Movable assets tangible or intangible often account for most of firm's capital stock. Thus it is important for jurisdictions to develop adequate laws on secured transactions to allow borrowers and lenders to recognize movable assets as collateral, supporting financing secured with such assets. Though the legal and regulatory framework is essential to any secured transactions system, the efficacy of a secured transactions law also requires an effective registration mechanism for interests in movable property. This report focuses on analysis of such institutions, highlighting the importance of a publicly accessible registry where information on interests in movable assets can be registered. The main goals of collateral registries are to provide public notice of interests in movable assets and to establish priority in the assets described in the notice for secured creditors. This report also addresses the different registration mechanisms for security interests in movable property and their effectiveness in achieving the two goals stated above. It does so using the results of a 2010 World Bank Group survey on collateral registries. The report emphasizes the practices and features available in different registries and key characteristics of effective collateral registries. The experiences of jurisdictions that have instituted best practice registries show how technology can improve the efficiency of collateral registries.
Infrastructure has made a net contribution of around one percentage point to Nigeria's improved per capita growth performance in recent years, in spite of the fact that unreliable power supply held growth back. Raising the country's infrastructure endowment to that of the region's middle-income countries could boost annual growth by around four percentage points. Nigeria has made important strides toward improving much of its infrastructure. Compared to many African peers, Nigeria has relatively advanced power, road, rail, and information and communications technology (ICT) networks that cover extensive areas of the nation's territory. In recent years, Nigeria has conducted several important infrastructure sector reforms. The ports sector has been converted to a landlord model, and terminal concessions now attract private investment on a scale unprecedented for Africa. The power sector is undergoing a restructuring, paving the way for performance improvements; the sector is finally on a path toward raising tariffs to recover a larger share of costs. Bold liberalization measures in the ICT sector have resulted in widespread, low-cost mobile services, Africa's most vibrant fixed-line sector, and major private investments in the development of a national fiber-optic backbone. A burgeoning domestic air transport sector has emerged, with strong private carriers that have rapidly attained regional significance.
Infrastructure has contributed significantly to the growth of West African economies during the past decade. In Sierra Leone, infrastructure added only around 0.51 percentage points to the per capita growth rate over 2003-07. Similarly to other countries in the region and the rest of the continent, the boost to historic growth came predominately from the ICT (Information and Telecommunications Technology) revolution while power-sector deficiencies and poor roads held back growth. After nine years of peace, economic activity is flourishing at every level in Sierra Leone. Political stability, high government accountability, good governance standards, and streamlined tax reform helped Sierra Leone to become a bright success story, turning the country into the easiest and quickest place to start business in West Africa. Sierra Leone's image in the eyes of investors is strengthened as the country ranked as one of the top five countries in Africa for investor protection. Looking ahead, the country faces a number of critical infrastructure challenges. Perhaps the most daunting of these challenges lies in the power sector, the poor state of which retards development of other sectors. Access to power is very low, at around 1 to 5 percent in urban areas, and is nonexistent in the countryside. The country's installed power-generation capacity is around 13 megawatts per million people, which is lower than what other low-income and fragile states have installed. The entire existing power infrastructure is concentrated in the western part of the country, and even with the functioning of the Bumbuna power plant, only half the suppressed demand for Freetown, let alone that for the rest of the country, is being met. Regardless of recent reduction in tariffs, Sierra Leoneans still pay some of the highest tariffs in Africa. In 2010, Sierra Leoneans paid three times as much for power as did residents of African countries that relied on hydropower. Making investments in more cost-effective power generation options is therefore an important strategic objective for Sierra Leone, without which further electrification will simply be unaffordable for the wider population.
Infrastructure contributed 1.3 percentage points to Burkina Faso's annual per capita gross domestic product (GDP) growth over the past decade, much of it due to improvements in information and communication technology (ICT). Raising the country's infrastructure endowment to that of the region's middle-income countries (MICs) could boost annual growth by more than 3 percentage points per capita.Today, Burkina Faso's infrastructure indicators look relatively good when compared with other low-income countries (LICs) in Africa. Burkina Faso has made significant progress in developing its infrastructure in recent years. The rapid modernization of the ICT sector, around 60 percent of the population lives within range of a global system for mobile communications (GSM) cell-phone signal. The expansion of safe water and sanitation technologies in urban areas since the late 1990s and the establishment of a system for funding road maintenance (by reducing the cost of road travel) should pay long-term dividends to the economy. The Africa Infrastructure Country Diagnostic (AICD) has gathered and analyzed extensive data on infrastructure across almost all African countries, including Burkina Faso. The results have been presented in reports covering different areas of infrastructure including ICT, irrigation, power, transport and water and sanitation and various policy areas, including investment needs, fiscal costs, and sector performance.
This assessment forms part of the joint International Monetary Fund (IMF) World Bank Indonesia Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) which is being undertaken during 2009-2010. The assessment, which covers the private sector equity and corporate bonds securities system's observance of the Committee on Payment and Settlement Systems / International Organization of Securities Commissions (CPSS/IOSCO) recommendations for securities settlement systems, was conducted during an ad hoc mission. The assessment focuses on two types of trades. First the clearing and settlement process is assessed as regards equity transactions traded on the stock exchange Indonesian Stock Exchange (IDX), cleared through the Clearing and Guarantee Corporation (KPEI) clearing system (e-CLEARS) and settled through the Central Securities Depository for the Stock Exchange securities (KSEI) settlement system (C-BEST). In addition, the assessment focuses on corporate bond transactions, which are traded outside the exchange and settled through the KSEI settlement system (C-BEST).
A supply chain is a system of resources, organizations, people, technologies, activities and information involved in the act of transporting goods from producer to consumer and user. This (SCS) guide is intended for trade and transport government officials, port authorities and transport, cargo and logistics communities, in particular in developing countries. The purpose of the guide is to make concerned trade and transport-related officials, managers and personnel in developing countries acquainted with, and aware of, the many initiatives mushrooming in the field of supply chain security, what these will mean for their respective organizations, and how to tackle the inlaid challenges. This chapter attempts to clarify the background and current status of the multitude of programs that exist across the world today. This is achieved by, firstly, giving a brief account of the changing security environment (post 9/11) and its resulting implications for SCS programs. This is important as it helps to explain the motivation of the programs which are later expanded upon in more detail within the chapter. Within this section, the motivations for different types of programs, not directly linked to the events of 9/11 but to other reasons, such as combating illegal activities, enhancement of efficiency and standardization are also explained. Secondly, a list of the main programs is present under four main subheadings: compulsory programs, major voluntary programs, regional or national programs, and others. Tables are presented at the end of the section summarizing the main points of each program. Finally, some of the issues surrounding the programs are presented in the concluding section.
Securities settlement systems should have a well-founded, clear and transparent legal basis in the relevant jurisdiction. The laws, regulations, rules and procedures governing the operations and activities of Thailand Securities Depositories (TSD) are public and accessible to participants. In particular, participants receive comprehensive documentation covering the rules, requirements, procedures and instructions of TSD. This documentation is available on request and is accessible on the TSD website. The public authorities' regulations are also available to the general public on the websites of the Ministry of Commerce (MoC), the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Bank of Thailand (BOT). It is recommended to implement adequate legal measures that ensure the netting arrangement is legally protected even in the event of the insolvency of a participant.
This assessment of the payment systems in Thailand was undertaken in the context of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Financial Sector Assessment Program (FSAP) exercise for Thailand in January 2007. It covers the Bank of Thailand Automated High-value Transfer Network (BAHTNET), which is a real time gross settlement (RTGS) system. The Bank of Thailand (BOT) conducted a comprehensive self-assessment of BAHTNET observance of the Core Principles for Systemically Important Payment Systems (CPSIPS). It was professionally done and was made available to the mission in advance. The Thai authorities were fully cooperative and all relevant documentation to fulfill the assessment of BAHTNET was provided on time and without difficulties. The logistical support and warm hospitality of the officials of the BOT are greatly appreciated.
Chile could well have space to increase its growth potential by 2 percentage points of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per year. To do this, it would need to pay more attention to new sources of growth in natural resources, manufacturing, and services. In an increasingly globalized world, first-mover advantages have become more numerous and larger. Chile risks losing out, as a few recent high-profile cases suggest. Chile's total factor productivity growth can be raised by driving within-firm technological change closer to the global best-practice frontier more rapidly, especially in manufacturing. This would encourage the diversification of exports and boost Chile's supply response to global demand changes. Chile confronts obstacles in its processes of innovation, human capital accumulation, and investment. To overcome them, deep institutional changes are needed to develop a national innovation system, stronger and more equitable educational achievement, more flexible labor markets, and focused public investments that crowd in private business. Such an inclusive growth strategy is likely to yield better social outcomes than a strategy that attempts to confront social inequities head-on through more equitable access to public services without paying adequate attention to the demand for labor and generation of income. Chile could also try a new policy towards innovation, but it would need to be bolder in terms of the institutional design to maximize the chances of success.
This paper provides an extensive case study of the Turkish automotive and the consumer electronics industries. Despite a macroeconomic environment that inhibits investment and growth, both industries have achieved remarkable output and productivity growth since the early 1990s. Although there are similarities between the performances of the two industries, there are significant differences between their structures, links with domestic suppliers, technological orientation, and modes of integration with the global economy. The automobile industry is dominated by multinational companies, has a strong domestic supplier base, and has seized the opportunities opened up by the Customs Union by investing in new product and process technology and learning. The consumer electronics industry is dominated by a few, large, domestic firms, and has become competitive in the European market thanks to its geographical proximity, productive domestic labor, and focus on a protected and technologically mature segment of the market, which also helps explain the recent decline in industry's fortunes. These industries could have performed even better had more responsive macroeconomic policies been adopted. It is certain that governments could be more responsive only if far-reaching political/institutional reforms are undertaken by changing the constitution and current political party and election laws in order to establish public control over the political elites.
