Suchergebnisse

В статье подробно анализируются проблемы организации местного самоуправления в Российской Федерации и его взаимодействия с центральной государственной властью. Автор статьи считает, что сильные органы местного самоуправления послужат гарантом от разрушительных потрясений в будущем, позволят создать стабильную демократическую общественно-политическую обстановку в обществе, будут способствовать налаживанию межрегиональных связей. По мнению автора, органы самоуправления призваны стать субъектами реальной политической власти, местное самоуправление, получив политический характер, не должно быть механическим проводником федеральной политики, а непосредственно формировать ее на местном уровне, учитывая особенности развития того или иного региона, его возможности и потребности. В статье кратко описаны принятые в мировой практике три модели местного самоуправления: англосаксонская (английская), континентальная (французская) и советская. Автор статьи подчеркивает: практика многих зарубежных стран свидетельствует о том, что прямое государственное управление на местах может играть в значительной степени позитивную роль в функционировании как местного самоуправления, так и всей политической системы страны в целом. Отмечая относительную автономность местного самоуправления, выражающуюся в выборности местных представительных органов, наличии у них своего исполнительного аппарата, института муниципальной собственности и т.д., автор отмечает, что по сути дела оно функционирует все-таки под контролем центральных властей и в значительной степени интегрировано в государственный механизм. ; The article is devoted to the problem of the organization of the system of local government and its interaction with the central state authority, it is described in detail. The author believes that strong local governments would serve as a guarantee against destructive unrest in the future, would allow creating stable democratic socio-political situation in society, would facilitate the establishment of inter-regional relations. The author believes that local governments should become subjects of real political power, that local government, having obtained political nature, should not be a mechanical implementor of federal policy, but rather directly form it at the local level, taking into account the peculiarities of the development of a region, its opportunities and needs. The three models of local self-government adopted in the world Anglo-Saxon (English), continental (French) and Soviet are summarized in the article. The author emphasizes that the practice of many other countries shows that direct public administration in local government can play a largely positive role in the functioning of both the local bodies and the entire political system of the country as a whole. Noting the relative autonomy of local government, which is expressed in the election of local representative bodies, in owning separate executive office, municipal property institution etc, the author points out that, in fact, it works still under control of central authorities and is largely integrated into the state mechanism.

The Saint-Simon Foundation, an association halfway between the Anglo-Saxon Think tank and the French clubs of co-optation, tried to construct bridges between right-wing politicians and moderate left, industrialists, intellectuals, academic and political ideologists during its eighteen years of existence. Its objective was to be an intellectual project of reform of the society brought by elites that tried to incarnate the common good, in the manner the raised by Pierre Rosanvallon, one of its maximum representatives, in the sense that, the most urgent thing was to produce ideas, to elaborate projects, to formulate diagnoses. The main objective of this article is to offer a general vision of an association —most especially of its aims, working mode and influence that tried to remain a space of initiatives to formulate oriented projects towards a better intelligibility of our contemporary societies be always gathering together intellectuals, high civil employees and industrialists. The idea was to create a space of elaboration of new ways to perceive the social world. And this is what happened: shared visions of society would eventually model a high amount of topics, with conclusions that will become unquestionable evidence in the context of a society in the search of complete homogeneity which will never be scientifically verified nor put into practice. ; La Fundación Saint-Simon, una asociación a medio camino entre los Think tank anglosajones y los clubes de cooptación franceses, trató, durante sus dieciocho años de existencia (1982-1999), de construir puentes entre políticos de derecha e izquierda moderada, empresarios, intelectuales, académicos e ideólogos políticos. Su objetivo sería un proyecto intelectual de reforma de la sociedad traída por unas elites que pretenden encarnar el bien común, en la línea de lo planteado por Pierre Rosanvallon, uno de sus máximos representantes, en el sentido de que, lo más urgente era producir ideas, elaborar proyectos, formular diagnósticos. Este artículo tiene como principal objetivo ofrecer una visión general de una asociación —con especial incidencia en sus fines, funcionamiento e influencia— que, reagrupando siempre a intelectuales, altos funcionarios e industriales intentó permanecer como un ámbito de iniciativas para formular proyectos orientados a una mejor inteligibilidad de nuestras sociedades contemporáneas. Se trataba de auspiciar un espacio para la elaboración y difusión de nuevas maneras de percibir el mundo social. Y así fue: allí se modelarían visiones compartidas de la sociedad que acabarían por abarcar una gran cantidad de cuestiones, con unas conclusiones que —pese a no ser jamás verificadas científicamente o llevadas al menos a la práctica— acabarán deviniendo en evidencias indiscutibles, en el contexto de una sociedad que se quiere plenamente homogeneizada.

La Géographie Politique, après une période de déclin à la fin de la deuxième guerre mondiale, est de nouveau en plein essor. Dans cet article l'auteur analyse les origines modernes de la Géographie Politique ainsi que les raisons de sa crise. Le renouveau récent de la Géographie Politique fait l'objet d'un paragraphe où l'auteur examine les raisons de ce renouveau ainsi que les différentes perspectives existant dans l'actualité. On distingue tout d'abord la Géographie Politique anglo-saxonne s'intéressant à des sujets traditionnels et aussi à d'autres d'ordre "neopositiviste" ou ayant une méthodologie "structurelle", fondamentalement à caractère marxiste. Par ailleurs dans la Géographie Politique française, à côté de perspectives traditionnelles et néopositivistes, une intéressant tendance est apparue auprès de la revue Hérodote et une autre axée sur les rapports entre espace et pouvoir. Finalement l'auteur examine la situation de la Géographie Politique en Italie, Allemagne et Espagne. ; Following a period of decline at the end of the Second World War, Political Geography is again in fashion. In this paper, the modern origins of Political Geography and the causes of the crisis suffered are analyzed. An extensive section is dedicated to the recent revival of the discipline, including an examination of the reasons for this revival and an analysis of the different approaches involved. On the one hand, Political Geography in English-speaking countries involves not only traditional topics, but also topics of a "neo-positivist" nature or with a "structural" methodological base, mainly Marxist in approach. On the other hand, in French Political Geography one finds traditional and neo-positivist approaches alongside an interesting line of study centered on the journal Hérodote, and another approach involving relationships between living space and power. The paper also includes a brief review of the situation of Political Geography in Italy, Germany and Spain. ; La Geografia Política, després d'un període de decadència en acabar la segona guerra mundial, ha entrat novament en una fase d'apogeu. En el present treball s'analitzen els orígens moderns de la Geografia Política, així com les causes de la seva crisi i actual revifalla. En aquest sentit l'autor es refereix en primer lloc a la Geografia Política anglosaxona, emmarcada en un enfoc "neopositivista" i de base metodològica estructural (bàsicament de caràcter marxista), sense oblidar, tanmateix, els temes tradicionals. En segon lloc, en la Geografia Política francesa, junt als enfocaments tradicional i neopositivista, s'ha articulat una interessant línia de treball entorn de la revista Hérodote i de les relacions entre espai i poder. Finalment, es revisa la situació de la Geografia Política a Itàlia, Alemanya i Espanya.

