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The purpose of this paper is to assess the effect of "collective" regional intergovernmental organizations (RIGOs) on global security, national (traditional) and human (non-traditional), of the member states. A total of 12 RIGOs across 222 countries were selected. It has been argued whether the "collective" RIGOs, military or economic, regional or sub-regional, have been effective in enhancing the global security of their respective "individual" sovereign member states. The following 10 variables were chosen as human security: poverty, corruption, unemployment, global food security, income inequality, population growth, human development index (HDI), political freedom, quality of life, and economic freedom. For the national security variables, conflict, military expenditure, and global peace were selected. Based on factor analysis, two global security patterns were found: predominant and peripheral. RIGOs, despite their institutional collectivism, were found not to affect the predominant global security, while their effects on the peripheral global security were found to be spotty. In affecting global security, national or human, RIGO with its collectivism was found not to prevail over individual sovereign member states.

The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it identifies different patterns of economic growth among the 222 countries/territories in the world. Second, it assesses how each of the patterns of economic growth affects quality of life, including human development, poverty level, unemployment, international peace/conflict, and relative deprivation, among others. Several broad patterns of economic growth were found: knowledge‐based, trade‐based, savings‐based, and ethnic‐religiously affected. The knowledge‐based economy was the most predominant pattern, followed by trade‐based. Although the dominance of the knowledge‐based economy does diminish the effect of the "traditional" pattern of the free trade on economic growth, these two patterns are significant in enhancing not only economic growth but also quality of life across the world. This pattern‐analysis aims to group insights from diverse theories of economic growth and variables in a systematic way, and identifies causal relations between the variables grouped under each pattern.Related Articles

Asongu, Simplice A. 2016. "." Politics & Policy 44 (): 97‐134. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12148/full


Lagunes, Paul F. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 802‐826. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00384.x/full


Armijo, Leslie E., and
Sybil Rhodes. 2015. "." Politics & Policy 43 (): 611‐646. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12127/pdf
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Marquardt, Kyle L., and
Yoshiko M. Herrera. 2015. "" Social Science Quarterly 90 (): 689–716. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ssqu.12187/abstract


Borg, Anders. 2016. "6 factors shaping the global economy in 2016." World Economic Forum. Geneva, Switzerland. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2015/12/6-factors-shaping-the-global-economy-in-2016


Klemm, Alexander. 2013. "Growth Following Investment and Consumption‐Driven Current Account Crises." (Authorized for distribution by Dora Iakova.) IMF. Washington, DC. https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2013/wp13217.pdf

There are many patterns of internal conflict identified in the Third World—"economically vulnerable," "politically vulnerable,""heterogeneous‐parochial," and "egalitarian–distributive"—and the sheer variety of these indicates that internal conflict is a complex phenomenon. Yet the literature tends to categorize the major sources of internal conflict in a rather monocausal fashion, often emphasizing its ethnic or religious dimensions. This study argues that internal conflict in the Third World needs to be analyzed beyond singular explanations and shows that if sufficient attention is paid to the variables that comprise each pattern of internal conflict, a more nuanced understanding of internal conflict is possible. National governments in conflict‐stricken countries need to first identify the "correct" pattern of conflict as well as interrelations among the variables that build up each pattern. When and if international or regional organizations address their respective economic and/or political assistance to the conflict‐stricken countries, such organizations should follow suit.

One of the primary differences between the First World & the Third World is the frequency of internal conflict & political violence in many, though not all, of the latter. This paper examines what conditions might lead to such violence. In most less developed countries people suffer from poverty, food shortage, lack of potable water, disease, & inadequate public services such as health care & education. Such things can lead to rioting against the government. In many conflict-stricken Third World countries, ethnic & related religious & racial differences seem to play an important role. Type of political system is certainly a factor, with people rebelling against authoritarianism & lack of individual freedom. This paper conducts a cross-sectional analysis of 140 countries -- both conflict-stricken & non-conflict-stricken -- to ascertain which variables have the greatest significance for the presence of conflict. Lack of political freedom was found to be the most important predictor of conflict, followed by ethnic & racial differences & then religion. Economic factors made a difference but were not strong predictors of conflict. Tables. J. Stanton

