Suchergebnisse

Resumen: La concepción de lo político y su representación encarnada en el Estado-nación entraron en crisis después de la Primera Guerra Mundial pero se hizo patente en la década de los años sesentas del siglo pasado. Junto con esta crisis, los supuestos sobre los cuales se sustentaban las estructuras políticas erigidas a partir de ese concepto también se han estado tambaleando, entre ellas la institución militar y su rol político dentro de una sociedad. En esta situación se encuentra Venezuela, planteándose la necesidad de determinar el papel de los militares desde una perspectiva política. Esta discusión ha orbitado en torno a su utilidad, su papel en la historia venezolana, su relación con la política, su rol actual y su futuro. Por ello, vamos a examinar qué refiere la expresión 'militar', a analizar la relación del militar con la política y cómo se ha presentado esta relación en Venezuela, a indagar hacia dónde apunta en la actualidad la discusión del ser-militar en el mundo y, finalmente, a determinar cuáles son sus implicaciones para una Venezuela republicana. El objeto de esta reflexión republicana es tratar de generar las condiciones de posibilidad de pensar el nuevo ser-militar venezolano. En este examen, se concluyó que lo militar es expresión de la existencia de una capacidad productiva dada dentro de una comunidad política de productores y ello no ha ocurrido en Venezuela, precisándose con ello en los actuales momentos de una nueva institución militar, si es el caso, para estar a la altura de las circunstancias políticas del país y del mundo en que vivimos.Abstract: The conception of the political and its representation embodied in the nation-state entered into crisis after the First World War but became apparent in the decade of the sixties of the last century. Along with this crisis, the assumptions on which the political structures erected from that concept were based have also been shaken, including the military institution and its political role within a society. In this situation is Venezuela, considering the need to determine the role of the military from a political perspective. This discussion has orbited around its usefulness, its role in Venezuelan history, its relationship with politics, its current role and its future.Therefore, we will examine, what does the term "military" refer to, analyze the relationship between the military and politics and how this relationship has been presented in Venezuela, to investigate where the discussion of the military-being in the country currently and the world and, finally, to determine what its implications are for a republican Venezuela. The object of this republican reflection is to try to generate the conditions of possibility of thinking about the new Venezuelan military-being. In this review, it was concluded that the military is an expression of the existence of a given productive capacity within a political community of producers and this has not happened in Venezuela, thus specifying in the current moments of a new military institution, if it is the case, to be up to the political circumstances of the country and the world in which we live.

Through an historical analysis of different kind of technical and scientific documents, it has been determinate that environment and local population in Costa Rican Atlantic/Caribbean region, present different issues occasioned by uncontrolled operation of productive activities, evidenced by the existence of an unsustainable ecological metabolism that is affecting the regular reproductions systems of nature and society.Because of this fact, the local population is losing the access to important ecosystem's resources, such as drinkable water. ; A través de la revisión y análisis longitudinal de documentos oficiales, estadísticos, teóricos y técnicos, se logra determinar que en la región Atlántico/Caribe de Costa Rica, las principales unidades productivas mantienen un metabolismo que en algunos casos, sobrepasa la capacidad regenerativa de la naturaleza, debido a que realizan un consumo desproporcionado de recursos y excretan en el medio ambiente, todo tipo de residuos que contaminan y alteran los equilibrios de los ecosistemas.Esta situación afecta directamente el buen estado del medio natural y el bienestar mismo de las poblaciones inmersas, que deben enfrentar dificultades para asegurar su acceso a recursos clave como el agua potable.

Hardt y Negri plantearon un nuevo concepto de guerra cuando consideraron la idea de hacer la guerra contra la guerra. Para evaluar la viabilidad de esta propuesta propongo analizar la guerra como efecto de una conciencia intencional a partir de los conceptos de agresión y huida; analizar el daño como el fenómeno fundamental de la agresión, y por último, examinar el momento de la guerra, es decir, el evento entendido como un hecho que acaece en un espacio-tiempo determinado. Para estos autores el evento comienza con un acto de autovalorización y autodeterminación del ser, pasando por una genealogía de la guerra revolucionaria originada en la indignación que debía terminar con el vaciamiento completo de la estructura del Estado. Dado que la relación afecciones-conocimiento es la clave para la acción política, se observa que ambos autores han acertado de forma razonable en colocar la guerra en el plano de la conciencia sin que hayan podido, sin embargo, establecer cómo la angustia y el miedo llegan a generar un rizoma de guerra que pueda producir un cambio a escala global. Phenomenology of "the war against war" Hardt and Negri have proposed a new concept of war when considering the idea of making war against war. To assess the viability of this proposal, I propose to analyze the effect of war as an intentional awareness from the concepts of aggression and flight; analyze the damage as the fundamental phenomenon of aggression, and finally, consider the time of war, ie, the event treated as a fact that happens in a given space-time. For these authors, the event begins with an act of self-empowerment and self-determination of being, along with a genealogy of the Independence Revolutionary War caused by the outrage which should have ended with the complete emptying of the State structure. Since the affections-knowledge relationship is the key to political action, it appears that both authors have reasonably been wise in placing the war in the level of consciousness; however, without having been able to establish how anxiety and fear come to generate a war rhizome which can produce a change on a global scale.