El presente trabajo recorre dos líneas básicas de investigación en las ciencias sociales, con el objetivo de construir un estado de la cuestión con un doble carácter. En primer lugar, presenta diferentes estudios que han advertido cambios significativos en la representación política, mostrando una considerable fluctuación en el comportamiento electoral y una declinación en la membresía de los partidos y en lo que solían ser sus electorados constantes. En segundo lugar, delinea un bosquejo de las discusiones e investigación sobre la militancia política, principalmente del campo académico anglosajón, el francés, el brasilero y el argentino. Esta revisión de dos partes se propone como un punto de partida desde el cual abordar, en posteriores trabajos, las concepciones presentes en militantes oficialistas en Argentina y Brasil acerca de su propio activismo político, en un contexto de intensa fluctuación de las identidades políticas y del comportamiento electoral. El doble carácter de este estado de la cuestión se funda en la idea de que esas condiciones en la representación política impactan sobre los modos en los que estos militantes conciben y llevan adelante su propia actividad política. A lo largo de la presente revisión, por tanto, se resaltan interrogantes y argumentos por parte de autores considerados fundamentales para un desarrollo futuro de nuestras propias hipótesis. ; This paper revisits two basic lines of research within Social Sciences, in order to build a double-character state of the art. First, it presents different studies that have observed significant changes in political representation, showing considerable fluctuation in electoral behavior and a decline in political parties' membership and in what used to be their regular voters. Second, it draws an outline of discussions and research on political activism, mainly from the Anglo-Saxon, French, Brazilian and Argentinian academic fields. This two-part state of the art is set to be a starting point from which to approach, in future work, the conceptions held by government-supporter militants in Argentina and Brazil on their own political activism in a context of intense fluctuation in political identities and electoral behavior. The double character of this state of the art is based on the idea that those conditions in political representation have an impact on the way these militants conceive and carry out their own political activity. Therefore,throughout this review, unanswered questions and arguments by authors that have been considered fundamental for a future development of our own hypotheses are highlighted. ; Fil: Rocca Rivarola, María Dolores. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

The 1973 and 1975 legislation relating to the protection of employment has failed to bring about all of the expected results. It has failed to reverse unemployment which continued to rise. Having been designed and then refined over 35 years by theorists from the French school of employment law, it has burdened small and medium sized businesses by increasing the financial consequences of breach of open – ended employment contracts. Based on the three guarantees system (procedure, legal base and compensation) and strengthened by threshold considerations, it has curbed both the initiatives and expansion of the said businesses due to the psychological effects thereof on managers as well as to the effects thereof on the businesses' economy. We recall the involvement of almost all of the legal professionals and of the political and union representatives, as well as the inability of the business world to evaluate and challenge a phenomenon despite it being ineffectual as regards reducing unemployment as well as other detrimental effects upon business. We complete our review of the literature in this field by considering various practical examples drawn from our own professional experience which latter relates to the effectiveness of the said three guarantees. We recall that the classic paradigm involves a consideration of the employee's situation and an optimisation of the latter by means of laws which protect insiders (via O.E.E.C, Open – Ended Employment contracts) to the detriment of outsiders on fixed term contracts, temporary employees or job seekers. We are determined to reverse this by starting from the basic equation of a business: an individual, an idea, capital, an acceptance of risk. Thus the employment contract comes second. It depends from a logic of costs in which we intend to include all costs relating to employment in France, whether deferred – revealed after the employee has left, at the end of a case in the Employment Appeals Tribunal – or uncovered. Of course, we have differentiated uncovered costs from the notion of hidden costs, which latter are usually linked to the underperformance of a business. We came to carry out this research via Williamson's transactional costs theory, and we have applied it to French legislation (the complexity of which still remains to be addressed by the Anglo-Saxons). It allows us to go beyond those employment costs which are generally acknowledged, in order to uncover other costs which have not been included in any French legal, fiscal or accounting regulations. Sometimes they are even ignored by managers. By drawing a new approach from our experience as practitioner and researcher and from our use of empirical examples, we have established a classification of uncovered costs. It has enabled us to redefine the reality of employment costs, related to a cause, namely to the presence of the employee in the business. However, the effects of the said presence are represented by various costs which are not accounted for in the immediate costs of work, such as operating and management costs relating to employee representative bodies, costs relating to incentive and participation, costs relating to comfort and especially, deferred costs, with the latter stemming from breach of employment contracts. Whether the said breach occurs in the context of a dismissal or it is another type of contractual breach, whether or not the causes are admitted or rejected by the parties (resulting in proceedings and the related imposition by the court of compensation, wages or supplements to wages) the said costs are not included in employment costs resulting from the provision by the employee of services in the context and at the time of his employment. Thus we are proposing a methodology which will take into account the uncovered costs of employment and which will seek to relocate them in the generally acknowledged immediate costs of the employee's work. ; La législation sur la protection de l'emploi créée par la loi (1973 et 1975) n'a pas produit l'ensemble des effets escomptés. Elle n'a pas contré le chômage qui a continué à progresser. Conçue et accentuée pendant 35 ans par les théoriciens de l'école de française du droit du travail, elle a accablé les T.P.E. et les P.M.E. en accentuant les conséquences financières de la rupture du contrat de travail à durée indéterminée. Fondée sur le système des 3 garanties (procédure, fondement et indemnisation), renforcée par les effets de seuils, elle a bridé l'initiative et le développement de ces entreprises tant par ses effets sur la psychologie des managers que par ceux produits sur l'économie de l'entreprise. Nous rappelons l'implication de la quasi-totalité des professionnels du droit et des responsables politiques et syndicaux, de même que l'incapacité du monde de l'entreprise à analyser et s'opposer à un phénomène en dépit de son inefficacité sur le niveau du chômage et de ses effets néfastes sur l'entreprise. Nous complétons la revue de littérature par différents exemples concrets tirés de notre pratique professionnelle concernant l'efficience des trois garanties. Nous rappelons que le paradigme classique consiste à examiner la situation du salarié et à optimiser sa situation par le biais d'une législation qui protège les insiders (en C.D.I.) au détriment des outsiders en contrats à durée déterminés, en intérim ou demandeurs d'emploi. Nous avons résolu de l'inverser en prenant comme point de départ l'équation de base de l'entreprise : un individu, une idée, un capital, une acceptation du risque. Le contrat de travail apparaît donc second. Il dépend d'une logique de coûts dans laquelle nous allons intégrer l'ensemble des coûts du travail en France, différés – apparaissant après son départ, au terme d'un procès prudhommal – ou occultés. Nous différencions naturellement ces coûts de la notion de coûts cachés, généralement liés à un disfonctionnement de l'entreprise. Nous procédons à cette recherche à travers la théorie des coûts de transaction de Williamson, appliquée à la législation française (dont la complexité n'est pas abordée par les anglo-saxons). Elle permet, au-delà des coûts du travail tels qu'ils sont classiquement reconnus, de révéler des coûts qui ne sont pas intégrés par les règles légales, fiscales ou comptables françaises. Ils sont même parfois ignorés des dirigeants. En dégageant de notre expérience de praticien chercheur et des exemples empiriques développés une approche nouvelle, nous établissons une nomenclature des coûts éludés. Elle nous permet de rétablir la réalité du coût du travail, lié à une cause, la présence du salarié dans l'entreprise. Mais les effets de cette présence se manifestent pas différentes charges qui ne sont pas comptabilisés dans le coût immédiat du travail, telles que le coût de fonctionnement et de gestion des institutions représentatives du personnel, le coût de l'intéressement et de la participation, les coûts de confort et surtout, les coûts différés, résultant de la rupture du contrat de travail. Que cette rupture intervienne dans le cadre d'un licenciement ou d'une rupture conventionnelle, que les causes en soient admises ou récusées par les parties (ce qui conduit au procès et à la fixation des indemnités, salaires ou accessoires de salaire par décision de justice) ces coûts ne sont pas inclus dans le coûts du travail résultant sur l'instant de la prestation du salarié dans l'emploi. Nous proposons une méthodologie pour prendre en considération des coûts occultés et les réintégrer dans le coût du travail immédiat d'un salarié.

