mobilization of Tibetan women during the uprising in 1959 in Tibet led to a split among its members and then to a temporary interruption of state feminism; only many years later, state feminism has been reactivated by two different movements: the 'Tibetan Women's Federation' in Tibet (Bod kyi bud med mnyam 'brel lhan tshogs) and the 'Tibetan Women's Association' (Bod kyi bud med tshogs pa) in exile, both with their respective political agendas. I will then present several examples from Tibet and exile of more individually led projects and actions in favor of women and gender equality since the last twenty years such as the 'Tibetan Nun's Project' (Bod kyi btsun ma'i las 'char), which successfully introduced the geshema degree (dge bshes ma) for nuns and female WeChat groups seeking to inform themselves about and distribute feminist ideas. Finally, my paper will ask if state feminism was, and somehow is always, a hindrance to the development of collectively led feminist movements and political empowerment in Tibetan communities.

My paper will first trace the advent of state feminism in Tibet during the early 1950s with the foundation of the 'Tibetan Patriotic Women's Association' (Bod ljongs rgyal gces bud med tshogs pa), closely linked to the introduction of the Chinese communist regime with its mass organizations. The strong mobilization of Tibetan women during the uprising in 1959 in Tibet led to a split among its members and then to a temporary interruption of state feminism; only many years later, state feminism has been reactivated by two different movements: the 'Tibetan Women's Federation' in Tibet (Bod kyi bud med mnyam 'brel lhan tshogs) and the 'Tibetan Women's Association' (Bod kyi bud med tshogs pa) in exile, both with their respective political agendas. I will then present several examples from Tibet and exile of more individually led projects and actions in favor of women and gender equality since the last twenty years such as the 'Tibetan Nun's Project' (Bod kyi btsun ma'i las 'char), which successfully introduced the geshema degree (dge bshes ma) for nuns and female WeChat groups seeking to inform themselves about and distribute feminist ideas. Finally, my paper will ask if state feminism was, and somehow is always, a hindrance to the development of collectively led feminist movements and political empowerment in Tibetan communities.

International audience ; While male incarnation lineages are well known for the religious, political and social roles they played and continue to play in tibetan societies, not much is known about female lineages, of which there are only very few. a decade ago, the French tibetologist anne chayet raised the question of whether there has been some kind of deliberate restriction on female incarnations, pointing to the fact that several famous historical women are said to have been reborn as men, as was the case for tsong kha pa's mother, shing bza' a chos, for example. 2 another, more recent, instance is the famous rje btsun lo chen rin po che from shug gseb nunnery in central tibet, who indicated that she might reincarnate as a boy. 3 her incarnation was found in 'chi med rdo rje, the son of bde skyong dbang mo from the Phreng ring family. born in 1953, he lives as a layman in lhasa. however, the 14 th dalai lama and the 16 th karmapa have also recognized a female incarnation: rje btsun Padma, daughter of kazi bsod nams stobs rgyas (1925-2009) from sikkim, previously stationed in tibet and former disciple, together with his wife, of shug gseb lo chen rin po che. 4 in the following article, i would like to consider some of the known female incarnations and lineages in the light of results from previous studies of incarnation and the sprul sku tradition. 5 i will then proceed by examining some of them closely in an attempt to determine if it is possible to detect features that may be specific to female lineages.

International audience ; While male incarnation lineages are well known for the religious, political and social roles they played and continue to play in tibetan societies, not much is known about female lineages, of which there are only very few. a decade ago, the French tibetologist anne chayet raised the question of whether there has been some kind of deliberate restriction on female incarnations, pointing to the fact that several famous historical women are said to have been reborn as men, as was the case for tsong kha pa's mother, shing bza' a chos, for example. 2 another, more recent, instance is the famous rje btsun lo chen rin po che from shug gseb nunnery in central tibet, who indicated that she might reincarnate as a boy. 3 her incarnation was found in 'chi med rdo rje, the son of bde skyong dbang mo from the Phreng ring family. born in 1953, he lives as a layman in lhasa. however, the 14 th dalai lama and the 16 th karmapa have also recognized a female incarnation: rje btsun Padma, daughter of kazi bsod nams stobs rgyas (1925-2009) from sikkim, previously stationed in tibet and former disciple, together with his wife, of shug gseb lo chen rin po che. 4 in the following article, i would like to consider some of the known female incarnations and lineages in the light of results from previous studies of incarnation and the sprul sku tradition. 5 i will then proceed by examining some of them closely in an attempt to determine if it is possible to detect features that may be specific to female lineages.

International audience ; While male incarnation lineages are well known for the religious, political and social roles they played and continue to play in tibetan societies, not much is known about female lineages, of which there are only very few. a decade ago, the French tibetologist anne chayet raised the question of whether there has been some kind of deliberate restriction on female incarnations, pointing to the fact that several famous historical women are said to have been reborn as men, as was the case for tsong kha pa's mother, shing bza' a chos, for example. 2 another, more recent, instance is the famous rje btsun lo chen rin po che from shug gseb nunnery in central tibet, who indicated that she might reincarnate as a boy. 3 her incarnation was found in 'chi med rdo rje, the son of bde skyong dbang mo from the Phreng ring family. born in 1953, he lives as a layman in lhasa. however, the 14 th dalai lama and the 16 th karmapa have also recognized a female incarnation: rje btsun Padma, daughter of kazi bsod nams stobs rgyas (1925-2009) from sikkim, previously stationed in tibet and former disciple, together with his wife, of shug gseb lo chen rin po che. 4 in the following article, i would like to consider some of the known female incarnations and lineages in the light of results from previous studies of incarnation and the sprul sku tradition. 5 i will then proceed by examining some of them closely in an attempt to determine if it is possible to detect features that may be specific to female lineages.