Um die Situation der Frauenbewegung in Südkorea zu analysieren, werden zunächst die Rolle der Frauen in der traditionellen Gesellschaft Koreas und der Wandel dieser Gesellschaft beschrieben. Es wird gezeigt, daß durch die formale Bildung Frauen immer mehr Selbstbewußtsein bekamen, daß dann im Rahmen der nationalen Befreiungsbewegung gegen die japanische Kolonialherrschaft (1910-1945) verstärkt wurde. Die Situation der Frauen in der Zeit von 1945 bis 1960 während der Teilung des Landes, des Korea-Krieges und des Umbruchs der koreanischen Gesellschaft wird beschrieben. Die Entwicklung der Frauenbewegung im koreanischen Wirtschaftswunder wird analysiert. Es wird klar, daß die radikaldemokratische Bewegung unterdrückt wurde. Als Tätigkeitsbereiche der Frauenbewegung werden genannt: (1) die Änderung der bürgerlichen Gesetzgebung; (2) die Auseinandersetzung mit frauenspezifischen Mißständen; (3) Kampf gegen den Sextourismus; (4) die wissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung. Die Situation der heutigen Frauenbewegung wird geschildert, an der sich nicht mehr nur die Frauen der städtischen Mittelschicht, sondern auch Arbeiterinnen und Bäuerinnen beteiligen. Die heutige Frauenbewegung wird als ein Bündel von bunten Gruppen dargestellt, deren Inhalte und Arbeitsmethoden sehr unterschiedlich sind. (RW)

AbstractUnlike previous work that shows that processing fluency leads to positive evaluations, the present research demonstrates that processing difficulty can lead to positive inferences of a brand. In three experiments, we show that when a brand acronym is difficult to pronounce, it is evaluated favourably with respect to competence relative to warmth. In contrast, easy‐to‐pronounce acronyms are perceived as similarly warm and competent. We find that individuals perceive a difficult‐to‐pronounce acronym to be more psychologically distant than an easy‐to‐pronounce one. Furthermore, they perceive competence as a more fitting characteristic of a distant brand than warmth is. We find that this relative fit of competence over warmth results in higher competence evaluations. Theoretical and applied contributions of the findings are discussed. Copyright © 2018 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

AbstractThis paper highlights the concept of dignity as the cornerstone that justifies hate speech regulations in democratic societies. In political theory and constitutional law, the primacy of dignity as the moral and legislative justification for regulating hate speech has already been addressed by dignitarianism, especially in the course of debate with free speech advocates. We aim to augment this important claim in the normative literature with empirical data. Specifically, based on our survey conducted in Japan, where its first national anti-hate speech law had only recently been enacted and ordinary citizens were thus less predisposed of the debate, we show that citizens' concerns about the dignity of a targeted victim lead them to support regulations. Our analysis further clarifies the possible mechanisms of the dignitarian rationale, revealing not only the people's public-centered expectation regarding the societal consequences of hate speech, which dignitarians emphasized, but also the importance of more individual-based judgments regarding morality and justice, in shaping their regulatory attitudes.

The government ordered various restrictions to limit the spread of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), thus, affecting the mental health status and lifestyle of people with diabetes. This study identifies COVID-19 effects on mental health problems and unhealthy behavioral changes among patients with diabetes. The subjects of this cross-sectional study were adults aged 19 years or older who participated in the 2020 Korean Community Health Survey. Stress, depression, and changes in unhealthy behavior in diabetic patients (N = 26,839) because of COVID-19 were compared with controls (N = 26,834). The association between stress and depression and unhealthy behaviors among patients with diabetes was investigated. During the COVID-19 pandemic, 20.3% and 4.2% of diabetic patients reported higher levels of stress and depression, respectively, than controls. Diabetic patients showed decreased physical activity and sleep time, and increased smoking. Among diabetic patients, stress and depression are associated with unhealthy behavior changes during COVID-19. Measures to promote healthy lifestyles along with stress and depression management strategies must be implemented for the health care of diabetic patients during the pandemic.