The 1973 and 1975 legislation relating to the protection of employment has failed to bring about all of the expected results. It has failed to reverse unemployment which continued to rise. Having been designed and then refined over 35 years by theorists from the French school of employment law, it has burdened small and medium sized businesses by increasing the financial consequences of breach of open – ended employment contracts. Based on the three guarantees system (procedure, legal base and compensation) and strengthened by threshold considerations, it has curbed both the initiatives and expansion of the said businesses due to the psychological effects thereof on managers as well as to the effects thereof on the businesses' economy. We recall the involvement of almost all of the legal professionals and of the political and union representatives, as well as the inability of the business world to evaluate and challenge a phenomenon despite it being ineffectual as regards reducing unemployment as well as other detrimental effects upon business. We complete our review of the literature in this field by considering various practical examples drawn from our own professional experience which latter relates to the effectiveness of the said three guarantees. We recall that the classic paradigm involves a consideration of the employee's situation and an optimisation of the latter by means of laws which protect insiders (via O.E.E.C, Open – Ended Employment contracts) to the detriment of outsiders on fixed term contracts, temporary employees or job seekers. We are determined to reverse this by starting from the basic equation of a business: an individual, an idea, capital, an acceptance of risk. Thus the employment contract comes second. It depends from a logic of costs in which we intend to include all costs relating to employment in France, whether deferred – revealed after the employee has left, at the end of a case in the Employment Appeals Tribunal – or uncovered. Of course, we have differentiated uncovered costs from the notion of hidden costs, which latter are usually linked to the underperformance of a business. We came to carry out this research via Williamson's transactional costs theory, and we have applied it to French legislation (the complexity of which still remains to be addressed by the Anglo-Saxons). It allows us to go beyond those employment costs which are generally acknowledged, in order to uncover other costs which have not been included in any French legal, fiscal or accounting regulations. Sometimes they are even ignored by managers. By drawing a new approach from our experience as practitioner and researcher and from our use of empirical examples, we have established a classification of uncovered costs. It has enabled us to redefine the reality of employment costs, related to a cause, namely to the presence of the employee in the business. However, the effects of the said presence are represented by various costs which are not accounted for in the immediate costs of work, such as operating and management costs relating to employee representative bodies, costs relating to incentive and participation, costs relating to comfort and especially, deferred costs, with the latter stemming from breach of employment contracts. Whether the said breach occurs in the context of a dismissal or it is another type of contractual breach, whether or not the causes are admitted or rejected by the parties (resulting in proceedings and the related imposition by the court of compensation, wages or supplements to wages) the said costs are not included in employment costs resulting from the provision by the employee of services in the context and at the time of his employment. Thus we are proposing a methodology which will take into account the uncovered costs of employment and which will seek to relocate them in the generally acknowledged immediate costs of the employee's work. ; La législation sur la protection de l'emploi créée par la loi (1973 et 1975) n'a pas produit l'ensemble des effets escomptés. Elle n'a pas contré le chômage qui a continué à progresser. Conçue et accentuée pendant 35 ans par les théoriciens de l'école de française du droit du travail, elle a accablé les T.P.E. et les P.M.E. en accentuant les conséquences financières de la rupture du contrat de travail à durée indéterminée. Fondée sur le système des 3 garanties (procédure, fondement et indemnisation), renforcée par les effets de seuils, elle a bridé l'initiative et le développement de ces entreprises tant par ses effets sur la psychologie des managers que par ceux produits sur l'économie de l'entreprise. Nous rappelons l'implication de la quasi-totalité des professionnels du droit et des responsables politiques et syndicaux, de même que l'incapacité du monde de l'entreprise à analyser et s'opposer à un phénomène en dépit de son inefficacité sur le niveau du chômage et de ses effets néfastes sur l'entreprise. Nous complétons la revue de littérature par différents exemples concrets tirés de notre pratique professionnelle concernant l'efficience des trois garanties. Nous rappelons que le paradigme classique consiste à examiner la situation du salarié et à optimiser sa situation par le biais d'une législation qui protège les insiders (en C.D.I.) au détriment des outsiders en contrats à durée déterminés, en intérim ou demandeurs d'emploi. Nous avons résolu de l'inverser en prenant comme point de départ l'équation de base de l'entreprise : un individu, une idée, un capital, une acceptation du risque. Le contrat de travail apparaît donc second. Il dépend d'une logique de coûts dans laquelle nous allons intégrer l'ensemble des coûts du travail en France, différés – apparaissant après son départ, au terme d'un procès prudhommal – ou occultés. Nous différencions naturellement ces coûts de la notion de coûts cachés, généralement liés à un disfonctionnement de l'entreprise. Nous procédons à cette recherche à travers la théorie des coûts de transaction de Williamson, appliquée à la législation française (dont la complexité n'est pas abordée par les anglo-saxons). Elle permet, au-delà des coûts du travail tels qu'ils sont classiquement reconnus, de révéler des coûts qui ne sont pas intégrés par les règles légales, fiscales ou comptables françaises. Ils sont même parfois ignorés des dirigeants. En dégageant de notre expérience de praticien chercheur et des exemples empiriques développés une approche nouvelle, nous établissons une nomenclature des coûts éludés. Elle nous permet de rétablir la réalité du coût du travail, lié à une cause, la présence du salarié dans l'entreprise. Mais les effets de cette présence se manifestent pas différentes charges qui ne sont pas comptabilisés dans le coût immédiat du travail, telles que le coût de fonctionnement et de gestion des institutions représentatives du personnel, le coût de l'intéressement et de la participation, les coûts de confort et surtout, les coûts différés, résultant de la rupture du contrat de travail. Que cette rupture intervienne dans le cadre d'un licenciement ou d'une rupture conventionnelle, que les causes en soient admises ou récusées par les parties (ce qui conduit au procès et à la fixation des indemnités, salaires ou accessoires de salaire par décision de justice) ces coûts ne sont pas inclus dans le coûts du travail résultant sur l'instant de la prestation du salarié dans l'emploi. Nous proposons une méthodologie pour prendre en considération des coûts occultés et les réintégrer dans le coût du travail immédiat d'un salarié.

