Canada's Social Security Review 1973-75: The Central Issues
In: Canadian public policy: Analyse de politiques, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 456
ISSN: 1911-9917
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In: Canadian public policy: Analyse de politiques, Band 1, Heft 4, S. 456
ISSN: 1911-9917
In: Canadian public policy: a journal for the discussion of social and economic policy in Canada = Analyse de politiques, Band 1, S. 456-472
ISSN: 0317-0861
In: Public administration review: PAR, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 23
ISSN: 1540-6210
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 346-366
ISSN: 1744-9324
Le but du présent article est de décrire le nouveau Conseil du Trésor et de démystifier son rôle et son fonctionnement en décrivant les changements qui ont été apportés à son mode d'operation.Le Conseil du Trésor est le comité du cabinet sur le « Budget des dépenses » et sur la « Politique administrative ». En tant que Comité sur le budget des dépenses, le Conseil du Trésor est chargé de proposer un plan de dépenses qui représente à la fois l'expression des politiques et priorités du gouvernement et résulte en une répartition optimale de l'argent des contribuables en termes de rendement obtenu pour chaque dollar dépensé. En s'acquittant de ces responsabilités, le rôle du Conseil n'est plus exclusif: il est devenu partie intégrante d'un réseau élaboré de comité du cabinet. De même la préparation du budget des dépenses n'est plus un exercise purement arbitraire. Le Conseil fonctionne maintenant de façon beaucoup plus ouverte au sein du cabinet. Enfin le processus budgétaire ne se préoccupe plus primordialement des « inputs » administratifs: il se concentre davantage sur les programmes gouvernementaux et sur leur efficacité.Comme Comité sur la politique administrative, le Conseil du Trésor a la responsabilité de s'assurer que le Conseil des Ministres puisse répondre des mesures administratives de chaque ministère, et de s'assurer également que ces mesures contribuent à l'efficacité de la fonction publique et soient conforme aux standards de probité et de prudence que la population exige du gouvernement.Diverses méthodes peuvent être utilisées pour s'acquitter de cette responsabilité, allant du leadership à la coordination, aux directives, aux règlements et à la fourniture par le Conseil du Trésor lui-même de certains services administratifs et en matières de personnel. Mais quelle que soit la méthode, le but reste le même: s'assurer que le gouvernement puisse s'acquitter de sa responsabilité collective pour le comportement administratif de tous ses ministères.
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique : RCSP, Band 4, S. 346-366
ISSN: 0008-4239
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 18-39
ISSN: 1744-9324
Le dynamique du fédéralisme canadienAu sein de la fédération canadienne, les facteurs d"unité et de diversité sont particulièrement forts. On dispute beaucoup sur leur nature, leur force et leur effet respectif. Les plus fortes pressions en faveur de changements constitutionnels proviennent de la communauté de langue française, jadis repliée sur elle-même, mais dont l'attitude est aujourd'hui plus dynamique et plus ouverte; militent également dans le même sens, l'évolution du groupe culturel de langue anglaise et diverses raisons de nature technologique.Le fédéralisme canadien est aujourd'hui profondément déséquilibré et le conflit entre le gouvernement fédéral et les gouvernements provinciaux va s'accentuant. Un nouvel équilibre entre les forces centralisatrices et les forces de décentralisation est devenu nécessaire. Là-dessus, quatre alternatives s'offrent à l'esprit. La première consisterait à accroître la centralisation, stratégie qui aurait probablement pour effet de provoquer la sécession du Québec et la disparition des éléments « valables » du « pluralisme » canadien. Une décentralisation généralisée, seconde alternative, s'avèrerait coûteuse pour l'économie et dangereuse pour les éléments déjà acquis d"identification nationale. Troisièmement, la formule du statut particulier pour le Québec ou des états associés, comporte les mêmes inconvénients et suppose en plus, de la part des anglophones, une tolérance et une générosité qu'il n'est pas raisonnable d'espérer; en tout cas, le caractère de la société canadienne en serait affecté en des termes possiblement « inacceptables ». La quatrième alternative impliquerait la reformulation du pacte fédéral de manière à permettre l'existence d'un gouvernement central fort et de gouvernements provinciaux, également ou plus forts. Il faut étudier plus profondément les implications de chaque alternative et scruter, en contrepartie, les changements que les Canadiens peuvent supporter, avant de s'engager dans des ajustements soi-disant effectués à des fins d'équilibre mais qui s'avèreraient devenir des forces supplémentaires de déséquilibre.
