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Numerous studies demonstrate that married women sacrifice their own careers in order to support their husbands' careers by following them as tied migrants, largely independent of their own occupational status. Thus, it appears as if family migration is shaped by the dominant gender roles and gender identities which configure the lives of women and men in married couple families. The motivation for this paper stems from a concern that family migration research has failed to consider that the effects of family migration on the labor-market participation of married women may be contingent on parental status. This research is designed to uncover the individual and joint effects of migration and parental status on married women's labor-market participation. The approach taken in this research is to begin with a very specific type of married couple family—married couple families without children—and to trace how the birth of the first child and migration events independently and jointly determine women's labor-market participation over a 5-year time span. The data for the analysis are drawn from the 1987 through 1992 Family File of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Random effects probit models of labor-force participation and employment indicate a small, short-lived, impact of migration on the employment of married women without children—but for married women with children the negative effects of family migration on both labor force participation and employment are large and endure for many years.

Objectives. This article attempts to directly observe the effect of being a tied migrant on the economic status of the civilian husbands and wives of military personnel in order to confirm whether previously observed trailing‐wife effects are consistent with being a tied migrant.Methods. A sample of the civilian husbands of women in the military and the civilian wives of men in the military are drawn from the Public Use Microdata Sample of the 1990 U.S. Census. Ordinal logit models of labor‐market status and tobit models of hours worked are estimated, which include a migrant status variable.Results. Migration is associated with a 10 percent decline in employment among all civilian wives and a four‐hour decline in hours worked per week among civilian wives who remain employed. Migration is associated with a statistically insignificant but very similar 6 percent drop in employment among all civilian men and a five‐hour decline in hours worked per week among civilian men who remain employed.Conclusions. The results provide solid evidence that being a tied migrant, irrespective of gender, is disruptive to both labor‐market status and hours worked. Thus, the assumption that wives are harmed because of their disproportionate status as tied migrants is supported.

Objectives. This article attempts to directly observe the effect of being a tied migrant on the economic status of the civilian husbands & wives of military personnel in order to confirm whether previously observed trailing-wife effects are consistent with being a tied migrant. Methods. A sample of the civilian husbands of women in the military & the civilian wives of men in the military are drawn from the Public Use Microdata Sample of the 1990 U.S. Census. Ordinal logit models of labor-market status & tobit models of hours worked are estimated, which include a migrant status variable. Results. Migration is associated with a 10 percent decline in employment among all civilian wives & a four-hour decline in hours worked per week among civilian wives who remain employed. Migration is associated with a statistically insignificant but very similar 6 percent drop in employment among all civilian men & a five-hour decline in hours worked per week among civilian men who remain employed. Conclusions. The results provide solid evidence that being a tied migrant, irrespective of gender, is disruptive to both labor-market status & hours worked. Thus, the assumption that wives are harmed because of their disproportionate status as tied migrants is supported. 5 Tables, 1 Figure, 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

This research conceptualises, measures and evaluates the effects of sample selection bias on models of commuting time. Data are drawn from the Public Use Microdata Sample of the 1990 US Census for the Boston metropolitan area. The major finding of the analysis is that the process that determines entry into employment introduces sample selection bias into the estimates of commuting-time models. The degree of sample selection bias observed differs by race/ethnicity and gender on such key variables as marital and parental status and reliance on public transport, because the influence of these variables on employment differs by race/ethnicity and gender. These variables are important for evaluating both the spatial mismatch and the spatial entrapment hypotheses and therefore the contribution of previous analyses should be reconsidered.

There is a growing body of literature on both female and ethnic migration, including the effects of migration on earnings and employment. The primary purpose of this paper is to analyze the effects of migration on the employment of Mexican‐Americans. This paper attempts to answer the question, "what effect, if any, does the migration of Mexican‐Americans have on their employment outcomes?" To explore this question the empirical research is situated within a gendered and ethnic theoretical framework. Using the 1990 Public Use Microsample (PUMS) data for the empirical analysis, the effects are differentiated by gender and examined as to how localized concentrations of coethnics affect the returns to migration, after controlling for migration self‐selection bias. The results suggest migration decreases the employment probabilities for married women with no significant effect for single women or men. Greater percentage of coethnics increases employment for all groups except single women.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- List of contributors -- The book and the series -- Book editors' preface -- PART I: Setting the scene -- 1 Introduction: a more mobile world, or not? -- 2 Understanding the drivers of internal migration -- 3 Studying internal migration in a cross-national context -- 4 Global trends in internal migration -- PART II: In-depth country analyses -- 5 United States: cohort effects on the long-term decline in migration rates -- 6 United Kingdom: temporal change in internal migration -- 7 Australia: the long-run decline in internal migration intensities -- 8 Japan: internal migration trends and processes since the 1950s -- 9 Sweden: internal migration in a high-migration Nordic country -- 10 Germany: internal migration within a changing nation -- 11 Italy: internal migration in a low-mobility country -- PART III: Commentary and synthesis -- 12 Internal migration: what does the future hold? -- 13 Sedentary no longer seems apposite: internal migration in an era of mobilities -- 14 Conclusions and reflections -- Index.

In this paper we explore how family relations influence the migration decisions of partners in dual-earner households. Specifically, we focus on how care responsibilities link the lives of partners, their children, and their parents, and how these 'linked lives' enable and constrain migration. We adopt a grounded theory approach and interview partners in two suburbs of Boston, Massachusetts. The results have two implications for the development of family migration theory. First, as dual-earner households make family migration decisions in the context of linked lives, these migration decisions cannot be understood as either economically driven or care driven, being contextualised by both spheres. Second, the importance of intergenerational links may increase the incidence of return migration of later-life dual-earner households.