Suchergebnisse

In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990. ; Pradinėje Europos integracijos stadijoje apie bendrą švietimo politiką nebuvo kalbama. Pirmosios iniciatyvos švietimo politikai koordinuoti atsirado 1976 metais. 1991 metais Mastrichto sutartis galutinai suformulavo Europos Sąjungos švietimo politikos principus. Europos Sąjunga nereglamentuoja i ją įeinančių šalių ugdymo turinio ir švietimo organizavimo principų. Bendra politika įgyvendinama tik per įvairias švietimui skirtas tarptautines programas. Pastaruoju metu i šias programas įsitraukia ir Rytų bei Vidurio Europos šalys. Šioms šalims keliami tam tikri reikalavimai, rekomenduojantys pertvarkyti savo ugdymo programas, mokytojų rengimą bei švietimo juridinę bazę. Toks "dvejopų standartų" taikymas kelia tam tikrų abejonių. Juk Rytų bei Vidurio Europos šalys turi tokias pat gilias, šimtmečius besitęsiančias švietimo tradicijas, kaip ir dabartinės Europos Sąjungos narės. Antra vertus, bendros programos gali padėti paspartinti švietimo reformas Rytų bei Vidurio Europoje.

In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.

In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.

In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.

In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.

Europos Sąjungos aplinkos teisė kaip savarankiška teisės šaka Europos Sąjungoje gyvuoja nuo praėju­sio šimtmečio septintojo dešimtmečio. Aplinkos politika yra viena iš svarbiausių ir aktualiausių Europos Sąjungos politikos sričių. Todėl aplinkos teisei tobulinti skiriamas ypatingas dėmesys. Straipsnyje patei­kiama Europos Sąjungos aplinkos teisės raidos apžvalga, aptariamas šios teisės šakos turinys, aktualūs klausimai, atliktų tyrimų būklė, nurodomos sritys, kurios turėtų būti plačiau analizuojamos ir diskutuo­jamos. Das Europäische Umweltrecht zählt seit dem siebten Jahrzehnten zu einem selbstständigen Rechtszweig. Die Umweltpolitik ist ein der wichtigsten Politikbereichen in der Europäischen Union. Deswegen wird der Vervollkommnung des Umweltrechts die grosse Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet. Im folgenden Aufsatz wird der Überblick des Entwicklungsganges des Europäischen Umweltrechts und der Inhalt dieses Rechtszweiges dargestellt, aktuelle Probleme aufgelistet, der Forschungsstand besprochen, die Bereiche aufgezeigt, in denen man mehrere Forschungen ausgeführt und mehr diskutiert werden sollte.

The aim of this article is to deepen knowledge on the topics of the European Union (EU) regulatory policy of the renewable energy sector as well as the theoretical context and the practical implementation of the renewable energy policy. In order to justify the implementation of the EU regulatory policy, the Directive "On The Promotion Of The Use Of Energy From Renewable Sources" 2009/28/EC was analyzed in this article as one of the examples of the EU regulatory policy. A special attention in the analysis of the Directive was given for the legal obligations for the Member States as well the means and ways to implement these obligations. The legal obligations and the discretion, i.e., the action of freedom, of the Member States were analyzed in the article, as these variables are the main determinants of a particular policy model which should be chosen to apply in the form of a piece of legislation. The main goal of the article is to analyze the mechanisms of the EU regulatory policy and its basic principles as well as its practical implementation. In order to implement this goal, the following tasks were raised: to analyze the theoretical context of the EU regulatory policy; to review the development of the EU energy regulatory policy; to highlight the most important theoretical/conceptual models of the EU regulatory policy; to justify and to substantiate the practical use of the EU regulatory policy models, by analyzing the Directive 2009/28/EC "On The Promotion Of The Use Of Energy From Renewable Sources"; to analyze the case of Lithuania. The analysis of the Memer States' legal obligations as well as the the degree of their discretion (freedom of action), showed that the Directive have a high degree of obligation and even provides certain sanctions for failure to comply with these obligations, hovewer it gives broad opportunities for the freedom of action to the Member States to implement their obligations under the Directive. These variables imply that the Directive 2009/28/EC is based on the so-called new instruments regulatory policy model. As practice shows, Lithuanian renewable energy development lacks the state support as renewable energy development goals are declarative and do not reflect any real efforts of the government. This situation demonstrates that the EU regulation within the energy framework is not sufficient for Lithuania. ; Plačiąja prasme reguliavimo politika yra tam tikra viešųjų politikų sistema. Viešoji politika šiuo atveju gali būti apibūdinama kaip tam tikras valstybių, viršvalstybinių institucijų ar jų pareigūnų veiksmų kursas, skirtas tam tikriems viešiesiems klausimams spręsti. Atsižvelgiant į tai, straipsnyje analizuojamas Europos Sąjungos (toliau – ES) reguliavimo politikos teorinis kontekstas bei praktinės implikacijos atsinaujinančių išteklių energetikos srityje. Ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas Direktyvos 2009/28/EB "Dėl skatinimo naudoti energiją iš atsinaujinančių išteklių" atitikčiai reguliavimo politikos modeliams. Analizuojant Direktyvą siekiama ištirti teisinio įpareigojimo bei valstybės narės veikimo laisvės, vykdant įpareigojimus, santykį. Teigiama, jog būtent šie kintamieji lemia atitiktį tam tikram reguliavimo politikos modeliui.