Part one of an interview with Rev. Monsignor Leo J. Battista.Topics include: The Monsignor's family history and how his parents came to the U.S. from Italy. His father's work experience as a water boy on the Clinton Dam and then as a barber. The Monsignor's education at Holy Cross and at Grand Seminary in Montreal. The history of his assignments with the Church. Speaking Italian at home and learning different languages. Attending the Italian missions in Clinton, MA. Fighting cancer around the time he was ordained. Working at St. Anna's in Leominster. The Monsignor's experiences as an Italian living, going to school, and working in different places. His father's experiences being and Italian immigrant. Local social clubs. What his mother's life was like as a house wife. The importance of education to his family. ; 1 LINDA: … Rosenbaum for the Center of Italian Culture. It's Thursday, September 13th, 2001, and we are at the home of Monsignor Battista. I would like him to just introduce himself and his address, and then we'll get started with the interview. LEO: Good morning. My name is Monsignor Leo Joseph Battista. I live at -- I reside, rather, at 35 Julio Drive in Shrewsbury at a facility known as Southgate, which is an independent living home for retirees. LINDA: I thought that we could start with just you telling us a little bit about yourself. For example, your date of birth, and… LEO: I was born on December 27th, 1923 in a small town called Clinton, Mass, which is not too far from here. And I was born of two Italian [non-born] parents, both having come over from Italy—my father, Vincenzo Battista, and my mother, Maria Perrone Battista. My father came over here when he was just 13 years old and began to work as a worker at the Wachusett Reservoir. LINDA: What is that noise? LEO: That's the bird. On the clock. LINDA: Oh, I see. Okay. Try if it will shut up. I wasn't sure if that was a real bird. LEO: No. LINDA: Okay. I'm sorry. So you were explaining when your father was arriving? LEO: He arrived in 1908, I believe he got here. He came over with his dad, and they settled in Clinton because of work that was being done on the Wachusett Reservoir at the time. And he worked here -- he worked there for several years and then went on to take up the trade of being a barber. My mother, of course, she was born in Italy. And I believe she came over here in -- she came after she married my father. My father went back to Italy to marry her. And then she came over, and she was always a homemaker. She never worked outside the home. LINDA: Which village were they from in Italy?2 LEO: They were from a place called Delianuova, which is in the province and region of Calabria. And they were from the large province of Calabria and in the smaller district of Calabria called Reggio. And their little town was in the mountainous area, and it was called Giulinova. LINDA: About their experiences in Italy? LEO: Well, they would from time to time, just how they worked. Not too much though, when I stop and think of it. Because my father was very young, he hadn't had much opportunity to find work there. But he – so, he didn't have any job from there. He just came over here looking for job, looking for work with his dad. And my mother was just a homebody, so to speak. She was just from a family of -- I believe there were seven in her family. She was one of the girls in the family, had two brothers and four sisters. And she just worked around the home. She never really had any kind of a job over there or anything. And they would talk about the different things they would do, the picnics that they would go on and the festivities that they would attend and tell us about those things. There wasn't too much exchange as to what they did over there. LINDA: Did you father ever share with you the voyage? How old was he when he came here? LEO: He was only 12. LINDA: He was 12 in age when he came. LEO: He didn't say too much about that…just that they came over. He didn't go into much detail about it. And I don't know, for some reason or another, we never really asked too much about his trip over other than he came over by way of a boat with his dad. They certainly didn't travel first class. They were part of the immigrants who came landing in New York and getting off at Ellis Island.3 And that was an interesting thing. I often wondered why they used to call him James when his name was Vincenzo. And he then related the story to me one time that the officials at the immigrant registration desk had difficulty in understanding the name Vincenzo. And to them it sounded like James for some reason, Vince for James. So they put down James Battista. And so he kind of assumed that name here; and as he went along in labor, he was more commonly known as James Battista rather than his real name, Vincenzo Battista. But it was one of those mix-ups at the point of immigration registration that I think many Italian people went through. I mean, the people here were just in a hurry to register the people coming in, and if they didn't catch the name in the way it came across to them, they would put in what they thought they heard. And people got these different names from time to time. LINDA: So he worked as a laborer at Wachusett Dam? LEO: He worked as a laborer at the Wachusett Dam as a water boy because he was just, you know, 12 or 13 years old. And then after working there for a while, he was able to get a job in the Lancaster Mills, which was in Clinton at the time. That was a big copper company, and he worked there as a laborer for a while. But then he had the opportunity to pick up the trade of barbering. And I don't know how it was that he picked up barbering, he just seemed to want -- he liked that trade for one reason or another. He never did it as an apprentice in Italy, which was common in Italy. Before you did anything, any kind of work, you always worked as an apprentice for a number of years, and you gradually grew into and then being able to go on your own. Now, whether it was in carpentry or masonry or brickwork or barbering or 4 shoe work, that's the pattern; that's the way they trained over there. They trained as apprentices for a number of years. I remember when I used to help him at the barbershop when I was in high school. And he always used to consider my beginning as an apprenticeship. And then he would tell me about how he had to be an apprentice for a number of years and how he had to just watch the fellow work; that he was training with cut hair before he actually did cut any hair or attempt to make any attempt on cutting hair or trimming people's hair. And I used to be very impatient with that, just standing next to him watching him cut hair and trim people's hair. And I would be going up -- but he said you have to watch the technique, the way it's done. And he then explained that that's just the way an apprentice goes. And at the time, too, there was such a thing as an apprentice license in barbering. You couldn't get a license, a full complete license, until you had accomplished your apprentice training. So going back to his work, that is the way he learned, and then he went into barbering and then was able to open up his own barbershop. LINDA: And where was that located? LEO: It was -- I think it was located in Depot Square in Clinton right next to the railroad station. And he had quite a few really important people that used to come to him. For example, Senator David I. Walsh was one of his customers. And I can remember him going up to the site of David I. Walsh's house when the senator was in town, and he would go up there to either cut his hair or shave him and so forth. And another one of his major customers was Congressman Philip J. Feldman, who used to always come to the barbershop to have his hair cut, or he'd get a shave.5 And I remember how I used to like -- well, I wasn't around when Senator Walsh, David I. Walsh, was coming in, but I was around, working around the barbershop when Congressman Feldman was, and I used to like to kind of prepare him for my father's work on him, like getting him ready to have his hair trimmed and so forth or shaved. Because he used to always give me a nice big tip at the end even though I did nothing but just lather him up or put the apron on around him to protect him from the hair that might have fallen on him. LINDA: So you were expected to become a barber? LEO: Well, my father never expected me. He thought it would be good for me to learn the trade, and if I wanted to do it, to follow his footsteps. But he left it up to me pretty much as to what I wanted to be. And so he never -- I just helped him out. He had other barbers, too. But I used to help out too in the busy time on Saturdays and the weekends. But he never put any pressure on me to be a barber. I think he wanted something more for me because he would always encourage me about studying and to study and to go to school. And one of his high events, one of his great hopes and mission was that I would go to Notre Dame University. He was always talking about Notre Dame, going to Notre Dame. But to go to Notre Dame at that time when I was growing up and in school, in high school, it was during the Depression, and that would cost a great deal of money. And so in my deliberations about where I was going to go to the school or pick, I felt that I would have to go to school around here someplace and commute to school, you know, not to live on campus or that because I didn't think my family could afford supporting me as a boarder in college some place. LINDA: So which school did you go to? LEO: Well, I was all set to go to Boston College, and the reason for that was because generally there was a cost factor. I had a sister who was married and lived in Boston, and I felt I could live with her and commute to school 6 on the trolley, on the tram in Boston. And I was all set and scheduled to go there and accepted. But then one day -- I was an altar boy, and after sitting a mass, one of the priests at the parish said to me, "Have you ever been to Holy Cross?" And I said, "Up to Holy Cross?" And I said, "No." And he said, "Well, I've got to go up there." He says, "You want to take a ride up and see the school?" And of course, at that time I was -- I knew quite a bit about Holy Cross, and so father used to follow their football team and the like. So it was kind of a challenge to go up and take a look at them. Well, when I went up there and I walked around with him and I saw Holy Cross, the whole atmosphere at Holy Cross presented itself in a different manner than Boston College did. And I mean, it seemed to be more scholastically appropriate, I mean. So far as I was -- when I went to BC with my brother-in-law, that visit, it was during the year and there was a lot of commotion, a lot of activity, and a lot of things going on. It didn't seem like I was in academia, you know. But when I went up to Holy Cross with the priest, Father O'Connell, it was -- everything was quiet and there weren't too many people around. It was very [contemporary], so to speak, and I was really impressed with Holy Cross. And so I said to Father O'Connell, I said, "I like this school very much." And he says, "Come on, let's go and get an application." And so I went into the Dean's office, the Dean of Admissions, with him and we got an application. And I filled it in, and I was accepted. And after a few days, I got a letter saying that I was accepted to go there. So that's how I picked. And I felt it was close to Clinton, and I could commute from Clinton to Holy Cross maybe much better than being all the way down in Boston, so. LINDA: How did you commute? Did you have a… LEO: When I graduated from…7 LINDA: Put your hands further. Okay. LEO: When I graduated from high school, my father decided to go look at cars. He decided to buy me a car for graduation. A very good friend of his was a dealer, had taken this car in, and it was a 1937 Plymouth. And it was owned by a young woman who very seldom used it, and there wasn't very much mileage. And he got a terrific buy at the time. I think he paid $315 for it. So that was my graduation gift from high school, which enabled me then to use it to commute to Worcester every day to Holy Cross. And at the same time, there was already a young man in the town who was going to Holy Cross, and so knowing that I had a car, they asked if he could ride with me, and they would pay me so much a week for transportation. And that enabled me to keep the car up and get the gasoline and all that sort of thing. And that was every day, so