In: Canadian journal of political science: CJPS = Revue canadienne de science politique : RCSP, Band 1, S. 18-39
ISSN: 0008-4239
"A gripping, twisting account of a small town set on fire by hatred, xenophobia, and ecological disaster-a story that weaves together corporate malfeasance, a battle over shrinking natural resources, a turning point in the modern white supremacist movement, and one woman's relentless battle for environmental justice. By the late 1970s, the fishermen of the Texas Gulf Coast were struggling. The bays that had sustained generations of shrimpers and crabbers before them were being poisoned by nearby petrochemical plants, oil spills, pesticides, and concrete. But as their nets came up light, the white shrimpers could only see one culprit: the small but growing number of newly resettled Vietnamese refugees who had recently started fishing. Turf was claimed. Guns were flashed. Threats were made. After a white crabber was killed by a young Vietnamese refugee in self-defense, the situation became a tinderbox primed to explode, and the Grand Dragon of the Texas Knights of the Ku Klux Klan saw an opportunity to stoke the fishermen's rage and prejudices. At a massive Klan rally near Galveston Bay one night in 1981, he strode over to an old boat graffitied with the words U.S.S. VIET CONG, torch in hand, and issued a ninety-day deadline for the refugees to leave or else "it's going to be a helluva lot more violent than Vietnam!" The white fishermen roared as the boat burned, convinced that if they could drive these newcomers from the coast, everything would return to normal. A shocking campaign of violence ensued, marked by burning crosses, conspiracy theories, death threats, torched boats, and heavily armed Klansmen patrolling Galveston Bay. The Vietnamese were on the brink of fleeing, until a charismatic leader in their community, a highly decorated colonel, convinced them to stand their ground by entrusting their fate with the Constitution. Drawing upon a trove of never-before-published material, including FBI and ATF records, unprecedented access to case files, and scores of firsthand interviews with Klansmen, shrimpers, law enforcement, environmental activists, lawyers, perpetrators and victims, Johnson uncovers secrets and secures confessions to crimes that went unsolved for more than forty years. This explosive investigation of a forgotten story, years in the making, ultimately leads Johnson to the doorstep of the one woman who could see clearly enough to recognize the true threat to the bays-and who now represents the fishermen's last hope"--
Part One: the Early Years of the Twentieth Century -- The Progressive Era Begins: 1901-1912 -- Success and Backlash of Progressive Policy: 1913-1920 -- The Return to "Normalcy" and the Onset of the Depression: 1921-1932 -- The New Deal: 1933-1941 -- Part Two: the War Years, Post-war and Modern America -- War, Recovery and Readjustment: 1941-1952 -- America at Midcentury: 1953-1960 -- The New Frontier and Great Society: 1961-1968 -- Watergate, Distrust and Malaise: 1969-1980 -- Part Three: Polarization, Growing Inequality, and Difficult Choices -- Conversative Dominance: 1981-1992 -- Coming Into the Twenty-first Century: 1993-2000 -- Vulnerable America: 2001-2008 -- Polarized America: 2009-2016 -- Democracy Challenged: 2017-2022 -- The Arduous Road Ahead.
Part One: the Early Years of the Twentieth Century -- The Progressive Era Begins: 1901-1912 -- Success and Backlash of Progressive Policy: 1913-1920 -- The Return to "Normalcy" and the Onset of the Depression: 1921-1932 -- The New Deal: 1933-1941 -- Part Two: the War Years, Post-war and Modern America -- War, Recovery and Readjustment: 1941-1952 -- America at Midcentury: 1953-1960 -- The New Frontier and Great Society: 1961-1968 -- Watergate, Distrust and Malaise: 1969-1980 -- Part Three: Polarization, Growing Inequality, and Difficult Choices -- Conversative Dominance: 1981-1992 -- Coming Into the Twenty-first Century: 1993-2000 -- Vulnerable America: 2001-2008 -- Polarized America: 2009-2016 -- Democracy Challenged: 2017-2022 -- The Arduous Road Ahead.
In: What Everyone Needs to Know Ser.
The United States, through its local, state, and national contests, holds more elections, more often, than any other democracy in the world. But in recent years, there have been troubling signs that our system of campaigns and elections has become much more fragile and vulnerable. This new edition of Campaigns, Elections, and the Threat to Democracy: What Everyone Needs to Know® offers the most up-to-date examination of campaigns, elections, and future threats to voting and democracy.
"This is a sweeping narrative of American Domestic Public Policy-its triumphs, struggles, and failures over the past one hundred and twenty years. In a larger sense, it is a reflection on how the United States has grown and matured, faced challenges and opportunities, and how its federal leaders and policymakers have responded or failed to address pressing problems. Moreover, American public policy addresses the hurdles and challenges that still lie ahead. Four critical questions are posed and answered. First, what were the most significant adversities endured by the American People? Second, what were the landmark domestic policies crafted by the president, enacted by Congress, or issued in Supreme Court decisions? Third, what did the federal policy makers fail to do? Finally, how well have federal policymakers met the challenges facing America: income, inequality, racism, financial crises, terrorist attacks, climate change, gun violence, and other pressures? And what do we still need to do?"--
"This is a sweeping narrative of American Domestic Public Policy-its triumphs, struggles, and failures over the past one hundred and twenty years. In a larger sense, it is a reflection on how the United States has grown and matured, faced challenges and opportunities, and how its federal leaders and policymakers have responded or failed to address pressing problems. Moreover, American public policy addresses the hurdles and challenges that still lie ahead. Four critical questions are posed and answered. First, what were the most significant adversities endured by the American People? Second, what were the landmark domestic policies crafted by the president, enacted by Congress, or issued in Supreme Court decisions? Third, what did the federal policy makers fail to do? Finally, how well have federal policymakers met the challenges facing America: income, inequality, racism, financial crises, terrorist attacks, climate change, gun violence, and other pressures? And what do we still need to do?"--
Voting and participation -- Carving out legislative districts -- Political parties and elections -- Statewide, local, and congressional elections -- Presidential elections -- Money, mega donors, and wide open spending -- Inner workings of modern campaigns -- Direct democracy : ballot campaigns -- How campaigns have changed.