There were 300,000 students in France in 1968, 1.5 million in 2000, there were 2.6 million in 2019. Beyond this quantitative growth, there is a significant diversification in terms of social origin and to the academic path of students enrolled in higher education. This democratization has contributed to the development of a student sociology in France that continues to diversify its objects, terrains and paradigms. If the founding work of Bourdieu and Passeron on the reproduction of social inequalities in higher education has dominated academic research for a long time, the new lines of research on the relation to knowledge and the perspective of learning, socialization, student career, student temporality, the effects of academic context or gender widened the area of a sociology that has undergone a major evolution and has become plural for five decades. The new French research on students was also inspired by research approaches already developed in Anglo-Saxon countries. The place given to the student, his / her experience and subjectivity according to his/her social and academic origin is a major issue in sociological research. The analysis of the theoretical and methodological issues raised by the evolution of the sociology of the student in France makes it possible to examine the divergences and the convergences of the critical debates between the researchers. ; Il y avait 300 000 étudiants en France en 1968, 1,5 million en 2000, il y en a eu 2,6 millions en 2019. Il ne s'agit pas uniquement d'une croissance démographique quantitative car la population étudiante a connu une diversification importante sur le plan social et scolaire. Cette massification a largement contribué à la naissance et au développement d'une sociologie de l'étudiant en France qui ne cesse de se diversifier en ce qui concerne ses objets, ses terrains et ses paradigmes. Si le travail fondateur de Bourdieu et de Passeron sur la reproduction des inégalités sociales dans l'enseignement supérieur a longuement dominé la recherche académique en France, de nouveaux axes de recherche ont élargi les périmètres d'une sociologie qui a connu une évolution importante. Depuis cinq décennies, la sociologie de l'étudiant est devenue plurielle en s'intéressant notamment au rapport au savoir et la perspective d'apprentissage, à l'intégration académique et sociale, au métier d'étudiant, à la culture et à la temporalité étudiante, aux effets de l'environnement d'études sur le parcours étudiant. Un nœud critique dans les travaux sociologiques concerne la place accordée à l'étudiant, à son expérience et à sa subjectivité au regard de son origine sociale et scolaire. L'analyse des enjeux théoriques et méthodologiques soulevés par l'évolution de la sociologie de l'étudiant en France permet d'examiner les divergences et les convergences qui perdurent au sein des débats critiques entre les chercheurs. ; Havia 300 mil estudantes na França em 1968, 1,5 milhões em 2000, e em 2019, 2,6 milhões. Não se trata apenas de um crescimento quantitativo, uma vez que a população estudantil conheceu uma diversificação social e escolar importante. Esta massificação contribuiu para o desenvolvimento de uma sociologia do estudante na França que não pára de se diversificar no que diz respeito aos seus objetos, aos seus campos e aos seus paradigmas. Se o trabalho fundador de Bourdieu e de Passeron sobre a reprodução das desigualdades sociais no ensino superior dominou longamente a investigação acadêmica, os novos eixos de investigação sobre a relação com o saber e a perspectiva de aprendizagem, a socialização, a profissão de estudante, a temporalidade estudantil, os efeitos do ambiente de estudos sobre o percurso estudantil ou o gênero ampliaram o perímetro de uma sociologia que conheceu uma evolução importante e que se tornou plural há cinco décadas. A investigação francesa sobre os estudantes inspirou-se nas temáticas de investigações já desenvolvidas no mundo anglo-saxônico. Um nó crítico nos trabalhos sociológicos diz respeito ao lugar atribuído ao estudante, a sua experiência e a sua subjetividade em relação a sua origem social e escolar. O texto refere-se aos trabalhos de investigação recentes sobre a aprendizagem estudantil e a integração acadêmica e social para analisar os desafios teóricos e metodológicos e os conceitos mobilizados nos trabalhos sociológicos. Trata-se de analisar as convergências e as divergências dos debates críticos sobre esta temática.