that's how we used to travel to Holy Cross. LINDA: When you entered Holy Cross, did you… LEO: When I entered Holy Cross, I said that I would -- I put down that I wanted to be a priest or a doctor, let's say medicine or the priesthood. And I would take the AB pre-med course in case I wanted to switch, but it also would enable me to go on for a study of priesthood too because they were the same courses, practically speaking, until you get up into your junior year where you began to take more of the chemistry and biology and so forth. And so I went in with that intention, either to be a doctor or to be a priest. And what was, you would say, the deciding factor at all -- well, I was having stronger, really, desire to be a priest. But I liked medicine because I had two sisters who were nurses, had trained, and I used to get -- hear a lot about medicine and so forth, and that always kind of interested me.8 But then the war -- the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941, and that was the year I began Holy Cross in 1941, having graduated high school in '41; and in September I went to Holy Cross. And when the Japs attacked Pearl Harbor in December, then -- at the time at Holy Cross, they were just starting -- it was their first year of starting the NROTC, the Naval Reserve Officers Training Corps, and I was tempted to go into that. But then I said, if I go into that, how often -- that would interfere probably with my going ahead to be a priest. So I said I'd wait. But then when the war came, everybody on campus wanted to do something and get into -- be [in place], so to speak. All my classmates were either in the NROTC or they were joining up in the army or the navy or the marines or what. So I went up to join the Naval Air Corps, the D5, and I went into the office where you would sign up and fill your application in to join the D5 Program, which was naval training for air training. And when we -- this other young man with myself -- came up with me… we both had the same idea. Well, when we went in to see the priest who was taking the application, he looked over the thing, and he looked over what our admissions records said. So he turned and he said, "On this admission record you have here that you wanted to be a priest or to study medicine." And he said, "Do you still have that desire?" And I said, "Yes." He says, "Well, why are you signing up for this program?" And I said, "Because everyone else is entering the service." So he took my application and he ripped it up. And he said, "Listen," he says, "Uncle Sam will get all the men he needs in order to fight this war. But the church will need priests in order to serve these men. And if that's your desire, then you go and study for the priesthood."9 And shortly after that, about a month or so after that happened, a letter came down from the bishop in Springfield saying that if there were any young men at Holy Cross who wanted to study for the priesthood, they should now make plans to enter the seminary in the fall, in September. And so I went to see my pastor, and then plans were made for me to go into the seminary. LINDA: So was that in… LEO: No, I was at Holy Cross for three years. LINDA: Three years. LEO: Three years. Because we had gone -- this was in '43. Yeah, by the time I went into my third year and we were totally -- but after -- it was '42 when I went in to sign up for the -- well, I just thought that what he had said that he knew more about life than I did, and I always felt that they were always giving us proper direction. And so I thought, well, this might be the hand of the Lord telling me something, and maybe my time will come to share in some capacity or another, which, you know, it did later on because there again, too, then I was turned down from being a chaplain because I had an operation for cancer. I had a radical resection on my neck. I had three malignant tumors. And when I went to the navy, I went down in Boston to a Navy ad, and the bishop assigned me, called me into going to serve as a chaplain, and they refused my application on the grounds that I was -- I had cancer. LINDA: What year was this? LEO: Yeah, it was in 1951. It was the Korean War. So -- and then -- but that was years later. I always -- after I was ordained, I always felt at the time, well, not that I was being patriotic or anything, but I felt that all my classmates and the young men in my time had gone in and done their duty to the country and served. And so here was my chance in '50, in '51, and I was a priest, and I would go volunteer and then do my part. So I did. I volunteered, and when the bishop called me in to say that he was charging me to go and serve as a chaplain, I went down, but I was turned down.10 LINDA: Okay. Now when you left Holy Cross -- you left in 1943 to enter the seminary? LEO: Seminary. LINDA: And where did you go to seminary? LEO: We were all assigned to the Grand Seminary in Montreal, which was attached to the University of Montreal. LINDA: [Unintelligible - 00:26:40] LEO: No, our bishop then, Bishop O'Leary at the time, for some reason favored the seminary in Canada feeling that it was a very strict seminary, very rigid seminary, and that if you could last it out, then you really had a vocation. He felt that you really had the vocation. And they were very strict. But also there was -- it really wasn't because of the rigidity of the program, and it was a good program. But you know, intellectually it was a good program. But also, there were a lot of French people in the Springfield area, in the Springfield Diocese. And he felt very strongly that it wouldn't hurt to know one other language, for you as a priest to know another language in this area, which proved to be very true because after getting ordained, I used to hear a lot of French confessions even though I was in an Italian parish in Leominster. Parishioners from St. Cecilia would always come over to St. Anna's to confession. When I would go in to celebrate, even though I was in St. Mary's, the people at Notre Dame and Sacred Heart used to come to St. Mary's for confession. You know, another parish for confession. LINDA: Now why is that? LEO: And they were French. LINDA: Did they go to another parish because they didn't feel… LEO: Well, I think one of the things was that maybe they felt a priest in another -- it would be more private for them, you know? So they would come. And then there were other -- then too, it was the proximity of where they 11 were living. And sometimes our parishes were closer to them, the actual living residence, you know, for them to come to us. Those who lived would come to us. They wouldn't have to walk so far. LINDA: So you're saying that you did learn the French language? LEO: Oh, yeah. You had to then because in the seminary, everything was in Latin. Your books were in Latin. Your oral examinations were in Latin. Your written examinations were in Latin. Your texts were in Latin. Your class lectures were in Latin. And the only other language you heard was French. The spiritual lectures at night were in French. So you had to get to learn French. You know, we had to take French in the class, during classes there too. LINDA: Had you taken French at Holy Cross? LEO: I had taken French in high school. But at Holy Cross, I had taken the canon in Latin and Greek. But I never took French in college. But when we went up there, those two years, we had to study French. LINDA: So seminary school was two years? LEO: No, it was six years. LINDA: Six years. LEO: Six years. LINDA: Okay. LEO: So it was two years of philosophy and four years of theology. LINDA: That time, it must have been 1946. LEO: I was ordained -- I was ordained in December of '48, actually '49 was… LINDA: And where was this? LEO: My first assignment was in St. Thomas-a-Becket. LINDA: Where was that? LEO: In South Barre, Mass. LINDA: So maybe five months after that before you went to… LEO: I went from there to Leominster as an assistant, what we used to call a curate, the assistant curate. And I went down -- I went from there, from 1949 to 1951. So in 1951, I went to Leominster. And I went to St. Anna's 12 in Leominster in 1951 to 1953. And in 1953, I was then transferred to St. Mary's in Southbridge. And then in 1955, I was assigned to the Office of Catholic Charities in the diocese in Worcester; and I remained in Catholic Charities from 1955 to 1987. And then in '87, I was assigned to St. Anna's in Leominster, and then as pastor until 1992. No, no, no. Wait a minute. 1995. LINDA: '95? LEO: 1995. LINDA: And what happened after that? LEO: I was retired. LINDA: Retired. First of all, Italian. Did you speak Italian? LEO: I spoke a little at home. I used to speak with my mother, but my father always spoke English, so I didn't speak -- he didn't speak. My mother never really learned English. She would always speak Italian to us. She never even spoke any broken English but strictly Italian. 'Course we understood her. And then when I went into high school, I studied Italian. LINDA: When you were in high school? LEO: They started a new course, when I was in high school, teaching Italian in the public school system in Clinton. Then I took a couple of years of Italian there. That was funny. I was taking Italian, French, Latin, and English. And I used to sometimes get them confused a little bit, like sometimes my French teacher would say, "Well, that's an Italian word you're saying, not a French word." I had the facility to learn languages, and so I didn't mind it. I took -- I started learning languages and there just didn't seem to be any strain to the learning, you know, French or Italian or what. Then when I went to college at Holy Cross, my first three years at Holy Cross, I took Italian as a second language. LINDA: Did your mother urge you to become a priest?13 LEO: They always looked favorably upon it. They left it up to my decision. They never pushed me into it or anything like that. But they were always -- encouraged me along the way, you know, of what my intention was. My father was one who always said, "Well, you continue with school, and when the time comes, when you decide to be what you want to be, then we will do all we can to have you follow through." So my mother wasn't one that really, you know, would push us one way or another other than to be good and learn to do what is right in school and so forth. My mother never had much of an education herself in Italy and coming over here. Education was not a paramount factor in her life. She would just be very happy to see you succeed and so forth. I can find an example in the fact that they would go to mass and learn -- go to mission, canon missions and things like that, and their respect and reverence for religion before the Lord. I think those were the things that were the models for me. LINDA: Explain the Italian missions. LEO: Italian missions were -- because in Clinton, everything was in English. Every once in a while for the Italian immigrants who didn't speak English, the priest, the pastor used to have what they called a mission, Italian mission, and he would invite Italian-speaking priest into the parish for a week. And he would give a mission, like a retreat, you know, for just the Italian people so that they could go to communion and then go to confession, fulfill their obligations. See, at that time, it used to be like that you go at least to confession at least once during the year to fulfill your Easter duty and things like that. And this was the idea. This enabled them to go and speak with the priest, hear their language, hear the Word of God being preached to them in their 14 language that they understood, because a lot of them didn't understand English. LINDA: I had thought that the masses were said in Latin. LEO: They were said in Latin, but the sermons were always in English. Yeah. LINDA: So there wasn't an Italian-speaking sermon. LEO: No. The only ones at that time. There was one in Worcester. LINDA: Was that Our Lady of Mount Carmel? LEO: Yeah. And then there was one in Fitchburg. Those were the only two places during my growing up. And then later on, in 1937, St. Anna's in Leominster re-founded as a parish. But prior to that, there were only two locales in this area that had an Italian-speaking priest: Worcester, and later, Mount Carmel, and St. Anthony's in Fitchburg. LINDA: Now, when St. Anna's… LEO: You know, mother would go up every once in a while to go to confession there. But she would always attend mass at St. John's in Clinton. Because at that time, even though the sermon was in English, then the object