Junto con los movimientos sociales, las organizaciones sociales en la ciudad de México han sido actores clave en el impulso, dirección y consolidación de los procesos de liberalización y democratización del sistema político mexicano en general, y, en lo particular, de una buena parte de los cambios políticos y sociales acaecidos en la ciudad capital. Más aún, la complejidad de la Ciudad de México y la variedad de los problemas que contiene es, quizás, un indicador de lo variopinto que se presenta al observador el campo y las redes de organizaciones. Sin embargo, son las organizaciones sociales de base, en el sentido de Castells (1988), que, en algún momento de su existencia, ejercen la protesta como forma de comunicación las que en este artículo nos interesan. La pregunta que queremos responder es si estas organizaciones se deben estudiar como organizaciones o como movimientos sociales y, una vez hecha la elección, si esto implicaría decantarse por las herramientas de las teorías sobre los movimientos sociales o de la sociología de las organizaciones. Para esto, se propone un modelo analítico que, en sus líneas generales, observe el caso como organizaciones en protesta, sobre la base de una teoría de los sistemas sociales.

Junto con los movimientos sociales, las organizaciones sociales en la ciudad de México han sido actores clave en el impulso, dirección y consolidación de los procesos de liberalización y democratización del sistema político mexicano en general, y, en lo particular, de una buena parte de los cambios políticos y sociales acaecidos en la ciudad capital. Más aún, la complejidad de la Ciudad de México y la variedad de los problemas que contiene es, quizás, un indicador de lo variopinto que se presenta al observador el campo y las redes de organizaciones. Sin embargo, son las organizaciones sociales de base, en el sentido de Castells (1988), que, en algún momento de su existencia, ejercen la protesta como forma de comunicación las que en este artículo nos interesan. La pregunta que queremos responder es si estas organizaciones se deben estudiar como organizaciones o como movimientos sociales y, una vez hecha la elección, si esto implicaría decantarse por las herramientas de las teorías sobre los movimientos sociales o de la sociología de las organizaciones. Para esto, se propone un modelo analítico que, en sus líneas generales, observe el caso como organizaciones en protesta, sobre la base de una teoría de los sistemas sociales. ; Junto com os movimentos sociais, as organizações sociais na Cidade do México tem sido atores chave no impulso, direção e consolidação dos processos de liberalização e democratização do sistema político mexicano em geral e, no particular, de uma grande parte das mudanças políticas e sociais acontecidos na cidade capital. Ainda mais, a complexidade da Cidade do México e a variedade dos problemas que contém é, talvez, um indicador do heterogêneo que se apresenta ao observador o campo e as redes de organizações. No entanto, são as organizações sociais de base, no sentido de Castells (1988) que, em algum momento de sua existência exercem a protesta como forma de comunicação, as que neste artigo interessam-nos. A pergunta que interessa-nos responder é se estas organizações devem-se estudar como organizações ou como movimentos sociais e quando feita a escolha, se isto implicaria se decantar pelas ferramentas das teorias sobre os movimentos sociais ou da sociologia das organizações para isto propõe-se um modelo analítico que, em linhas gerais, observe o caso como organizações em protesta, sobre a base de uma teoria dos sistemas sociais. ; Along with social movements, social organizations in Mexico City have been key actors in the direction and consolidation of the liberalization and democratization processes of the Mexican political system and its main political and social changes. Moreover, the complexity of Mexico City and the variety of problems in it is, perhaps, an indicator of how diverse it is presented to the observer the field of social organizations. However, this article is concerned in grassroots organizations (Castells, 1988) especially those engaged in the protest as a form of communication. The question to answer is whether these organizations should be studied as organizations or as social movements and, once the choice has been made, if this means deciding between social movement's theories or sociology of organizations. This article proposes an analytical model that looks at the case as organizations in protest, on the basis of a theory of social systems.