The topic of research deals with the questions of enforcing of the EC fundamental freedoms in the legal text of the European Constitution. So is oriented the analysis at the written requirements of the "European Constitution. The requirements of the EC fundamental freedoms belong to the obligatory conditions of any European and international transaction. Therefore, it is necessary to analyse the new rules in the European Constitution, but only textual analysis is not enough. The attention must be paid to the examples of application of the EC fundamental freedoms. The final conclusions about the new dimension of the EC fundamental freedoms are, in the author's opinion, early to make. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos problemos sietinos su Europos Sąjungos pagrindinių laisvių funkcionavimo užtikrinimu. Europos Konstitucijoje pateikiamas patikslintas ES pagrindinių laisvių katalogas. Europos Konstitucijos ketvirto straipsnio nuostatoje teigiama, kad Sąjunga garantuoja savo viduje laisvą asmenų prekių, paslaugų ir kapitalo judėjimą, taip pat steigimosi laisvą pagal Konstitucijos nuostatas. Be to, taikant Konstituciją, nepažeidžiant joje numatytų konkrečių nuostatų, draudžiamas bet koks diskriminavimas dėl pilietybės. Diskriminavimo draudimas pilietybės pagrindu -pagrindinis straipsnyje nagrinėjamas klausimas. Europos Sąjungos pagrindinių laisvių veikimo "body politiąue" sąlygomis problematika labai sudėtinga. Manytina, jog siekis nustatyti politiškai ir ne tik ekonomiškai atsakingus, priverstų spręsti pateiktus uždavinius ES suvalstybinimo linkme. Tam tikslui vis dažniau vartojamas "federal interweatment" terminas. Straipsnyje nesiekiama pateikti galutinį atsakymą, kaip spręsti minėtą problemą, nors ir bandoma ES pagrindinių laisvių sistemą palyginti su nacionalinės Konstitucijos reikalavimais. Straipsnyje pabrėžti skirtumai tarp LR Konstitucijos ir ES Konstitucijos norminių reikalavimų.