Operación Urbana Consorciada es un instituto de derecho urbanístico brasileño promulgado en 2001 en la Ley Federal 10.257, bajo la influencia de dos matrices teóricas: la francesa y la angloamericana. El instituto actúa por primera vez en 2009 en la ciudad de Río de Janeiro, en el área portuaria, en el proyecto "Porto Maravilha", con más de 800 hectáreas. En 2013 los mismos emprendedores, por una parte, replicaron este proyecto en el área central del municipio vecino, Niterói, con la finalidad de generar al gobierno ingresos de alrededor de mil millones de reales con la venta de Certificados de Potencial Adicional de Construcción (Cepac) de 1.200.000 m2, y por otra, financiar la campaña electoral de 2012. Se pretende demostrar cómo este caso se aleja del referencial teórico del instituto, por subvertir su finalidad. Finalmente, el gobierno municipal, para diluir la resistencia al proyecto, limitó el potencial constructivo al 60% de lo permitido en el Plan Director, induciendo así el costo per cápita de la infraestructura a casi el doble en relación a aquel potencial máximo, además de mostrar la inseguridad jurídica. Por este motivo, mantenerse en el área quedaría muy difícil para aquellas familias con ingresos mensuales de hasta 2 salarios (40% de la población actual del área), evidenciándose que la elitización del área central de la ciudad no sería el mero impacto social del emprendimiento, sino la verdadera finalidad de la propia iniciativa de los socios privados del gobierno municipal. ; Consortium Urban Operation is an institute of Brazilian urban planning law, which was enacted in 2001 by Federal Law 10.257, under the influence of two theoretical matrices: French and Anglo-American. In the city of Rio de Janeiro, the first time the institute is applied is in 2009, in the port area, in the project "Porto Maravilha", with more than 800 hectares. In 2013, the same entrepreneurs replicated the project in the central area of the neighboring municipality, Niterói, in order to generate to the government, whose 2012 electoral campaign was financed by them, a revenue of around R$ 1 billion by sale of Certificates of Additional Building Potential (Cepac, in portuguese) of 1,200,000 m2. It is intended to demonstrate how this case distances itself from the theoretical reference of the institute, by subverting its purpose. After all, the municipal government, in order to reduce the social resistance to the project, limited the building potential to 60% of what is allowed in the Master Plan, thus inducing the per capita cost of infrastructure to almost double that maximum potential, in addition to legal uncertainty. For this reason, staying in the area would be very difficult for those families with a monthly income of up to 2 wages (40% of the current population of the area), showing that the elitisation of the central area of the city would not be mere social impact of the development, but the true purpose of the initiative of the private partners of the municipal government. ; Operação Urbana Consorciada é instituto do direito urbanístico brasileiro positivado em 2001 na Lei Federal 10.257, sob influência de duas matrizes teóricas: francesa e anglo-americana. Na cidade do Rio de Janeiro a primeira vez em que se aplica o instituto é em 2009, na área portuária, no projeto "Porto Maravilha", com mais de 800 hectares. Em 2013 os mesmos empreendedores replicaram o projeto na área central do município vizinho, Niterói, com a finalidade de gerar ao governo, cuja campanha eleitoral de 2012 foi por eles financiada, receita em torno de R$1 bilhão com a venda de Certificados de Potencial Adicional de Construção (Cepac) de 1.200.000 m2. Pretende- se demonstrar como esse caso distancia-se do referencial teórico do instituto, por subverter sua finalidade. Afinal, o governo municipal, para diminuir resistência ao projeto, limitou o potencial construtivo a 60% do permitido no Plano Diretor, induzindo, assim, o custo per capita da infraestrutura a quase o dobro em relação àquele potencial máximo, além de insegurança jurídica. Por esse motivo, manter-se na área ficaria muito difícil para aquelas famílias com renda mensal de até 2 salários (40% da população atual da área), evidenciando-se que a elitização da área central da cidade não seria mero impacto social do empreendimento, mas a verdadeira finalidade da iniciativa dos parceiros privados do governo municipal.

Este estudo investiga quais fatores culturais, sociais, políticos e econômicos influenciam na adoção das Normas Internacionais de Contabilidade Aplicadas ao Setor Público (International Public Sector Accounting Standards - IPSAS) pelos países. Com base em informações disponibilizadas pela IFAC (2007) e Deloitte (2013) foram analisadas e segregadas as diferentes posições tomadas pelos países, como adoção por completo das IPSAS; sinalização de intenção de adoção; adoção parcial pelo regime de caixa (Cash-Basis) das IPSAS; e adoção do regime de competência com base nas IPSAS. Os fatores levantados foram PIB per capita; número de habitantes; não adoção das IFRS (International Financial Reporting Standard) pelos países; índice de percepção da corrupção; origem do sistema legal; e dimensões culturais de Hofstede (2015), coletados entre 1995 e 2013 de 214 países, inicialmente. Na abordagem metodológica é aplicado modelo de regressão logística (logit) baseado em Clements, Neill e Stovall (2010), adaptando para dados em painel com efeitos aleatórios. Os resultados indicam que países que têm a intenção de adotar as IPSAS podem ser explicados pela variação positiva das variáveis PIB per capita, quantidade de habitantes, origem de sistema legal anglo-saxão, socialista e francês, e pela variação negativa das variáveis culturais: individualismo e indulgência. Em outro teste realizado, foi detectado que os países que adotaram parcialmente as IPSAS, com aplicação do regime de competência, podem ser explicados pela variação positiva das variáveis PIB per capita, quantidade de habitantes e pela cultura individualista de uma sociedade; e pela variação negativa do índice de percepção da corrupção, origem de sistema legal escandinavo e variáveis culturais: masculinidade e orientação a longo prazo. A regressão logística que uni qualquer interesse pelas IPSAS mostrou que os países de origem socialista e com culturas com pouca desigualdade social, menos aversão à incerteza e poucos pragmáticos podem justificar tal escolha. Houve também uma relação positiva com o número de habitantes e o PIB per capita, que sugere que países mais populosos e desenvolvidos tendem adotar as IPSAS. As outras regressões logísticas testadas não permitiram inferência estatística. Ainda, em nenhuma regressão testada, houve comprovação de dependência entre a não permissão do IFRS pelos países com a não adoção das IPSAS. ; This study investigates which cultural, social, political and economic factors influence the adoption of International Financial Reporting Standards Applied to the Public Sector (International Public Sector Accounting Standards - IPSAS) by countries. Based on information provided by IFAC (2007) and Deloitte (2013) the different positions were analyzed and segregated taken by countries such as adoption of IPSAS completely; signaling intent to adopt; Partial adoption on a cash basis (Cash Basis) IPSAS; and adoption of the accrual basis based on IPSAS. The factors were raised GDP per capita; number of inhabitants; non-adoption of IFRS (International Financial Reporting Standards) by the countries; perception index of corruption; origin of the legal system; and cultural dimensions of Hofstede (2015), collected between 1995 and 2013 for 214 countries, initially. The methodological approach is applied logistic regression model (logit) based on Clements, Neill and Stovall (2010), adapted for panel data with random effects. The results indicate that countries that intend to adopt IPSAS can be explained by the positive variation of the variables GDP per capita, number of inhabitants, the origin of Anglo-Saxon legal system, socialist and French, and the negative variation of cultural variables: individualism and indulgence. In another test conducted, it was found that countries that have partially adopted the IPSAS, applying the accrual basis can be explained by the positive variation of the variables GDP per capita, number of inhabitants and the individualistic culture of a company; and the negative variation of the variables of the Corruption Perceptions Index, Scandinavian legal system of origin and cultural variables: masculinity and long-term orientation. As a complement, logistic regression that uni any interest in IPSAS showed that socialist countries of origin and cultures with little social inequality, less uncertainty avoidance and pragmatic few can justify such a choice. There was also a positive relationship with the number of inhabitants and GDP per capita, which suggests that more populated and developed countries tend to adopt IPSAS. The other tested logistic regressions did not allow statistical inference. Still, in any regression tested, there was evidence of dependency between the IFRS not allowed by the countries with the non-adoption of IPSAS.