was to attend mass, which was in Latin. And during the mass, they would pray and say their rosary and things like that. They had more personal devotion in celebration of the mass rather than in the sermon. The mass meant more to them than what was being said in the sermon. That was their faith, they were communing with the celebration of the mass, receiving communion, saying the rosary and prayers, and that meant more. Those were the acts of devotion, I think, for them. LINDA: Must have been… LEO: In Leominster. Yeah, I always worried more -- your first time or the ∂second time? LINDA: First time. LEO: Yeah. I was hoping that when I was ordained I would be assigned there. But for some reason or another -- I guess I was ordained thinking I was going to succumb to cancer. I had had the cancer operation my last year in the seminary, in my fourth year, and they didn't know whether I would be 15 living to be ordained in my class or whether they would ordain me before my time and before the rest of my class because of the nature of my illness. And at that time, when you were operated on for cancer, you had the -- they used to say the cure came -- wouldn't come until five years later. You had to wait five years to know whether you really got it or not. And so at that time, when I was first ordained, I know that the priest, the pastor who was at St. Anna's, wanted me to go there. LINDA: And who was that? LEO: It was Monsignor Gannon, Father Gannon. And I wanted to go there, too, because I liked him very much. But the bishop had other plans. He sent me to this small parish in South Barre, thinking, I suppose, for health reasons, it would be better for me to be in a small parish. But once Bishop O'Leary passed away and Bishop Wright became the bishop at the diocese, and Father Gannon or Monsignor Gannon then became the Chancellor of the Diocese, I was then sent up to St. Anna's in Leominster where he wanted me before and where I wanted to go before. So I was thrilled. To answer your question, I was thrilled to be at St. Anna's. I always loved that parish and still do. INDA: When you think of St. Anna's, what comes to your mind? LEO: Well, just I liked the people there, and I just liked everything about the spirit that prevailed there. I think I was young at the time, and the people were very cooperative. And no matter what you turned your hand to, it turned into success. And it was a source of great joy and great happiness for me to be working among these people and in the course they were going. LINDA: Were you the first Italian priest to be there? LEO: I was the first Diocesan Italian. When I was -- there was a pastor there when Monsignor Gannon went to become Chancellor, Father John Bassey then became the first Italian priest at St. Anna's, and I became the second.16 LINDA: Were your parents… LEO: Yeah. LINDA: How did they feel about you? LEO: Oh, they liked that. They enjoyed that, because they knew a lot of people too from the area, from Leominster. Leominster and Clinton are very close to one another. And there were a lot of mutual friendships that they had in this area. So they were very pleased with my being there. LINDA: What kinds of duties did you have, first as assistant? LEO: Well, you did everything, you know. You were in charge of the religious education. And you were having the altar boys, to take care of training the altar boys at the time. You had the religious education classes for the children who were going to public schools, setting up the classes for that and the courses for it. You had all of the duties, you know, like visiting the sick and going up to the hospital. At that time, at that time too we had, you know, a lot of activity for the youngsters, the different basketball teams that you were in charge of. But then also putting on activities, different activities. Each year, we put on a minstrel show, and we'd be involved in a lot of the direction of that. So there were all kinds of spiritual activities that you were involved in. You had your hand in almost everything except the administration in the parish. You really did all other work that was assigned to a parish and to a priest. LINDA: So it was much like being a pastor? LEO: Right, right, right. It was very active, very fulfilling. I enjoyed the task, I really did. As I said, the people were great. I mean, they cooperated. One of the great things was having a Humane Society, which was for men. I had the Men's Society; the pastor had the Women's Society. We had built ourselves up to over 400, about 450 men. We used to go to communion as a group every year. Every month we'd have 17 [unintelligible - 00:46:22] Sunday. That was a great joy and task, but I enjoyed it, at Leominster. And the other great thing was I had great rapport with the young people, and especially the high school youngsters and the football team. I used to hear their confessions before the football games. They used to come to communion every Saturday morning before the game. And you'd have all these young high school kids come in to confession on Friday night and then coming to mass on -- even public school kids. We even had the parochial school kids. And they'd come to mass on Saturday morning and they'd receive communion and go home and play football games in the afternoon. That was another wonderful thing that happened that I did. LINDA: Was there a school affiliated? LEO: At that time, no. But that was another great accomplishment that I was there to initiate the beginning of a school and to be in charge of developing a parochial school in the parish that we started. And then the task of setting up the classrooms for the first two classes, the pre-primary and the first grade, and building the classrooms for them and later on laying the plans for the school. So that happened in my time. And I remember saying to the bishop that this was the only thing that the parish lacked at the time was our own parish school. LINDA: When did the school open? LEO: It opened in 1951. LINDA: Was that when you were assigned to Leominster? LEO: It opened up in '53, I'm sorry… '53. LINDA: Okay. You accomplished all that in two short years? LEO: At the school, yeah. Like the first and second grade, but then I was transferred after -- then following that, the school was built. Right after I left, they started to build a school for the other grades that were to follow. LINDA: Okay.18 LEO: There were really no major areas of concern, I don't think, other than they wanted their parish, and then they wanted various services. They wanted educational programs for their children, religious educational programs for their children. And they were very -- the women were tremendous at St. Anna's. St. Anna's Society was a terrific group of women who worked hard and who ran spaghetti suppers and raised money in order to build and redecorate the church and keep different things going to provide for a rectory. And they were very tremendous and very, very much engaged in the parish in order to keep things moving and growing and building. It was really nice and remained -- it was impressive, you know. And at that time when I was there, they had a great program of religious devotions and activities and social activities that brought them together and enabled them to have a wonderful spirit within the community and the parish. LINDA: How did you feel -- I mean, not St. John's but Holy Cross? LEO: It didn't bother me at all. I mean, I just was treated very fairly. I never felt any kind of bias against me or toward me. And I felt I had every opportunity that everyone else did there. I don't think I was looked down upon in any way because I was Italian. I think the whole atmosphere was very good. It was all up to you to do what you -- I was going to Holy Cross because it was a good school and [congregation]. And I never had any -- being Italian never bothered me because there were so many other kids in my class that were Italian. LINDA: At Holy Cross? LEO: At Holy Cross. Especially, you know, from New York and the New York area, other areas of the country. It didn't bother me, you know. LINDA: Did you feel the same way at the seminary? LEO: At the seminary, it was the same. I really never felt that the Italian got in the way, you know, being Italian. The way people accepted you and 19 treated you was, you know, it was [unintelligible - 00:52:51]. You know, you may have to take this off. LINDA: Okay. We had an interruption. We stopped just for a few minutes to make sure that this is working. So please stand by. Okay. LEO: All right. LINDA: Did your parents always feel as accepted as you did, do you think, being Italian? LEO: I think my father had a hard time in the beginning when he came over because at that time, I know he had trouble going to church, in the upper church, that they were not allowed to go up and attend mass in the upper church. LINDA: What does that mean, the upper church? LEO: Well, at St. John's, there was a lower -- there was a church, a lower church and an upper church. You know, two floors, two levels. And in order to go into the upper church -- I think he used to have some troubles because if you didn't have what you called the coinage, the coin of the realm to go in, you were told to go downstairs to mass. And that bothered him. But then after a while, that changed, and it never endangered my father's faith. But it was very hard for him to take initially to be restricted as to where he would go in church, you know. So, you get over that. But I am… LINDA: And when did that stop? LEO: Oh, I think that stopped when he was older, when he was able -- when he became more [unintelligible - 00:55:10] and had the money to pay the initial [unintelligible - 00:55:14] lying on that seat, what they used to call the arbitrary fee in church. And he went in. 20 But see, the Gannon people never had to use money or to give money initially. The state financed the churches usually, so the people were never asked for money. LINDA: Let's stop for one minute, please. LEO: Yeah. LINDA: Linda Rosenbaum again, and we have continued the interview. … explaining about your father, how he felt a little different than you about being Italian because of probably the period of time. LEO: Right. LINDA: And you explained the church in Clinton, and then you were explaining the churches where they were not funded by the people. LEO: Right. And so that was strange for an immigrant, and especially Italian immigrants, to come over here and be expected to give money in order to go to church, for a seat fee and things like that, because they never had that practice in Italy. And at the time, they just didn't understand it. And they weren't ready for it then. But once he got on to the fact that this was the way it is here in this country, then he began to pay for his seat fee, as they called it, the pew fee, and then he -- then there was no problem at all. Although at times -- you see, in Clinton, Clinton was strongly Irish. It's an Irish community, a lot of Irish in Clinton at the time. The Polish had their church, and there weren't many French people in Clinton. The majority were either the Irish Catholics and Italian Catholics. I remember that's where Protestant people, especially in certain sections of the town. So at first there was -- at times, it was difficult to be -- yeah, some people would probably show great prejudice against the Italians in Clinton. In growing up, you know, sometimes you'd hear it. You know, you'd get a flavor of it. But it never seemed to be that much, and my father never 21 made much of it. He never, you know, exposed us to any difficulty in this regard or complained about any difficulty in this regard. He got along very well. He had a wonderful personality and then being a barber, he was well-liked in town, and he got along very well. And then they used to have their own little Italian community, their clubs, and they would go together and sit down, have their own socialization periods together. They would play cards or they'd have their own little friendly meetings in their clubs. And so it didn't seem to bother anyone. But every once in a while, you might get a flare-up of the Irish, being a little strong against the Italians. LINDA: Can you remember anything specific? LEO: Nothing really. I don't remember anything, none that I ever got hurt by, you know. You know, you just have that idea of having experienced or heard it said, you know, or some remark made. But then, you'd say, oh, it's that individual. It's not that whole class of people. It's that individual that has