Suchergebnisse

On July 22, 2011, a bomb went off outside government buildings in Oslo, Norway, killing eight people and injuring more than two hundred. Less than two hours later, a gunman claimed sixty-nine lives in a shooting spree at a summer camp on the island of Ut?ya, while terrified and desperate youths tried to hide or swim to the mainland to escape. Massacre in Norway is the first detailed, hour-by-hour account of the two sequential terrorist attacks by lone-wolf terrorist Anders Behring Breivik. To inform his literary reportage, Stian Bromark compiled interviews with survivors, police officers, gove

Sammelband mit Beiträgen von 6 österreichischen Philosophen, Künstlern und Sprachwissenschaftlern, welche die Inhumanität des Massakers von Utøya am 22.07.2011 von der Perspektive des Einzeltäters Anders Behring Breivik zu einer übergreifenden Dimension lenken: der systemischen Gewalt, die in der Ordnung der westlichen Gesellschaften gründet. Die auf sehr hohem Niveau geführten Analysen und Schlussfolgerungen zur "Monstrosität der Normalität" weisen nach Meinung der Autoren auf ein Symptom, welches auf grundlegende Missstände in der kulturellen und gesellschaftlichen Situation Europas verweist. - Für Metropolen-Hauptstellen. (3)

On July 22, 2011, a bomb went off outside government buildings in Oslo, Norway, killing eight people and injuring more than two hundred. Less than two hours later, a gunman claimed sixty-nine lives in a shooting spree at a summer camp on the island of Ut?ya, while terrified and desperate youths tried to hide or swim to the mainland to escape. Massacre in Norway is the first detailed, hour-by-hour account of the two sequential terrorist attacks by lone-wolf terrorist Anders Behring Breivik. To inform his literary reportage, Stian Bromark compiled interviews with survivors, police officers, gove.

On 22 July 2011 a young man named Anders Behring Breivik carried out one of the most vicious terrorist acts in post-war Europe. In a carefully orchestrated sequence of actions he bombed government buildings in Oslo, resulting in eight deaths, then carried out a mass shooting at a camp of the Workers' Youth League of the Labour Party on the island of Utøya, where he murdered sixty-nine people, mostly teenagers. How could Anders Behring Breivik - a middle-class boy from the West End of Oslo - end up as one of the most violent terrorists in post-war Europe? Where did his hatred come from? In A Norwegian Tragedy, Aage Borchgrevink attempts to provide an answer. Taking us with him to the multiethnic and class-divided city where Breivik grew up, he follows the perpetrator of the attacks into an unfamiliar online world of violent computer games and anti-Islamic hatred, and demonstrates the connection between Breivik's childhood and the darkest pages of his 1500-page manifesto. This is the definitive story of 22 July 2011: a Norwegian tragedy. Aage Borchgrevink is an eminent Norwegian journalist and literary critic. He has worked as an advisor to the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights since 1993 and in 2004 was awarded the Ossietzky Award by the Norwegian P.E.N. Club for outstanding promotion of free speech.

The article deals with three terrorist attacks of right-wing extremists: in Norway (2011), New Zealand (2019) and Germany (2019). First, the modus operandi of perpetrators was shown and the course of each attack was analyzed. It was indicated what tactics the attackers used and why it was or was not effective. Secondly, the ideological background and motivations of the perpetrators were shown. It was possible to analyze the manifestos that the perpetrators left, and thus their way of thinking, their ideologies, and the purposes of organizing the attacks. Thirdly, issues related to the publicizing of the attacks by the perpetrators were shown. The goal of the article is to show that radical ideology of right-wing extremists (expressed in manifestos) leads to tragedies. In analyzed cases radical appointment of the perpetrators caused three deadly attacks. The article shows that the radical actions are preceded by radical speech, expressions, manifestos. The second goal is to pay attention to hate speech (also expressed in manifestos), which is just as dangerous as bullets or improvised explosive devices. The third goal is to show how the attackers used acts of terror to spread the ideologies to which they were devoted.