Book Reviews in This Article:M. I. Finley. A History of Sicily: Ancient Sicily to the Arab Conquest.K. D. White. Agricultural Implements of the Roman World.A. Ya Gurevich. Svobodnoye Krestyanstvo Feodal'noi Norvegii [The Free Peasantry of Feudal Norway].STADTARGHIV NÜRNBERG. Beiträge zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Nürnbergs.Hedwig Pavelka. Englisch‐österreichische Wirtschaftsbeziehungen in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts.Richard F. Kuisel. Ernest Mercier, French Technocrat.J. Lestocquoy. Etudes ? histoire urbaine. Villes et abbayes: Arras au moyen dge.R. E. F. Smith. The Enserfment of the Russian Peasantry.M. Lewin. Russian Peasants and Soviet Power: A Study of Collectivisation.Rondo Cameron and others. Banking in the Early Stages of Industrialization: A Study in Comparative Economic History.R. N. GHOSH. Classical Macroeconomics and the Case for Colonies.Ross Duncan. The Northern Territory Pastoral Industry, 1863‐1910.Leslie Clement Duly. British Land Policy at the Cape, 1795‐1844: A Study of Administrative Procedure in the Empire.J. S. Furnivall. Netherlands India: A Study in Plural Economy. With an introduction by Jonkheer mr A. C. D. de Graeff, Governor of Netherlands India, 1926‐31.N. M. Farriss. Crown and Clergy in Colonial Mexico, 1759‐1821: The Crisis of Ecclesiastical Privilege.David Chaplin. The Peruvian Industrial Labor Force.Richard Graham. Britain and the Onset of Modernization in Brazil, 1850‐1914.P. M. Holt (Ed.). Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt: Historical Studies from the Ottoman Conquest to the United Arab Republic.Joe G. Ashby. Organized Labor and the Mexican Revolution under Ldzaro Cardenas.Harold Perkin. The Origins of Modern English Society, 1780‐1880.W. H. B. COURT. Scarcity andChoice in History.M. M. Oppenheim. The Maritime History of Devon.Doris Mary Stenton (Ed.). Preparatory to Anglo‐Saxon England: Being the Collected Papers of Frank Merry Stenton.Mary Dewar (Ed.). A Discourse of the Commonweal of This Realm of England Attributed to Sir Thomas Smith.Richard C. Barnett. Place, Profit, and Power: A Study of the Servants of William Cecil, Elizabethan Statesman.F. G. Emmison. Tudor Secretary: Sir William Petre at Court and Home.Perez Zagorin. The Court and the Country: The Beginning of the English Revolution.Francis W. Steer. Farm and Cottage Inventories of Mid‐Essex, 1635 to.Rhodes Boyson. The Ashworth Cotton Enterprise: The Rise and Fall of a Family Firm, 1818‐1880.Alan Rogers (Ed.). Stability and Change. Some Aspects of North and South Rauceby in the Nineteenth Century.L. K. Young. British Policy in China, 1895‐1902.Philippe Huet. Politique économique de la Grande Bretagne depuis 1945.Robert Fossier. La terre et les hommes en Picardie jusqu'à la fin du XIII e siècle.Bronislaw Geremek. Le salariat dans ľ artisanatparisien aux XIIIe‐XVe siècles: étude sur la main ? auvre au moyen âge.Jacques Payen. Capital et machine à vapeur au XVIII sièle: les Frires Périer et ľ introduction de la machine à vapeur en France.Fernand Leleux. A ľ aube du capitalisme et de la révolution industrielle: Liévin Bauwens, indvstrielgantois.Marthe Barbance. Vie commerciale de la route du cap Horn au XIXe siècle: ľ'armement A. D. Bordesetfds.Jean Vidaleng. La Société Française de 1815 à 184.8: le peuple des campagnes.Pierre Sorlin.LaSociété Française. 1:1840‐1914.Raymond Poidevin. Les relations internationales et financières entre la France el ľ Allemagne de 1898 à 1914.J. P. Mockers. Croissances konomiques comparees: Allemagne, France, Royaume Uni, 1950‐1967, essai d'analyse structurale.Collogue franco‐suisse d'histoire économique et sociale.L. A. Boiteux. La fortune de mer, le besoin de sécurité et les débuts de ľ assurance maritime.Walter Endrei. L'évolution des techniques du filage et du tissage du moyen âge à la Révoultion française.Etienne Fournial. Les villes et ľéconomie ?échange en Forez aux XIIIe et XIVe siécles.André Bocquet. Recherches sur la population rurale de ľ Artois et du Boulonnais pendant la periode bourguignonne (1384‐1477).BARTOLOMÉ Bennassar. Recherches sur les grandes épidémies dans le nord de ľ Espagne à la fin du XVIe siècle.Davis Bitton. The French Nobility in Crisis, 1560‐1640.Jean Weiller. Echanges extérieurs etpolitique commerciale de la France depuis 1870.Sylviane Guillaumont‐Jeanneney. Politique monétaire et croissance économique de la France.Mileta Obradovitch. Les effets de la devaluationfrangaise de 1958.Bernard Dezert. Lacroissance industrielle et urbaine de laporte.