prejudice or bias. But there were feelings, there's no question about it, at times. Because you were Italian you didn't get the jobs or you didn't get the positions in school and things like this, you know. The teaching positions, the Italians didn't get a job as a teacher because of… But that was all political then because they would -- you had to run for an office or have somebody in office to kind of vote you in on the school committee. That was kind of a political thing where the majority of people voting for these committee members were Irish, and they would be the ones who would be in charge of making decisions for these appointments. So it was pretty hard to break the barriers there. But after, you know, really after the war, a lot of that all came crumbling down, you know. LINDA: After World War II?22 LEO: Yeah. During -- you know what I mean, everyone was involved in the war. And all families were there, and young men from all nationalities were involved, and so that whole idea of [unintelligible - 01:01:47] hear this, sometimes I did. But I know I didn't, no more than some place. Some of the Irish Leprechaun Club, you know, I was an honorary member of the Leprechaun Club, you know. LINDA: When was that? Was that in Clinton? LEO: Yeah. Yeah, that was some years ago now. But you know, I think that's -- you wouldn't see that, I don't think, around here now because they're in all kinds of professions in Clinton. LINDA: Uh-huh. LEO: And activities, and so… LINDA: So was that quite an honor, getting an award from the Leprechaun Club? LEO: Well, it was -- to me, it kind of showed that the biases were diminished, you know; that those who were not Irish were getting an award from this Irish Society, so to speak. LINDA: Do you remember about the year that you were awarded this? LEO: No, [unintelligible - 01:02:58]. LINDA: We can look for it later and I can insert that information. But it was not while you -- was it while you were living in Clinton? LEO: No. LINDA: No? LEO: No, I was there, but it was after I was a priest. LINDA: Okay. You were a priest. LEO: Yeah. LINDA: So tell me a little bit about the social clubs you had mentioned. I was thinking of a few things. A, there wasn't an Italian parish in Clinton. LEO: They had the Sons of Italy, the lodge of the Sons of Italy. And one group of Italians gravitated toward that. And then… LINDA: You mean from a particular region?23 LEO: Yeah. They'd be from different regions, you know, or different ideas, you know. There were those who felt that a man should have control of what the society has to say. They didn't want to be paying dues to national societies, you know. And for nationals to be taking away some of the money from the town in order to be supported. That was like -- that was the other group, what they called the Liberty Society; they [had too many progressive] Liberty Society. They were a group of Italians who felt that they had their own social group. But they would run things on their own, and whatever monies they made and so forth would benefit just them. And they would develop their own programs, their own health programs and sick programs and their activities, social activities programs. And so there were the two factions: The Sons of Italy and the Liberty Society. And there were groups, different groups, depending on who you were, and sometimes what sections of Italy you came from that was going to be different, these different groups. But it enabled the groups to have something, and they felt strength in their group, their union, and they were able to do things and accomplish things that would benefit them. So they were pleased with this. LINDA: Which group did your parents…? LEO: My father first belonged to the Sons of Italy, but then he decided to form and become a member of the other group, the Liberty Society. They didn't feel to try to be tied in on a national level. They felt that they could do more for themselves by having their own little organization of their own. LINDA: So did you say that he was a founding member? LEO: Yeah, he would have been a founding member in the Liberty Society. LINDA: And what year was that? LEO: Oh, boy. That would have been in the '30s sometime, early '30s. LINDA: And did your mother get involved with any of these societies?24 LEO: My mother was very -- was never very socially inclined, you know, in that respect. She was a homebody. Her home was everything. Her home and her family were everything, and her own little circle of friends. She had her own little circle of Italian ladies. LINDA: Were they all child-raising like her? LEO: No, no, they weren't. But they were in the neighborhood. They were Italian women in the neighborhood. They were never [unintelligible - 01:06:54], no. They were at different ones, some were in average homes. LINDA: Was there ever a language problem between the Italians? LEO: Between the Italians? LINDA: The different dialects? LEO: Not really. LINDA: No? LEO: No. I never encountered any. But my mother just would -- like, when I used to try to get my mother to go out to dinner, you know, she would always say, "No, we can eat at home." She just wasn't a really social butterfly. She was a hard worker and a great cook. Everyone used to love to come there to eat. LINDA: What kinds of things did she make? LEO: Oh, she'd make everything—[gnocchi], ravioli, lamb, all kinds of spaghetti, tortellini, manicotti, lasagna. She was a tremendous cook. One year we had the bar mitzvah. She made eggplant, you know, parmesan, veal cutlets, you know, all these wonderful foods, different types of chicken, cacciatore. She did all kinds of Italian cooking. And she used to bake, make her breads. She -- my mother used to get up early in the morning and prepare meals, you know. We only had a meal -- we always had three meals, you know, one with lunch and one with dinner at night. But then… LINDA: Was it just your sister?25 LEO: And my uncle. My mother's brother lived with us. Yeah. My four sisters. LINDA: Oh, four sisters. LEO: Yes. Four sisters and myself. [Unintelligible - 01:09:07] LINDA: Were you also the youngest? LEO: No, I was next to the youngest. But I always would get the choice piece. My mother would always make sure I was well taken care of. That used to get me angry at times because I didn't like to be shown favoritism at times. But she -- as I say, she didn't like going to these social -- these clubs. She just stayed at home. I don't know if she was shy or what. I think she was just happy in her home with her family, going with her family, going with her little group of friends. She had three or four Italian ladies, and they would come here. I remember them going out every week, they would make the circle, you know, go from one house to the other houses, spend the afternoon with each other and gab and knit and crochet. And then they had their little cordial drink, you know. And it was good. You know, it was always a great consolation. You know, you always come home and she'd always be there, you know. You never came home from school to an empty house or something. But she was always there. And if she wasn't there, you knew where she was. You knew she was at [the neighbor's], you know, this lady or that lady's home, whoever's turn it was. LINDA: It sounds like education was very important to your family. Was it important to your sisters as well? LEO: Oh, yeah. My father -- yeah, my sisters all -- they all wanted to learn, my sisters. One went to -- two went to training in the same business. One went to Boston College and earned a degree in nursing. And the other went to Georgetown and earned her degree in nursing. Then they went on and got their master's degree.26 And then my younger sister went to business school, you know. She picked up the business. She first started out as a lab technician, but then she didn't like it. And she then picked up a secretarial course. And then my oldest sister was a hairdresser. She wanted to be a hairdresser, so -- but my father always kind of encouraged education. He realized he didn't have it. And had he had an education, he would have done more. But he really maintained that we should go ahead and have a -- he encouraged us to go on. LINDA: What kinds of personal… LEO: Personal? Well, as a priest, it's kind of hard to tie into too many personal -- I got along. I tried to get along with everybody. I spoke up on personal things. They used to drive me around because we didn't have cars at that time. Wherever I wanted to go places or do something, I'd have to rely on somebody driving me, you know. LINDA: What were their names? LEO: One was [Analita Tarsey]. And then there was [Ben Veeny], and then the men of the parish. And [Bucky Angelini]. And [Chuck Antelushi]. He's around -- would be helpful to [unintelligible - 01:13:43]. Do you know Ann? LINDA: I don't know her. LEO: Yeah. And her husband. They're in this area. [Unintelligible - 01:13:58] Priest, you know, very personal. She'd do a lot to help me out. And then I was getting teachers for teaching religious classes, you know, religion classes. We had asked her to serve in this capacity. And I remember when I went back as pastor, I wanted her to become the president of the [Sahara] Society, which she did and did very well. And then when I suggested her name for Our Father's House for the homeless in the Fitchburg area, then she became the chairperson for three terms. So 27 I don't know how many terms she had. She must have been the chairperson for the [Madison] Society for a good ten years. Yeah. LINDA: What type of social clubs were there? LEO: They were -- each, it seemed that each province, different provinces of Italy -- you had the [Markagerian], the Singer or Giovani group where they had their own little social club. You had these -- I already said Giovani Club. We had the Santa Maria, their own convent, they were another group from Point [Saray] and St. James and those places. And then you had the Costo Novito, their group. And then other -- there were probably about three or four different. Salladini, the [Giovani], the Salladini Society. They were people from Pretaria and Commo and those places. Yeah, I would say there were about four or five major social clubs, Italian social clubs in Leominster. The only thing that ever united them was the church, you know. Otherwise, they would stay by themselves out here, you know. But the only thing that they kind of worked together on and would get behind together would be the church. And that was the unifying factor that brought them together in Leominster. They never -- and that was a funny thing, you know. You'd see them, the American Giovani would have their own club, the [Vergini] would have theirs. And then you have all the other people. I mean, they were all different groups. And, but then the church brought them together, and they'd get behind the church. And they were very strong and good. They worked together. They worked well together for the church then. But now most of those -- see, those were the old-timers. Today, you don't -- among the young, you don't see that. You don't see those clubs now in Leominster.28 But that was a way for them meeting together. You know, when they came over as immigrants, in the twenties and thirties, this is where they found their strength, in unity, in their own social gatherings, in their groups. Because, you know, no one else would bother with them, you know. LINDA: It's remarkable that they were able to contribute to not only -- there were conflicts there? LEO: Between each other? LINDA: In the church. LEO: In the church, no. LINDA: Perhaps… LEO: The church -- well, the reason was in the church, they had tremendous pastors. They had great leaders. They were with Monsignor Gannon, who first organized and founded St. Anna's Church. He was dearly, dearly revered by the people, and they would do anything for him. And then so on with the pastors who came along. I must say, they were very dedicated and devoted and loyal to their church and to their priests. They were always nice. They did church communion and would get along very well. LINDA: Did we -- I'm sorry. Go ahead. LEO: No, I just remembered, like the Holy Name Society when there were 450 members. And they'd each have their group line up and come to church, and they were from all different sections of Italy. They were unified in that communion of faith./AT/pa/ke/es