Junto con los movimientos sociales, las organizaciones sociales en la ciudad de México han sido actores clave en el impulso, dirección y consolidación de los procesos de liberalización y democratización del sistema político mexicano en general, y, en lo particular, de una buena parte de los cambios políticos y sociales acaecidos en la ciudad capital. Más aún, la complejidad de la Ciudad de México y la variedad de los problemas que contiene es, quizás, un indicador de lo variopinto que se presenta al observador el campo y las redes de organizaciones. Sin embargo, son las organizaciones sociales de base, en el sentido de Castells (1988), que, en algún momento de su existencia, ejercen la protesta como forma de comunicación las que en este artículo nos interesan. La pregunta que queremos responder es si estas organizaciones se deben estudiar como organizaciones o como movimientos sociales y, una vez hecha la elección, si esto implicaría decantarse por las herramientas de las teorías sobre los movimientos sociales o de la sociología de las organizaciones. Para esto, se propone un modelo analítico que, en sus líneas generales, observe el caso como organizaciones en protesta, sobre la base de una teoría de los sistemas sociales. ; Along with social movements, social organizations in Mexico City have been key actors in the direction and consolidation of the liberalization and democratization processes of the Mexican political system and its main political and social changes. Moreover, the complexity of Mexico City and the variety of problems in it is, perhaps, an indicator of how diverse it is presented to the observer the field of social organizations. However, this article is concerned in grassroots organizations (Castells, 1988) especially those engaged in the protest as a form of communication. The question to answer is whether these organizations should be studied as organizations or as social movements and, once the choice has been made, if this means deciding between social movement's theories or sociology of organizations. This article proposes an analytical model that looks at the case as organizations in protest, on the basis of a theory of social systems. ; Junto com os movimentos sociais, as organizações sociais na Cidade do México tem sido atores chave no impulso, direção e consolidação dos processos de liberalização e democratização do sistema político mexicano em geral e, no particular, de uma grande parte das mudanças políticas e sociais acontecidos na cidade capital. Ainda mais, a complexidade da Cidade do México e a variedade dos problemas que contém é, talvez, um indicador do heterogêneo que se apresenta ao observador o campo e as redes de organizações. No entanto, são as organizações sociais de base, no sentido de Castells (1988) que, em algum momento de sua existência exercem a protesta como forma de comunicação, as que neste artigo interessam-nos. A pergunta que interessa-nos responder é se estas organizações devem-se estudar como organizações ou como movimentos sociais e quando feita a escolha, se isto implicaria se decantar pelas ferramentas das teorias sobre os movimentos sociais ou da sociologia das organizações para isto propõe-se um modelo analítico que, em linhas gerais, observe o caso como organizações em protesta, sobre a base de uma teoria dos sistemas sociais.

"As Yossi Sheffi began researching this book, he and his team noticed a gap: not only between companies that pay lip service to the idea of sustainability but do not change their practices, but also between consumers who say that sustainability is important to them but are unwilling to pay more for sustainable products. How is a company supposed to embrace sustainability and environmental stewardship in this climate? Sheffi argues that there are three main reasons for corporate sustainability efforts, and none of them have to do with the actual environment. Pursuing sustainability can help cut costs, reduce risk, and grow a company. These values make sustainability worth pursuing regardless of one's beliefs about climate change and eliminate the false choice between the environment and the economy. This book is built on extensive interviews with executives at leading companies, as well as significant secondary research about what executives, activists, governments, and academics have to say about corporate sustainability. It is rich with examples of sustainability efforts from companies like Nike, Starbucks, and IKEA, and features extended case studies of Dr. Bronner's Magical Soaps, Patagonia, and Seventh Generation"--

Latin America is a diverse place with different cultures, climates and geographical aspects. Although there are still many challenges in the region, in recent decades the context has changed dramatically. In 2012, the region had a population of 581.4 million, GDP equal to USD 5,344 billion and a life expectancy of 74 years, which is close to that of some developed countries (The World Bank, 2014). What's more, Latin America has a highly urbanized population (79%) living in some of the largest metropolitan regions in the world including São Paulo, Mexico City and Buenos Aires. Isolated and rura

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate what hinders businesses to achieve superior supply chain performance and how this knowledge may be used in the process of selection of tailored practices for supply chain management (SCM).Design/methodology/approachLiterature review and secondary case studies were used to identify hinders of superior supply chain performance. A method for the selection of tailored practices for SCM is developed. Case study research is used to validate the value of the developed method for practice and research.FindingsThis research identifies detrimental phenomena that are observed in the management of supply chains: waste, uncertainty, vulnerability, congestion, bullwhip, diseconomies of scale and self‐interest. It develops and illustrates a method for the selection of tailored SCM practices.Research limitations/implicationsThis research did not verify the completeness of the list of phenomena identified. The implementation of the selected practices was not in the scope of the case studies.Practical implicationsResearchers may use the phenomena to study the impact of different practices in the overall supply chain performance, as well as to study the interactions between the different phenomena. Practitioners may use the proposed method as a diagnosis and continuous improvement tool for their supply chain.Originality/valueAlthough the supply chain phenomena have been explored individually in the literature, a holistic approach of the phenomena had not yet been developed to the best of our knowledge. The method developed identifies a set of tailored practices that are in alignment with the context and strategy of the business and decrease the overall effects of the detrimental phenomena.