Gender mainstreaming aims to enable the state to deliver gender-sensitive policy instruments and transform gender relations. It is a widely adapted approach that was developed in transnational networks of women activists, but goes beyond women's policy machinery. Mainstreaming suggests that equal opportunities for women and men should no longer be achieved solely through traditional equal opportunities policies. The article analyses the historical development of gender mainstreaming approach, the promises and pitfalls of the transformative policy. The second part of the study analyses main ideological, institutional, political and legal obstacles to the implementation of gender mainstreaming in different national contexts, including Lithuania. ; Lyčių dėmens integravimo strategija Europos Sąjungoje žymi XX a. pabaigos lyčių lygybės paradigmos kaitą; paradigmos, kuri ilgą laiką apėmė vienodo lyčių traktavimo, lyčių lygių teisių ir galimybių formalizavimą. XX a. antroje pusėje feministinis judėjimas privertė pasaulio bendruomenę iš naujo apsvarstyti lyčių santykį, lyčių ir lytiškumo skirtumus, skirtingas vyrų ir moterų patirtis, jų mąstymą ir savęs suvokimo būdus. Ši strategija - dėl aktyvaus moterų socialinio judėjimo - darėsi neatsiejama ES politinio diskurso dalis. Straipsnyje pateikiamos istorinės ES lyčių dėmens integravimo strategijos prielaidos, analizuojami jos novatoriškumo aspektai ir galimos grėsmės. Analizuojant lyčių dėmens strategijos įgyvendinimo kliūtis įvairiose šalyse, įskaitant Lietuvą, atsižvelgiama į ideologinius, kultūrinius, institucinius ir politinius veiksnius bei savitus lyčių kontraktų tipus, kurie susiformavo dėl šių veiksnių.

Straipsnyje apžvelgiama socialistinių šalių vykdoma demografinė politika. Daugelio Europos socialistinių šalių demografinė politika pasikeitė – ji pasidarė aktyvi, skatinanti gimimų skaičiaus augimą. Ypač sustiprintos ekonominės priemonės – daugiavaikėms šeimoms suteikiama nemenka finansinė parama (vienkartinės pašalpos, priedai už vaikus ir pan.), kuria siekiama išlyginti šeimų su skirtingu vaikų skaičiumi pajamas. Demografinėje politikoje ima vyrauti tiesioginio ekonominio poveikio priemonės: lėšos išmokamos tiesiog šeimai, o ne per visuomeninio vartojimo fondus, per kuriuos jos dažnai paskirstomos netolygiai, be to, tiesioginis išmokėjimas daro didesnį psichologinį poveikį. Vis daugiau šalių siekia sudaryti sąlygas, kad motinos bent iki vienerių-dvejų metų pačios augintų savo kūdikius. Daugelyje socialistinių šalių ypač skatinamas antrųjų ir trečiųjų vaikų gimimas, nes to reikia išplėstinei reprodukcijai. Be ekonominio pobūdžio priemonių, gimimų skaičiui padidinti taikomi įvairūs juridiniai aktai bei auklėjamosios priemonės, skatinamas santuokų skaičiaus augimas.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos 2000 m. gegužės 29 d. Tarybos reglamento (EB) Nr. 1346/2000 dėl bankroto bylų rengimo ir priėmimo metu egzistavusios istorinės ir teisinės prielaidos, turėjusios įtakos pasirink­tai reguliavimo dalyko apimčiai. Europos Sąjungos teisėkūros teisminio bendradarbiavimo su užsieniu susijusių civilinių bylų srityje šiuolaikinių tendencijų kontekste analizuojama Europos Sąjungai suteik­tos kompetencijos reguliuoti bankroto bylas apimtis ir jos sampratos pokyčiai per devynerius metus po reglamento priėmimo. Keliama ir grindžiama hipotezė, kad Europos Sąjunga dar visa apimtimi neįgy­vendino savo kompetencijos reguliuoti bankroto bylas, todėl tikėtina, kad ateityje šio reglamento re­guliavimo dalykas bus išplėstas. Teisinės prielaidos tam yra pakankamos. Reguliavimo dalyko apimties pasirinkimą nulems ir politinė valia. This article deals with legal-historical preconditions, which existed while preparing and adopting Council regulation (EC) 1346/2000 of May 2000 on insolvency proceedings. These preconditions have influenced the choice of the scope of this regulation. The scope of the competence of The European Union to regulate insolvency proceedings as well as the changes of its conception during the nine years after the adoption of this regulation is analysed in the context of recent tendencies of European Union legislative activity in the field of judicial cooperation in civil matters with cross-border implications. Hypothesis, that is raised and reasoned, is: The European Union has not exercised its competence to regulate insolvency proceedings in full amount yet. Thus, in the future, it is likely, that the scope of this regulation will be ex­tended. Legal basis for that is sufficient. The choice will depend on the political will as well.