KURT JANISCH'S POWER AND SEXUALITY IN ELFRIEDE JELINEK'S GREED Annisa Firdausi English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University firdausi.annisa19@gmail.com Drs. Much. Khoiri, M.Si English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University much_choiri@yahoo.com Abstrak Kekuasaan sering didefinisikan sebagai kemampuan seseorang yang kuat untuk mendapatkan keinginannya atas kehendak orang yang tidak berdaya. Orang-orang yang memiliki kekuasaan dapat menggunakan kekuasaan mereka untuk mengambil keuntungan untuk mereka sendiri, mengontrol orang lain dan dapat juga memanipulasi orang lain. Orang-orang yang memiliki kekuasaan juga seringkali menggunakan kekuasaan untuk memuaskan nafsu seksual mereka. Michel Foucault (1978: 83) berpendapat bahwa jika kekuasaan hanya dilihat sebagai kemampuan untuk memiliki keinginan, atau jika konstitutif pada keinginan sendiri , untuk afirmasi: anda akan selalu dan sudah terjebak. Skripsi ini difokuskan pada kekuasaan dan seksualitas Kurt Janisch di novel Greed oleh Elfriede Jelinek. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menggambarkan bagaimana kekuasaan Kurt Janisch yang digambarkan dalam Greed oleh Elfriede Jelinek, dan untuk mengungkapkan bagaimana kekuasaan Kurt Janisch mempengaruhi seksualitasnya. Skripsi ini menggunakan beberapa proses analisis, yaitu: (1) mengklasifikasikan kutipan yang relevan dan sesuai dengan rumusan masalah, (2) menggambarkan kekuasaan Kurt Janisch dengan menggunakan teori five bases of power oleh John RP French dan Bertram Raven , (3) mengungkapkan bagaimana seksualitas Kurt Janisch dipengaruhi oleh kekuasaannya dengan menggunakan circles of sexuality oleh Dr Dennis M. Dailey. Akhirnya, hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa dalam novel ini Kurt Janisch menyalahgunakan kekuasaannya. Dia menggunakan setiap kesempatan yang ada untuk memaksa orang dan mengintimidasi rekan-rekannya yang lebih muda. Dapat dikatakan bahwa ia menggunakan kekuasaannya secara paksa – itu termasuk dalam coercive power. Selain itu, perilaku Kurt Janisch dalam mengintimidasi rekan-rekannya yang lebih muda dapat diklasifikasikan sebagai legitimate power. Dia juga menggunakan jenis informational power karena ia menyembunyikan informasi yang dapat membahayakan dirinya. Dengan kekuatan yang dimilikinya, ia memaksa perempuan untuk berhubungan seks dengannya. Saat berhubungan seks dengan wanita, Kurt Janisch melakukan beberapa kekerasan seksual, pelecehan seksual kepada anak, dan perkosaan yang termasuk dalam lingkaran sexualization. Fakta-fakta tersebut adalah bukti bahwa Kurt Janisch menyalahgunakan kekuasaannya untuk mendapatkan kepuasan dalam hubungan seksual. Kata Kunci: Kekuasaan, Seksualitas, Greed, Circles of sexuality Abstract Power is often defined as the capability of someone strong to achieve his desires over the will of powerless people. Powerful people can use their power to take advantage for themselves, control people can even manipulate someone else. Powerful people also oftenly use power to satisfy their sexual appetite. Michel Foucault (1978: 83) argues that if power is seen as having only an external hold on desire, or, if it is constitutive of desire itself, to the affirmation: you are always-already trapped. This study focuses on Kurt Janisch's power and sexuality in Elfriede Jelinek's Greed. The purposes of this study are to describe how Kurt Janisch's power is depicted in Elfriede Jelinek's Greed, and to reveal how Kurt Janisch's power affects his sexuality. This study does some processes of analysis, they are: (1) classifying the relevant quotations which are in line with the problem of statements, (2) describing Kurt Janisch's power by using the theory of five bases of power by John R.P. French and Bertram Raven, (3) revealing how Kurt Janisch's sexuality is affected by his power by using Dr. Dennis M. Dailey's circles of sexuality. Eventually, the result of the analysis shows that Kurt Janisch power which is depicted in the novel is abusive. He uses every opportunity that he has to force people and intimidate his younger colleagues. It can be said that he uses his power coercively--it is the coercive power. Moreover, his behaviour in pressing his younger colleagues is classified as legitimate power. He also uses the kind of informational power because he hides informations that can harm him. With the power that he has, he forces women to have sex with him. While having sex with women, Kurt Janisch does some sexual violence, child abuse, rape and sexual harassment which are included in the sexualization circle. Those facts are proofs that Kurt Janisch is abusing his power to get his only satisfication in sexual intercourse. Keywords: Power, Sexuality, Greed, Circles of Sexuality INTRODUCTION Power is often conceptualised as the capacity of powerful agents to realise their will over the will of powerless people, and the ability to force them to do things which they do not wish to do. Power is also often seen as a possession, something which is held onto by those in power and which those who are powerless try to wrest from their control. In The History of Sexuality, Vol. I, Michel Foucault argue that if power is seen as having only an external hold on desire, or, if it is constitutive of desire itself, to the affirmation: you are always-already trapped. Moreover, one must not imagine that this representation is peculiar to those who are concerned with the problem of the relations of power with sex. (Foucault, 1978: 83). The act of using one's position of power in an abuse way is called power abuse. This can take many forms, such as taking advantage of someone, gaining access to information that shouldn'e be accesible to public, or just manipulating someone with the ability to punish them if they don't comply. Abuseis the improper usage or treatment of an entity, often to unfairlyor improperly gain benefit. Abuse can come in many forms, such as: physical or verbal maltreatment, injury, assault, violation, rape, unjust practices; crimes, or other types of aggression. Abuse of power is different from usurpation of power, which is an exercise of authority that the offender does not actually have. Sexuality is complex and spans a vast array of human experiences including family relationships, dating, sexual behavior, physical development, sensuality, sexualization, reproduction, gender, body image and more. It is a fundamental and natural part of being human, for people of all ages. Defining sexuality can be difficult, but it may help to think about Amy Schalet's description of sexuality as posted on medscape.com, "as the expression of an age-blind desire for meaningful intimacy and connection with others". Sexuality is much more than sexual feelings or sexual intercourse. It is an important part of who a person is and what she or he will become. It includes all the feelings, thoughts and behaviors of being female or male, being attractive and being in love, as well as being in relationships that include sexual intimacy and physical sexual activity. Jelinek's works are mostly concern on patriarchal hierarchies define the engines of commerce and commerce defines personal relationships, its individuals' sexuality. Besides The Piano Teacher and Women as Lovers, Greed is also regarded as one of her novels which concern on sexuality. So, this thesis will analyse Elfriede Jelinek's Greed in the terms of its sexuality. In Greed, Kurt Janisch has a big power over the country. Unfortunately, he uses his power to harm and threaten other people. Kurt Janisch is a greedy and ambitious man. He likes to have many properties. But the way he try to get it is so nasty. He uses his power as a country policeman to get properties. He is somehow uses his power abuse. At one time, he would like to have a drink without paying it. According to him, he does not need to pay the drink because he has an authority there. Kurt Janisch realizes that he has a big power. His power is, however, influence his sexuality. He would like to have sex with women in his country just to have their properties. The women, who realize that Kurt is a powerful man, can not reject his attitude. He sometimes stop a woman for speeding then have sex with her beside her car. After that, they went to her house and Kurt can have that woman's property. In accordance of background study above, it can be simplify to discuss among two problems that emerge as significant concern toward this novel. How is Kurt Janisch's power depicted in Elfriede Jelinek's Greed? How does Kurt Janisch's power affect his sexuality in Elfriede Jelinek's Greed? This study will uses two theories which are in line with the statement of the problems. The first problem is how Kurt Janisch's power depicted in Greed. This statement will use the concept of power. This concept is originally introduced developed by social pschologists named French and Raven. This concept is united and merged with the bases of social power which people use in their daily life. There are five kinds of power in this concept, they are coercive power, reward power, legitimate power, referent power and expert power. There is also an additional kind of power, which is the informational power. Then the second problem is how Kurt Janisch's power affects his sexuality. This statement will apply the concept of sexuality, especially in the circles of sexuality. This concept is developed by a man known as the pornographic professor, Dr. Dennis M. Dailey. It is about the circles of sexuality which is experienced by every human being. There are five circles, they are sensuality, sexual intimacy, sexual identity, reproduction and sexualization. RESEARCH METHOD Research methodolgy that used in this analysis here must be qualified as an applying in literary appreciation. The thesis is regarded as a descriptive-qualitative study and uses a library research. This study uses novel of Elfriede Jelinek entitled Greed that published Seven Stories Press, 140 Watts Street, New York in 2007 as the data source of this study. The datas are in the form of direct and indirect speech of the characters, dialogues, epilogues and quotations which indicate and represent aspect of power abuse and sexualization which is experienced by the main character. This thesis is using the library method in collecting the data. It does not use the statistic method. That is why it is not served in numbering or tables. Library research used an approach in analyzing this study. The kind of library research which is used here is intensive or closely reading to search quotations or phrases. It also used to analyze the literary elements both intrinsic and extrinsic. The references are taken from library and contributing ideas about this study from internet that support the idea of analyzing. The analysis is done by the following steps: (1) Classification based on the statement of the problems. This classification is used to avoid the broad discussion. There are two classifications in this study. They are the depiction of power and how it affects the sexuality. (2) Describing Kurt Janisch's power which is stated from the quotations or statements. (3) Describing how Kurt Janisch's sexuality which is stated from the quotations or statements. (4) Revealing the relations between power and sexuality. The quotations that showed how the character's sexuality is affected by his power are taken as data. (5) Drawing the conclusion based on the analysis which is in line with the problems. ANALYSIS The first section is about the describtion of Kurt Janisch's power as a country policeman. Kurt Janisch, the country policeman, is the main character in this story. For three generation, his whole family hold the power over the country. His father is a former police colonel while his son, Ernst Janisch, is employed by the Post Office as a telephone maintenance man. He attended a technical secondary school, whose graduates call themselves engineers. Being a country policeman makes Kurt Janisch hold a big power over his people. "Such a forceful, big man, who is capable of unleashing almost any kind of event." (Jelinek, 2007: 10). Kurt Janisch is described as a forceful man. This is deal with his job as a country policeman. He has quite an authority to control people in his country so he is also described as a 'big man'. He knew that he is the one who is more capable of making any decisions in his country and the people must live with his decisions. People mostly obey the figure of authority because they have been conditioned to do so. In this case, Kurt Janisch is in a position of power, so they are required to do so by law. Most citizens are afraid to disobey laws because they don't like the outcome or the embarrassment. The country policeman