Проводится анализ становления и развития институтов невозможности исполнения обязательства в Турции, Швейцарии, Германии и России. Исследование позволяет заключить: в гражданском законодательстве Турции нашла закрепление и продолжает развиваться заимствованная из швейцарского гражданского права и критикуемая современной европейской цивилистикой пандектная модель рассматриваемого института, от которой в 2002 г. отказался немецкий законодатель и лишь отдельные элементы которой реализованы в ГК РФ. ; The article is devoted to comparative analysis of creation and development of the institutions of impossibility of performance of an obligation in Turkish, Swiss, German and Russian law. Amendments to Russian Civil Code in relation to impossibility of performance which came into force on June, 1 2015 are estimated. Author gives the recommendations for the future development of Russian institution of impossibility of performance taking into consideration the results of the same institutions' reforms in Turkish and German law dated 2012 and 2002, respectively, and current reform of Swiss Code of Obligations. This research is relevant due to features of studies legal institution which can be called as a «field of struggle» between different legal traditions gradually taking the form of harmonization. It was created on the basis of the doctrine of the pandect law school in the end of XIX century. So called pandect model of impossibility of performance of an obligation by German civilest Friedrich Mommsen was adopted literally or with the minor modifications by most of the countries of the Romano-Germanic legal systems during the XIX century. For example, it was realized in Swiss Code of Obligations dated 1912 and by copying of the French version of the latter in Turkish Code of Obligations dated 1926. Currently the institution of impossibility of performance of the obligations are under the reform influenced by the such lex mercatoria as UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts, Principles of European Contract Law and Draft Common Frame of Reference. These soft law acts were created taking into consideration of the approach of the Anglo-Saxon law to the regulation of private relationship. Thus, studied legal institution can be interesting for all those interested in the phenomenon of legal globalization. Research allows concluding that Swiss version of the Pandect model of the studied legal institution is adopted by Turkish legislator. However, if the latter keeps unchangeable from 1912, its Turkish analogue was developed in 2012. The scale of Turkish civil law reform was slight, but its character is very indicative. Inspite of the fact that the Pandect model of impossibility of performance of an obligation is sharply criticized by the modern European scientists, that is why some legal systems (in particular, German one) rejected it, Turkish legislator during its reform of civil law demonstrated adherence to the pandect model of this institute. This fact is confirmed, for example, by the norms of the Turkish Code of Obligations settled the legal consequences of the subsequent impossibility of performance of an obligation.

Проводится анализ становления и развития институтов невозможности исполнения обязательства в Турции, Швейцарии, Германии и России. Исследование позволяет заключить: в гражданском законодательстве Турции нашла закрепление и продолжает развиваться заимствованная из швейцарского гражданского права и критикуемая современной европейской цивилистикой пандектная модель рассматриваемого института, от которой в 2002 г. отказался немецкий законодатель и лишь отдельные элементы которой реализованы в ГК РФ. ; The article is devoted to comparative analysis of creation and development of the institution of impossibility of performance of an obligation in Turkish, Swiss, German and Russian law. Amendments to the Russian Civil Code in relation to impossibility of performance, which came into force on June, 1 2015, are estimated. Author gives the recommendations for the future development of the Russian institution of impossibility of performance, taking into consideration the results of the same institutions' reforms in Turkish and German law dated 2012 and 2002, respectively. This research is relevant due to features of studied legal institution which can be called as a «field of struggle» between different legal traditions, gradually taking the form of harmonization. It was created on the basis of the doctrine of the Pandect law school in the middle of the XIX century. So-called Pandect model of impossibility of performance of an obligation by German civilian Friedrich Mommsen was adopted literally or with the little modifications by most of the countries of the Romano-Germanic legal system during the second part of the XIX century first quarter of the XX century. For example, it was realized in the Swiss Code of Obligations dated 1912 and by copying of the French version of the latter in the Turkish Code of Obligations dated 1926. Currently the institution of impossibility of performance of an obligations are under the reform influenced by such lex mercatoria acts as UNIDROIT Principles of International Commercial Contracts, Principles of European Contract Law and Draft Common Frame of Reference. These soft law acts were created with regard to the approach of the Anglo-Saxon law to the mode of regulation of private relationship. Thus, studied legal institution should be interesting for all researchers of the phenomenon of legal globalization. Conducted analysis allows concluding that Swiss version of the Pandect model of the studied legal institution is adopted by Turkish legislator. However, if the latter keeps unchangeable from 1912, its Turkish analogue was amended in 2012. The scale of Turkish civil law reform was slight, but its character is very indicative. In spite of the fact that the Pandect model of impossibility of performance of an obligation is sharply criticized by the modern European civilians nowadays, that is why some legal systems (in particular, German one) rejected it, Turkish legislator during the reform of civil law demonstrated great adherence to it. This fact is confirmed, for example, by the norms of the Turkish Code of Obligations settled the legal consequences of the initial impossibility of performance of an obligation.

While a recent poll still showed forty per cent of Canadians did not know what role their country played in the conflict, memories of the Great War, real and manufactured, continue to shape Canadians' sense of themselves. As was the case during the war, the "two solitudes" – English- and French-speakers – see matters in profoundly different ways. The "birth of a nation" creation myth remains dogma for the Anglo majority, and ensures that awareness of the war –a "good" war despite the appalling loss of life– is entirely centered on its impact on Canadian identity. Equally parochially, for the Quebécois the war is defined as their victimization –through conscription– by the colonial excesses of their fellow citizens. As well, at least among Anglophones, the war is invoked in debates about Canada's national and international identity, where advocates of "Warrior Canada" with its proud military history and tradition of robust defence of "freedom" appall and are in turn appalled by advocates of the "Peaceable Kingdom" interpretation. In these contemporary clashes of ideology, World War I constitutes a historical prop for both sides –agolden moment ennobled by the sacrifice, or a tragedy where one can respect the sacrifice but not the action or its purpose. ; Pese a los resultados de una encuesta reciente que mostraban que un cuarenta por ciento de los canadienses no conocían el papel que su país jugó en el conflicto, los recuerdos de la Gran Guerra, reales y fabricados, continúan dando forma a la percepción canadiense de sí misma. Tal y como sucedió durante la guerra, las «dos soledades» (los hablantes de inglés y de francés) ven las cosas de distinto modo. El mito de la creación «el nacimiento de una nación» se mantiene como dogma para la mayoría angloparlante, y asegura que el conocimiento de la guerra (una guerra «buena» a pesar de una atroz pérdida de vidas) se centra exclusivamente en su impacto sobre la identidad canadiense. Igualmente de miras estrechas a la guerra Quebequense que se define por su victimización (a través del servicio militar obligatorio) por los excesos coloniales de sus conciudadanos. Asimismo, al menos entre los angloparlantes, la guerra se invoca en los debates sobre la identidad nacional e internacional de Canadá, en los que los defensores de una «Canadá Guerrera» orgullosa de su historia militar y de la tradición de la defensa enérgica de la «libertad» horrorizan y a su vez se horrorizan de los defensores de la interpretación del «Reino Pacífico». Dentro de este contemporáneo conflicto de ideologías la Primera Guerra Mundial constituye un apoyo histórico para ambas partes –un momento dorado ennoblecido por el sacrificio o una tragedia en la que se puede respetar el sacrificio pero no el enfrentamiento o su utilidad.