The controversial war in Iraq has revitalized the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU), which has been stagnant since Maastricht Treaty and the failure in the Balkans. The development of the CFSP is accumulating acceleration: the EU will soon have not only a common market, common institutions and a single currency, but also a common constitution, minister of foreign affairs and even a common army. The leaders of the larger states are especially enthusiastic about a stronger CFSP as a counterweight to the US dominance in the international security affairs. The authors of this article contend that clearly articulated and globally projected CFSP will not be possible unless common European interests stemming from as common European identity and implemented by common supranational institutions will emerge. The impact of the CFSP on Lithuanian foreign and security policy will depend on the pace of European integration in this area and the strength of European identity within the political elite of Lithuania and the society itself. Will this impact be of a positive nature? It will depend on the way Europe will choose: creation of an independent defence structure as an alternative to NATO or development of a cohesive strategic partnership with the US and NATO. In any case, Lithuania will have to constantly seek for a subtle balance between her commitments to NATO, implications of the EU membership and the strategic partnership with the US. In this. [to full text]

The controversial war in Iraq has revitalized the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU), which has been stagnant since Maastricht Treaty and the failure in the Balkans. The development of the CFSP is accumulating acceleration: the EU will soon have not only a common market, common institutions and a single currency, but also a common constitution, minister of foreign affairs and even a common army. The leaders of the larger states are especially enthusiastic about a stronger CFSP as a counterweight to the US dominance in the international security affairs. The authors of this article contend that clearly articulated and globally projected CFSP will not be possible unless common European interests stemming from as common European identity and implemented by common supranational institutions will emerge. The impact of the CFSP on Lithuanian foreign and security policy will depend on the pace of European integration in this area and the strength of European identity within the political elite of Lithuania and the society itself. Will this impact be of a positive nature? It will depend on the way Europe will choose: creation of an independent defence structure as an alternative to NATO or development of a cohesive strategic partnership with the US and NATO. In any case, Lithuania will have to constantly seek for a subtle balance between her commitments to NATO, implications of the EU membership and the strategic partnership with the US. In this. [to full text]

The controversial war in Iraq has revitalized the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU), which has been stagnant since Maastricht Treaty and the failure in the Balkans. The development of the CFSP is accumulating acceleration: the EU will soon have not only a common market, common institutions and a single currency, but also a common constitution, minister of foreign affairs and even a common army. The leaders of the larger states are especially enthusiastic about a stronger CFSP as a counterweight to the US dominance in the international security affairs. The authors of this article contend that clearly articulated and globally projected CFSP will not be possible unless common European interests stemming from as common European identity and implemented by common supranational institutions will emerge. The impact of the CFSP on Lithuanian foreign and security policy will depend on the pace of European integration in this area and the strength of European identity within the political elite of Lithuania and the society itself. Will this impact be of a positive nature? It will depend on the way Europe will choose: creation of an independent defence structure as an alternative to NATO or development of a cohesive strategic partnership with the US and NATO. In any case, Lithuania will have to constantly seek for a subtle balance between her commitments to NATO, implications of the EU membership and the strategic partnership with the US. In this. [to full text]

The controversial war in Iraq has revitalized the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU), which has been stagnant since Maastricht Treaty and the failure in the Balkans. The development of the CFSP is accumulating acceleration: the EU will soon have not only a common market, common institutions and a single currency, but also a common constitution, minister of foreign affairs and even a common army. The leaders of the larger states are especially enthusiastic about a stronger CFSP as a counterweight to the US dominance in the international security affairs. The authors of this article contend that clearly articulated and globally projected CFSP will not be possible unless common European interests stemming from as common European identity and implemented by common supranational institutions will emerge. The impact of the CFSP on Lithuanian foreign and security policy will depend on the pace of European integration in this area and the strength of European identity within the political elite of Lithuania and the society itself. Will this impact be of a positive nature? It will depend on the way Europe will choose: creation of an independent defence structure as an alternative to NATO or development of a cohesive strategic partnership with the US and NATO. In any case, Lithuania will have to constantly seek for a subtle balance between her commitments to NATO, implications of the EU membership and the strategic partnership with the US. In this. [to full text]