When do active citizens abstain from the polls? Civic associations, non-electoral participation, and voting in 21st-century democracies
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political Science, Band 59, Heft 1, S. 220-244
ISSN: 1741-1416
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In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political Science, Band 59, Heft 1, S. 220-244
ISSN: 1741-1416
In: Nueva Sociedad
ISSN: 0251-3552
World Affairs Online
In: Socialism and democracy: the bulletin of the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy, Band 36, Heft 1-2, S. 64-89
ISSN: 1745-2635
In: Latin American politics and society, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 170-196
ISSN: 1548-2456
World Affairs Online
In: Revista de sociología, Band 37, Heft 1
La represión es el resultado de acciones policiales y una herramienta de poder del gobierno para relacionarse con la sociedad movilizada. Ésta ha sido bastante estudiada en contextos anglosajones, pero menos en América Latina y Chile. Por ello, este artículo buscó responder si algunos grupos movilizados son más reprimidos que otros y si los gobiernos de centro-derecha reprimen más o menos que los gobiernos de centro-izquierda. Para esto, se usó una base de datos de 4,856 marchas callejeras ocurridas en Chile entre 2010 y 2019 y se modeló la represión policial hacia los manifestantes usando como predictores los grupos movilizados y la ideología del gobierno nacional, además de algunas variables control. Los resultados revelan que los gobiernos de centro-derecha reprimen con mayor intensidad a los manifestantes que los gobiernos de centro-izquierda, donde la represión es particularmente más fuerte hacia a estudiantes e indígenas. Los resultados se discuten en función de la fortaleza de los vínculos entre movimientos sociales y la política institucional complementando el enfoque teórico de las debilidades, uno de los más importantes en la literatura sobre represión de la protesta.
In: Social movement studies: journal of social, cultural and political protest, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 233-251
ISSN: 1474-2837
In: Social science quarterly, Band 103, Heft 5, S. 1061-1083
ISSN: 1540-6237
AbstractObjectiveThis article seeks to better understand the differences between radical and moderate activists who come from the same mobilization process.MethodsUsing an original survey data of participants in a regionalist movement in Chile, we employed latent class analysis on 15 different tactics. We found support for a radical, a moderate, and a non‐activist profile. Next, we applied multinomial logistic regression models to explain differences both for recruitment (moderate and radical in reference to inactive class) and for participation (radical in reference to moderate class).ResultsThe participants who engaged in radical action were the youngest, the most embedded in activist networks, and those with the strongest perception of self‐efficacy.ConclusionsThese results contrast with previous evidence that associates participation in violent actions with a low perception of efficacy, isolated groups, and behavioral specialization. We argue that these differences derive from the context of our study, which can be equated to the initial phases of a protest cycle.
In: Critical sociology, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 77-96
ISSN: 1569-1632
By examining the demands of labor strikes in the private sector, this article claims that Chilean trade unions have experienced a politization process from the transition to democracy to our days (1990–2019). Assuming a Marxist perspective on the labor process, we propose operationalizing politization into three levels based on the nature of demands: (1) remunerative, (2) related to work conditions, and (3) related to the organization of the labor process. The study regards these three levels as a latent variable ranging from less to more control over the productive process, but, also, as a continuum ranging from more legal demands to more illegal demands according to Chilean labor regulation. The results show an increase of politized demands (i.e. more control and less legality) through the years. This case study sheds light on the consequences of a rigid and ineffective regulation and on the necessity to rethink politics in the workplace.
In: Social movement studies: journal of social, cultural and political protest, S. 1-9
ISSN: 1474-2837
In: Journal of Latin American studies, Band 55, Heft 4, S. 705-732
ISSN: 1469-767X
AbstractThe literature on political participation has consistently found that protest positively and significantly correlates with voting. However, Chile can be considered a deviant case to this pattern. During the last decade, Chileans who participated in street demonstrations were unlikely to participate in elections. What explains this anomaly? We argue that this rupture between participation in protest and in elections results from an effective distancing between social-movement organisations (SMOs) and institutional politics. However, this distancing of SMOs from party politics has not been homogeneous. To examine this heterogeneity, we conduct a comparative design of two cases: the labour and student movements. Based on a mixed-methods study that combines interviews with movement leaders and surveys of protest participants in marches, we seek to highlight the mediating role of SMOs in the promotion of different forms of political participation.
In: Journal of Latin American studies
ISSN: 1469-767X
World Affairs Online
In: Social movement studies: journal of social, cultural and political protest, Band 20, Heft 4, S. 495-502
ISSN: 1474-2837