then uses his power to force his people. He forces everyone to get what he wants. From the way Kurt Janisch is described as a forceful man in using his power, it is shown that Kurt Janisch uses the kind of coercive power. As mentioned by French and Raven in the previous chapter, coercive power happens when a powerful man forces other people to do something they do not want to do (French and Raven, 1959: 87). In this case, Kurt Janisch forces his people (mostly women) to do sex and give him their properties. The behaviour of Kurt Janisch can be classified in coercive power because he is also 'capable of unleashing any kind of event'. It might be true that he is doing his job well by helping his people in any kind of situation. But on the other side, the word 'any kind of event' means that he can unleash people who is guilty by giving him somtehing in return. For Kurt Janisch, he only wants sex or properties. People are forced by him to do so, and they did it because they are powerless and have no other choices. Not only unleashing any kind of event, he could also 'create' event so that he would get what he wants. Kurt Janisch is sometimes also in charge of maintaining traffic order. Once in a while he stop the car and inspect it. He thinks, he will get a slight advantage from it. "The country policeman only has to take advantage of the opportunity, because in their own car everyone makes a mistake once." (Jelinek, 2007: 44). He believes that the termination of some cars, there will be some drivers who commit traffic offenses. They could be not carrying the driving license or they could even carrying drugs. If there is an offense, then he will offer them some choices. Such things like he will give him a ticket or they can give him a bribe. As a country policeman, Kurt Janisch may stop and search any person or vehicle for stolen or prohibited things. Generally weapons such as knives and guns that are made or adapted for use in accordance with certain offences which include fraud, criminal damage, theft, burglary and taking a motor vehicle without authority. But a police officer cannot simply stop and search anybody he likes. In this case, Kurt Janisch has proven that he is abusing his power. He stop and search without any reasonable grounds and he even take advantages from it. He can do this just because he has a warrant card which he shows them everytime he do stop and search. It makes people do not dare to reject him. Since Kurt Janisch has a greedy nature, he uses any ways to satisfy his ever-increasing demands. Because he is a country policeman, then he can use his power to fulfill his greediness. One of his ways is force women to give him properties. "His fingers are itching to angrily beat the woman if she doesn't want to give up her house voluntarily," (Jelinek, 2007: 278). There is no word 'to give up' in the Kurt Janisch's dictionary in getting properties. Therefore he does not hesitate to use violence to get it. In this sentence, it can be seen that Kurt Janisch had thought that he would hit the woman if she refused to give her home. However, he also forced her to hand it over voluntarily. It does not matter whether she is really voluntary or not. The important thing to him is that people know that she gave her house voluntarily. The forcing behaviour that Kurt Janisch did in getting a house can be classified in coercive power. He uses his power to force someone to do what he wants. He did not hesitate to commit coercion because he knew that he is powerful. Therefore, the people will not dare to report him. This action can also be called as an abuse of power. The effect of abuse of powerin the government is that the citizens suffer. When the government abuses their power, the society cannot benefit as it properly should because those in position to help are not staying within the realm of their job. Kurt Janisch is not only misusing his power to his people in his district. People in his office also admitted that he is quite powerful. "He is otherwise something of a disrespectful man, the country policeman, and so he demands all the more respect from the young recruits." (Jelinek, 2007: 195). Kurt Janisch is always look nice and warm in front of the women. But to his co-workers, he is described as a disrespectful man. He likes to putting someone down, trying to make them feel low and treating someone in a horrible manner. Sometimes he is also showing his co-workers that they mean less than nothing to him. He is both rude and ignorant towards another persons feeling. This behaviour is shown by Kurt Janisch mostly to the young recruits. He asked them to show him more respects. While in fact, he does not respect them as much as they do. He thinks that it should be the way, since he is a senior and they were just a young recruiter. What Kurt Janisch does to his young recruiters is included to legitimate power category. A leader who has ability to control other people's feeling by giving them rewards or punishment is a kind of leader in legitimate power. They can give them rewards or punishment to anyone. They also can do anything to them as punishment. The subordinates have no right to reject the rewards or punishments which the leader gives. According to French and Raven in this legitimate power theory, Kurt Janisch's subordinates will only obey him as a country policeman not spesifically in person. This power is therefore not strong enough to be Kurt Janisch's only form of influencing or persuading. Even so, he keeps doing it. For him, it is a matter of pride. "he will take every opportunity to press up against younger colleagues, to pass his hands over their hips and to let them properly feel his little fellow," (Jelinek, 2007: 298). From the sentence above, we can see that Kurt Janisch is sometimes does not hesitate to commit physical violence against his younger colleagues. Once his younger colleagues are making mistakes, he would give them some lessons rudely. He treated them that way in order to make sure that the will not do the same mistake twice. But somehow he became too far. It is shown that he would use every opportunity he has to press up his younger colleagues. However, he press up his colleagues violently. He put his hands around their hips and punch it. He punches them quite strong so they can feel how dissappointed he is. He thinks, if he do it that way, they will learn something. Kurt Janisch is granted many powers in order to keep the peace and protect the general public. There are, of course, limits on his behaviour and if people feel he has used unlawful practices, they should contact a lawyer for legal advice. But Kurt Janisch does not get any complaints for all his behaviors which are beyond the limits. "They have the power to make people disappear without trace forever." (Jelinek, 2007: 261). In addition to maintaining security and protecting the public, Kurt Janisch also sometimes assigned as an investigator. He admitted that policemen have a big power in almost everything. It is shown in the sentence above that they can make people disappear without any trace left. It means that he could kill people and no one will know that he is the culprit. He could use his power as an investigator to throw all the evidences. So people would not know how the victim died and who did it forever. For this, Kurt Janisch uses his power as informational power. He holds an information and he manipulated it to his people. Informational power is based on the potential to use information. Providing rational arguments, using information to persuade others, using facts and manipulating information can create a power base. In this case, Kurt Janisch is keeping the information secretly and even organizing it neatly as if nothing happened. Then, the second section will show the effects of power in Kurt Jansich's sexuality in the novel. Sexuality is also become the main idea in this novel. The country policeman is already married, but his sexual life with his wife does not appear much in this novel. However, his sexual life with other women is much exposed. It is so much easier for him to get any women when he comes in as a figure of authority. "These female proceedings have to be conducted and intimately handled, even if what the Janischs do is not described like that. They combine the pleasing with the useful." (Jelinek, 2007: 26). Everytime Kurt Janisch helps women, he proceeded them 'differently'. Not only him, but his son is also joining him in handling the women. People believed that both of them are treated them unfairly. However, the Janischs have their own argument. They think of it as give-and-take. Whenever they help women, those women have to please them. Kurt Janisch is the one who is quite influential here. He uses his power to manipulate women in his sexual experiences. His act of control and influence women unfairly means that he is in a sexualization cycle. In this cycle, people can do things like flirting or even rape to get what they want. It can cause the women to feel shame and humiliation, but since he is a country policeman, they can not do nothing about it. "What interests the country policeman about women also lies more below the waistline," (Jelinek, 2007: 199). Kurt Janisch is really do not care anything else when his lust is appearing. He's not interested in what she says. He's interested in what she has. More importantly, he is very interested in the women's organ right under their waistline. He thinks that if he can control their vagina, he can control her completely. He knows that once a lonely woman has been satisfied, he will get what he wants more easily. People in various professional and institutional settings endure many forms of unwanted sexual acts that are perpetrated against them by people in positions of power. These perpetrators abuse their power, authority, trust, influence, and dependence to obtain sexual intercourse. (Buchhandler and Raphael, 2010: 3). The act that Kurt Janish has been done is somewhat an act of disrespectful through women. Women needs to be taken care and be loved. Men are using sex instrumentally in order to obtain and retain power over women. An evolutionary perspective does not deny the linkage between power and sex but suggests that the direction of causation is misperceived. Rather than men using sex to obtain power, it is much more accurate to say that they use power to obtain sex. (Browne, 2006: 147). Even they are being treated harshly and disrespectful, these women did not protest or report. Most of them are even delighted that they can have sex with a country policeman. "Two legs spread, for him alone, just like that, and a whole house puts in an appearance right in the middle." (Jelinek, 2007: 117). It is easy for Kurt Janisch to get what he wants. With the power that he has, he only needs two legs spread, like it is stated on the sentence. It means that he can conquer and persuade women to have sex with him. Once the women were already conquered, then they will give him whatever he wants. This makes Kurt Janisch addicted. When he realized that he could get what he wants so easily, then he will do it continously. However, to get two legs spread, Kurt Janisch is forcing them to do so. This behaviour can be classified in the coercive power. It is so, because Kurt Janisch is forcing the women to act in an involuntary manner by use of intimidation and threats. Coercion is one method by which a powerful agent can exercise and maintain his dominance over another. When one has the power needed to credibly threaten another, one can use that power to impose one's will on her regarding many choices. In law, coercion is classified as a threat crime. Such actions are used as leverage, to force the victim to act in a way contrary to their own interests. Coercion may involve the actual infliction of physical pain or psychological harm. This act of coercion that has been done by Kurt Janisch in sex can also be called as the act of rape. Often those men who see women as sex objects and as inherently inferior to men are more likely to commit to rape. Men who hold these beliefs think that they are entitled to control women's sexuality, and to determine what a woman really wants. Such men also think they are entitled to shape women's sexual and nonsexual behavior, and to decide what is acceptable or unacceptable. Therefore, women should meet male needs on demand, men are entitled to force their desires onto women, and therefore, men are entitled to rape women. (Lowell, 2010: 160). Sexual abuse of power, like rape, constitutes serious