This essay aims to contribute to the process of rethinking thirty years of Italian history. These long thirty years began with the 1968 student movement and the workers' movement in the factories of Northern Italy in the "hot autumn" of 1969, then saw the cross-fertilization of the feminist movement and the battles for civil rights (divorce and abortion), and ended with terrorism and its repression, leading to an estrangement between politics and civil society and, in particular, to women's drastic disaffection from politics. In considering these themes Italian historiography has recently been seeking to try to understand the "anomalies" of the Italian case and of the country's contradictory transition towards modernity, but has frequently underestimated the contribution made over these 30 years by the women's movement and by the feminist debate. In fact, both of them have helped to update historiographical paradigms, even though they have not delivered a history of feminism that bequeathed a shared memory of it. The important contribution of Italian women historians to historical research has occurred on one hand in relation to the development of French and Anglo-American social history and, on the other, through the assimilation of the category of gender. The use of gender has been more influential in research in early modern history, rather than in modern history. The motives are complex and will be examined in this essay. ; Este ensayo quiere ser una contribución a la revisión de los últimos treinta años de historia republicana. Treinta largos años que se inician con el movimiento estudiantil del 68 y el de los obreros de las fábricas del norte, "el otoño caliente" del 69, pasan por el movimiento feminista y las batallas por los derechos civiles (divorcio y aborto), se cierran con el terrorismo y con su represión y se resuelven con el distanciamiento entre política y sociedad civil y, en particular, con la drástica pérdida del afecto de las mujeres por la política. Sobre estos temas se ha detenido recientemente la historiografía italiana, para comprender las "anomalías" del caso italiano y su contradictoria transición hacia la modernidad, a menudo infravalorando la contribución aportada a esos treinta años por el movimiento de las mujeres y por las elaboraciones del feminismo. En cambio, entre ambos han contribuido a la actualización de los paradigmas historiográficos, a pesar de no llegar a producir una historia del feminismo que recogiese una memoria común. La importante contribución aportada por las historiadoras italianas a la actualización historiográfica general se ha producido en relación con los estudios de historia social, sobre todo franceses y angloamericanos, por un lado, y, por otro, con la introducción de la categoría de género (gender). Esto se ha revelado de manera más evidente en las investigaciones relativas a la edad moderna que en las relativas a la historia contemporánea por una compleja serie de razones que aquí se intentan sacar a la luz.

The fundaments of fruitful communication at the academic mobility processes are analyzed at the paper. Authorstands at position that multicultural tolerant thinking is a basic fundament for communication at alternative academic environment and modern pedagogical conditions have to be guided by multicultural principles. The question of searching of the global ethics values also analyzed at the article. We think that these values could promote multicultural dialog at academic environment as well as solve wide range of of problems at the modern polycultural society.Academic mobility is a complicated process of personal and professional development when person meets theneed to solve own everyday situations analyzing them standing at positions of one's own culture together with another one culture positions. At these situation person should wide range of own personal specific skills such as ability of multicultural communication; tolerant thinking without discrimination manifestations; self-reflection; existential openness etc. The member of academic society should realize the challenges one can face at alternative academic environment and should be ready for active adequate fit into the different lingual and cultural landscape.We understand 'multiculturalism' according to F.Brezzi as a term emerged in Canada at the end of the 1960s and described the 'silent revolution' of French Canadians, who form a minority in Canada but a majority in the province of Québec. One of their main objectives was the demand for state institutions to be bilingual, and for biculturalism in schools, which meant a separate curriculum for French-speakers differing from the curriculum for Anglo-Canadians.During the past twenty-five years multiculturalism has also been debated among philosophers and social scientists. In political philosophy the question arose in attempts to define the nature of a good liberal society (J.Rex, G.Singh).The historical and modern experiences prove that it is possible for different cultures to interact with agreementat interpersonal and group levels. It is principally possible to solve misunderstandings and give a common groundbecause of existence of universal examples of social interaction marked by different forms of behavior depending from cultural background: people at all the cultures greet one another, educate children, decide disputes doing it in different ways according to norms and usages formed historically.The planetary ethics is a main imperative of present days which is an ethics of Human as a whole directed on well-being of all the citizens of our planet. It is an attempt to substantiate common values, guiding rules, personal attitudeand acts independently form culture, religion, ideology, political and economic systems.Concerning the educational problematic, P.Freire criticize monological type of education and underlines that it can'tform dialogic, plural, nonlinear type of thinking and we need categorical steps toward dialogical, subject-subject relations at education processes. New pedagogy require learners to became members of pluralistic global society throughout development of education programs aimed on individuals with understanding of own culture as well respecting another ones. The feature of correct thinking at education is a strong-willed negation of all the forms of discrimination (race, gender, class ones) which are the challenge for the essence of human entitle together with radical threat for democracy.Author underlines that there is a need to find new strategies of higher education area modernization coupled with globalization tendencies with their everyday growing value. Academic mobility is one of the leading instruments fordeveloping of the higher education area and research one thus mobility implementation should take global, multicultural context into account. The academic mobility participants have to be ready for performing of fruitful intercultural communication based on the values of global ethics. The fundament of this ethics is tolerance, understanding and respect of Other, openness and flexibility of mind. ; В статье анализируются основы построения плодотворной коммуникации при осуществлении академической мобильности. Автором предлагается подход, согласно которому мультикультурное, толерантное мышление является основой для коммуникации в иной академической среде, а педагогические условия должны ориентироваться на мультикультурные принципы. Анализируется вопрос необходимости поиска ценностей глобальной этики для ХХІ ст., которая способствовала бы межкультурному диалогу как в академической среде, так и при решении широкого спектра задач в современном поликультурном обществе. ; У статті аналізуються засади розбудови плідної комунікації у здійсненні академічної мобільності. Авторомпропонується підхід, згідно з яким мультикультурне, толерантне мислення є основою комунікації в іншому академічному середовищі, а педагогічні умови повинні орієнтуватися на мультикультурні принципи. Аналізується питання необхідності пошуку цінностей глобальної етики для ХХІ ст., яка сприяла б міжкультурному діалогу як в академічному середовищі, так і у вирішенні широкого спектру завдань у сучасному полікультурному суспільстві.