International audience ; While male incarnation lineages are well known for the religious, political and social roles they played and continue to play in tibetan societies, not much is known about female lineages, of which there are only very few. a decade ago, the French tibetologist anne chayet raised the question of whether there has been some kind of deliberate restriction on female incarnations, pointing to the fact that several famous historical women are said to have been reborn as men, as was the case for tsong kha pa's mother, shing bza' a chos, for example. 2 another, more recent, instance is the famous rje btsun lo chen rin po che from shug gseb nunnery in central tibet, who indicated that she might reincarnate as a boy. 3 her incarnation was found in 'chi med rdo rje, the son of bde skyong dbang mo from the Phreng ring family. born in 1953, he lives as a layman in lhasa. however, the 14 th dalai lama and the 16 th karmapa have also recognized a female incarnation: rje btsun Padma, daughter of kazi bsod nams stobs rgyas (1925-2009) from sikkim, previously stationed in tibet and former disciple, together with his wife, of shug gseb lo chen rin po che. 4 in the following article, i would like to consider some of the known female incarnations and lineages in the light of results from previous studies of incarnation and the sprul sku tradition. 5 i will then proceed by examining some of them closely in an attempt to determine if it is possible to detect features that may be specific to female lineages.

International audience ; While male incarnation lineages are well known for the religious, political and social roles they played and continue to play in tibetan societies, not much is known about female lineages, of which there are only very few. a decade ago, the French tibetologist anne chayet raised the question of whether there has been some kind of deliberate restriction on female incarnations, pointing to the fact that several famous historical women are said to have been reborn as men, as was the case for tsong kha pa's mother, shing bza' a chos, for example. 2 another, more recent, instance is the famous rje btsun lo chen rin po che from shug gseb nunnery in central tibet, who indicated that she might reincarnate as a boy. 3 her incarnation was found in 'chi med rdo rje, the son of bde skyong dbang mo from the Phreng ring family. born in 1953, he lives as a layman in lhasa. however, the 14 th dalai lama and the 16 th karmapa have also recognized a female incarnation: rje btsun Padma, daughter of kazi bsod nams stobs rgyas (1925-2009) from sikkim, previously stationed in tibet and former disciple, together with his wife, of shug gseb lo chen rin po che. 4 in the following article, i would like to consider some of the known female incarnations and lineages in the light of results from previous studies of incarnation and the sprul sku tradition. 5 i will then proceed by examining some of them closely in an attempt to determine if it is possible to detect features that may be specific to female lineages.

International audience ; Au Tibet, depuis deux décennies, le nombre de monastères de femmes et leurs effectifs ne cessent de croître. D'est en ouest, comme dans les terres d'exil, de nouveaux monastères ont été construits et d'anciens réinvestis. Ces communautés religieuses sont de taille beaucoup plus importante qu'autrefois : alors qu'elles n'hébergeaient par le passé que quelques dizaines de religieuses en moyenne, elles comptent une centaine de nonnes pour la région de Lhasa et plusieurs milliers dans deux campements religieux à l'est du Tibet 1. Devant ce constat, on se demande pourquoi les femmes tibétaines montrent aujourd'hui un tel intérêt pour la vie monastique. Dans cet article, il s'agira d'examiner pourquoi la vie religieuse présente de nos jours une alternative à la vie laïque de certaines femmes, puis de voir quelles sont leurs stratégies. Un point commun qui ressort des études sur les divers monachismes féminins de par le monde est que les femmes embrassent souvent la vie religieuse pour éviter le mariage. Dans certaines cultures, le monachisme était (et est encore) sans doute la seule alternative noble au mariage notamment pour les femmes qui, dans leurs sociétés respectives, sont tenues d'assumer le rôle de reproductrices bon gré, mal gré. Néanmoins, les raisons qui poussent ces femmes, ou les familles à renoncer au mariage de leurs fi lles, varient dans le temps et dans l'espace. Elles diffèrent en fonction de la classe sociale à laquelle ces femmes appartiennent et de facteurs extérieurs comme l'économie, la politique matrimoniale et le système éducatif en vigueur. Aux XVI e et XVII e siècles en France, par exemple, peu de femmes rejoignaient les rangs des ordres car, à cette époque, c'était une affaire coûteuse d'envoyer sa fi lle au monastère. Par conséquent, les couvents accueillaient seulement les fi lles issues du patriciat (Duby et Perrot, 1991 : 123). La prolifération des congrégations religieuses en France de la fi n du XVIII e siècle jusqu'au début du XX e siècle alla, entre autres, ...