The article deals with three terrorist attacks of right-wing extremists: in Norway (2011), New Zealand (2019) and Germany (2019). First, the modus operandi of perpetrators was shown and the course of each attack was analyzed. It was indicated what tactics the attackers used and why it was or was not effective. Secondly, the ideological background and motivations of the perpetrators were shown. It was possible to analyze the manifestos that the perpetrators left, and thus their way of thinking, their ideologies, and the purposes of organizing the attacks. Thirdly, issues related to the publicizing of the attacks by the perpetrators were shown. The goal of the article is to show that radical ideology of right-wing extremists (expressed in manifestos) leads to tragedies. In analyzed cases radical appointment of the perpetrators caused three deadly attacks. The article shows that the radical actions are preceded by radical speech, expressions, manifestos. The second goal is to pay attention to hate speech (also expressed in manifestos), which is just as dangerous as bullets or improvised explosive devices. The third goal is to show how the attackers used acts of terror to spread the ideologies to which they were devoted.

"On July 22, 2011, Anders Behring Breivik detonated a bomb outside the Norwegian prime minister's office in central Oslo, killing eight people. He then proceeded to a youth camp on the wooded island of Utøya, where he killed sixty-nine more, most of them teenage members of the country's governing Labour Party. In [this book], the journalist Åsne Seierstad tells the story of this terrible day and its reverberations. How did Breivik, a gifted child from an affluent neighborhood in Oslo, become Europe's most reviled terrorist? How did he accomplish an astonishing one-man murder spree? And how did a famously peaceful and prosperous country cope with the slaughter of so many of its young?"--Dust jacket flap

In the aftermath of terrorist attacks and disasters, public institutions play an important role in re-establishing safety and justice. However, little is known about the importance of institutional trust for victims' potential for healing in the aftermath of mass trauma. This study examines levels of post-terror trust in the police and in the justice system among young survivors from the 2011 Utøya terror attack and their parents. Furthermore, it investigates how institutional trust develops over time among directly affected populations, and whether it is associated with psychological distress. 325 survivors and 463 parents were interviewed face-to-face at wave one (4–5 months post-terror) and 285 survivors and 435 parents at wave two (14–15 months). Levels of institutional trust in victims were compared to general population data from the European Social Survey adjusted for age, gender, and ethnic background. Measures included trust in the police and justice system, post-traumatic stress reactions, anxiety and depression, and quality of life. Trust in the police among survivors and parents was higher than or comparable to trust levels in the general population at wave one, but decreased for survivors and parents at wave two. Trust in the justice system was higher among those directly affected than in the general population, and increased from wave one to wave two. Levels of institutional trust were negatively associated with distress for survivors in both waves and for parents in wave two. Levels of institutional trust were positively associated with perceived quality of life in parents and survivors. Directly affected groups' institutional trust differed from that of the general population following the terrorist attack, although being directly affected did not necessarily imply weakened institutional trust. This study found trust to be institution specific, however, trust in institutions changed with time, and the passing of time might be an important factor in better understanding whether trust will ...

In the aftermath of terrorist attacks and disasters, public institutions play an important role in re-establishing safety and justice. However, little is known about the importance of institutional trust for victims' potential for healing in the aftermath of mass trauma. This study examines levels of post-terror trust in the police and in the justice system among young survivors from the 2011 Utøya terror attack and their parents. Furthermore, it investigates how institutional trust develops over time among directly affected populations, and whether it is associated with psychological distress. 325 survivors and 463 parents were interviewed face-to-face at wave one (4–5 months post-terror) and 285 survivors and 435 parents at wave two (14–15 months). Levels of institutional trust in victims were compared to general population data from the European Social Survey adjusted for age, gender, and ethnic background. Measures included trust in the police and justice system, post-traumatic stress reactions, anxiety and depression, and quality of life. Trust in the police among survivors and parents was higher than or comparable to trust levels in the general population at wave one, but decreased for survivors and parents at wave two. Trust in the justice system was higher among those directly affected than in the general population, and increased from wave one to wave two. Levels of institutional trust were negatively associated with distress for survivors in both waves and for parents in wave two. Levels of institutional trust were positively associated with perceived quality of life in parents and survivors. Directly affected groups' institutional trust differed from that of the general population following the terrorist attack, although being directly affected did not necessarily imply weakened institutional trust. This study found trust to be institution specific, however, trust in institutions changed with time, and the passing of time might be an important factor in better understanding whether trust will generalize across institutions or not. Institutional trust was negatively associated with psychological distress. This finding highlights the potential for institutions to create a healing post-disaster environment.