harms to victims precisely because it typically violates these rights. The right to remain free from sexual coercion stands at the basis of these violations: sexual coercion occurs whenever a person engages in unilateral sexual acts with another person, by exploiting that other person's body for the purposes of his own gratification, arousal or one–sided sexual pleasure, against the will of that other person. A little blood is coming from her vagina. What has he stuck in there this time, bigger than a slap in the face, smaller than a tractor? Perhaps the neck of the beer bottle? (Jelinek, 2007: 82) Not only described as a forceful man when it comes to sex, but he is also described as a crude person. It is stated in the sentence above that after having sex with a girl, a little blood is coming from her vagina. She also feels a great painful when she woke up. She wonders why is that happen. It was not the first time she has sex, so it is obviously not a virgin blood. It can happen because of two things. Either she was on her period or Kurt Janisch was hardly forces his cock into her vagina. From the sentence, the right answer is the second one. She is wondering what he stuck in her vagina. The pain feels more painful than a slap in the face. She presumes that he inserted the neck of the beer bottle which is very hard and painful. This is also the act of sexual assault that has been done by Kurt Janisch. it is the act of having intercourse while doing a physical violence or using a tool. It can cause a great painful, a wound and even a fatal injury. Sexual assault can also included in case of rape because Kurt Janisch forces his cock that cause her to feel great pain in her vagina. This time, he uses his overpowering strength to the woman. It is classified in the sexualization cycle because he once again use his power to manipulate and harm his victim. Like the other victims, this woman is afraid to report him to the police officer. Eventhough she dares to report him, Kurt Janisch will take care of the case. He is also capable to remove all the evidences so that her accusation will not be proceed. As a figure of authority, Kurt Janisch has done too many crimes in his country. Not only raping, but he also done such act like sexual violence. He is surely has a sexual problem. "he's blowing his trumpet into such a young girl, she's no more than a child," (Jelinek, 2007: 83). Not enough with raping and sexual violence, he also dare to do a child abuse. It seems like his candidate for intercourse is not only adult women, but also a child. Through the statement above, we know that Kurt Janisch has an intercourse with a young girl who is described as no more than a child. This action can also be classified as raping. It was told in the story, an adult woman who has had sex with Kurt Janisch saw him having sex with a young girl. She was jealous and claimed that his trumpet is should be hers. Although Kurt Janisch has too many crimes, many women are still go after him. They all want to be treated by the country policeman. The fact that many women are after him, it makes him feels like he can own and control them. Moreover, he can control them because he is a country policeman. He did almost every crime in sexuality, like flirting, raping and even seduction. But his crimes are never been reported. His crimes are all covered by himself. He handles his own crime so nobody can jailed him. He is the one who can send people to jail and he obviously does not want to send himself. This is the power of authority, after one can control and manipulate someone, than everything can be done. Kurt Janisch has chosen to use his power to satisfy his need: sex. When his desire of sex is flaming, he would easily pick any woman to have sex with. His sexuality has become more complex lately. He would not care who the woman is, or does the woman wants it or not, he will just do it. "The age of the children is unimportant, they can be almost sixteen like Gabi," (Jelinek, 2007: 128). It gets worsen when he started to choose a young girl as a place to release his lust. It turns out that he did not do it once. He chose Gabi, who is almost sixteen to be his victim. Kurt Janisch admitted that he does not care about her age, evethough he knows that she was almost sixteen which means that she is still under age. All he cares about is just he has some place to release his lust, so any women will do. Kurt Janisch is now got into a serious problem. His act of raping a girl under age can be classified as child sexual abuse. Child sexual abuse is fundamentally an act of violation, power and domination. The sexual abuser's power, knowledge and resources are far greater thatn those of the child. So the abuser exploits this power difference to take advantage of the child. Children are dependent upon adults for their survival and for affection and understanding of the world. Kurt Janisch thinks that asking a girl who is in her puberty to have sex would be very easy. Girls that age are still fragile and tey can be easily manipulated. In this case, the one who manipulated her is someone who holds a big power over the country. This girl, who is known as Gabi, is just under sixteen. She is still innocent and easily trust any adults. That is why Kurt Janisch uses any tactics to get her. He gives her attention and gifts, manipulate and even threaten her. Gabi trusted him since he is the country policeman. But she never knew that he only wants her virginity. Kurt Janisch has done something terrible to Gabi. Girls at age 16 are emotionally unstable. He does not think that what he has done to her gave a big impacts in her life. Gabi does not want to let him go. She believed that she and Kurt Janisch has become a couple. But Kurt Janisch who only uses her as a relief from Gerti. He does not want that kind of relationship, so he dump her. Gabi becomes very depressed and aggressive. She still wants to be with him. However, she can not reported what Kurt Janisch has done to her. She was afraid to tell anyone. Besides, it was a shameful experience for her. So she just keep it to herself. CONCLUSION The conclusion is divided into two in accordance to the statement of problems. From the analysis that has been done, it can be conclude in the first conclusion that Kurt Janisch has a great power in the country. He is described as a forceful man because he oftenly forced people to do domething that he wants. People mostly obey him because they have been conditioned to obey the powerful people. Otherwise, people who disobey them will get a punishment. As a man who has power in his country, he tries to get any advantages he might get. He is powerful enough to get anything he wants from his people. He is described as a powerful man because he can unleash any kind of events. However, his way to unleashing any kind of events is by forcing people to have a sexual intercourse with him, otherwise, their driver's license will be taken. Whenever he has an opportunity to take advantages, he would go for it. He will make an entrance as a figure of authority. He even forces people in a bar to give him free drinks because he said that he is on duty. While he is on duty as a traffic cop, he would also like to take advantages from the women drivers. He knows that women drivers are mostly make mistakes. So there he goes, stop and search them, threaten them and finaly forces them to give him what he wants. Kurt Janisch's act of forcing people can be classified in coercive power. It can be seen that he oftenly forces people to do what they do not want to do. Besides using the coercive power, Kurt Janisch is sometimes also use the legitimate power. It is shown when he deliberately pressing up and beat his younger colleagues when they do mistakes and do notwant to obey him. He likes to show his seniority against his juniors in the police office. He wants to be respected, but he does not want to respect his colleagues. Kurt Janisch who is sometimes also in charge of search team uses the kind of informational power. He thinks that country policemen also have power to make people disappear without any trace left. He has the capability to hid and manipulate the information he gets to protect himself from any harm. That is why the crimes that Kurt Janisch's done are never been proceed in the court. So, Kurt Janisch's power that is described in this novel are very big. It can be said that Kurt Janisch is abusing his power. The second conclusion is about how Kurt Janisch power affects his sexuality. In the analysis chapter, it can be seen that Kurt Janisch likes to controlling another person in many cases. He also applied this act to have sex with women whom he forced. He likes to help women with their problems and ask them to have sex with him in return. The women can not refuse because they know that they are forced by someone with enormous power in their country. Since then, Kurt Janisch likes rough sex. He oftenly hitting the victim of both on the face and the mouth. This is the act of sexual violence. Then he also hurt the sex organs of a woman because he put his penis too hard. It causes the woman's vagina bleeding hard. In addition, he also did verbal violence by telling the women that they are just toys for Kurt Janisch which can be played at his will. The harshest thing that he did is child abuse. He raped an under-age girl named Gerti and Gabi and cause Gerti to commit suicide. All of his victims do not do any resistance. They have been threatened by Kurt Janisch to keep it. If they leak it, they will bear the severe consequences. Kurt Janisch can do violence to his victims because he feels that he is a powerful person. He can rule in all respects, including in sexual intercourse. In this case, he will not care about the effects that would arise from the sexual violence he was doing. The act of rape, sexual violence and sexual abuse can be classified in a circle sexualization. Sexualization is using sex or sexuality to influence, manipulate or control other people. So, with the power that he has, Kurt Janisch can easily rape any women and he likes to do rough sex. REFERENCE An Explanation of the Circles of Sexuality. Advocates for Youth. 2007. Web. November 27, 2013. Barnett, Jordan. Kaplan's Triphasic Model. Sex Wiki. April 11, 2011. Web. December 25, 2013. Browne, Kingsley R. Sex, Power, and Dominance: The Evolutionary Psychology of Sexual Harassment. Detroit: Wiley InterScience, 2006. Buchhandler, Michal and Raphael. Sexual Abuse of Power. Selected Works. March 2010. Web. April 15, 2014. http://works.bepress.com/michal_buchhandler_raphael/9 Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality, Vol. I. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978. French, and Raven. The Bases of Social Power. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1959. Hutchinson, Paul L. and Gage, Anastasia J. Power, Control, and Intimate Partner Sexual Violence in Haiti. Archives of Sexual Behavior, Vol. 35, No. 1, 2006. Jelinek, Elfriede. Greed. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2007. Lowell, Gary. A Review of Rape Statistics, Theories, and Policy. Undergraduate Review, 6, 158-163. 2010. Schalet, Amy. Must We Fear Adolscent Sexuality?. Medscape Multispecialty. December 30, 2004. Web. December 18, 2013. http://www.medscape.com/viewarticle/494933 Wrobel, Szymon. Power, Subject and the Concept of Rational Action, in: A Decade of Transformation, IWM Junior Visiting Fellows Conferences, Vol. 8: Vienna, 1999.
Sri Lanka's population is still largely rural, nearly 85 percent lives outside of cities. There will probably be rural-to-urban migration in the future, which represents a potential opportunity to m-money providers. People working in cities often wish to repatriate their savings to their rural families conveniently and at a low cost. Income is fairly evenly spread across Sri Lanka s provinces, with the exception of the Western Province where Colombo, the largest city, is situated. Its GDP per capita places Sri Lanka near the average of comparable Southeast Asian countries. Malaysia is clearly an outlier with a considerably higher GDP per capita, but Sri Lanka s GDP is higher than that of the Philippines, where m-money has taken off dramatically. Poverty is less of a problem in Sri Lanka relative to countries like Bangladesh or Cambodia, where GDP per capita is much lower. The key point is that Sri Lanka is at a different stage in its economic development and is unlikely to have the same socioeconomic conditions that made m-money in Kenya accelerate so rapidly.