Suchergebnisse

A copy of a telegram for "Frank #177" concerning directions on which documents to bring at an appearance that will best assist with testimony.

Correspondence, regarding vouchers which were submitted for reimbursement, from U. S. Marshall, J. P. Dillon, in Phoenix, Arizona, to Sam E. Day, Jr., in St. Michaels, Arizona. There are 4 letters from Dillon to Day with various dates from June to August 1921. Day responds to Dillon regarding the vouchers and his letter is dated November 6, 1921.BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The Day Family were anglo Indian traders, on the Navajo Reservation in eastern Arizona. The collection includes the personal and business papers of Sam Day, Sr. (1845-1925) surveyor, Indian trader, legislator and United States Indian Commissioner; Anna Day, Sam Sr.'s wife (1872-1932); and of their children, Charles L. Day (1879-1918), Samuel Day, Jr. (1889-1944), United States deputy Marshall. The collection includes information on Navajo culture, stories and legends; the looting of Canyon del Muerta, and the Frank Dugan murder.

This 1995 book contributes to both modern German history and to the sociological understanding of crime in modern industrial and urban societies. Its central argument is that cities, in themselves, do not cause crime. It focuses on the problems of crime and criminal justice during Germany's period of most rapid urban and industrial growth - a period when Germany also rose to world power status. From 1871 to 1914, German cities, despite massive growth, socialist agitation and non-ethnic German immigration, were not particularly infested with crime. Yet the conservative political and religious elites constantly railed against the immoral nature of the city and the German governmental authorities, police, and court officials often overreacted against city populations. In so doing, they helped to set Germany on a dangerous authoritarian course

"May 17, 2004." ; Shipping list no.: 2004-0205-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Human rights are part of the political, institutional, cultural, economic and socialdynamics of individual and collective peoples and governments. Its recognition has beenprogressive and diverse, product of social struggles in the majority of cases,nevertheless the international doctrine appeals to the States the configuration of auniversal and regional juridical order. In Venezuela, after an unprecedented process, aConstitution is approved that contains a wide range of human rights, among whichpolitical rights stand out, which, faced with the proposal of a participatory andprotagonist democracy, pose a challenge to be assumed, not only since The State, butfrom the exercise by the people. Hugo Rafael Chavez Frías, was the leader whopromoted the formation, organization and construction of a new form of democracy, anew form of human rights, in particular political rights. Studying its legacy, thought andaction is imperative for the consolidation of a new citizen consciousness. The researchwas a methodological course with studies on critical theory, a doctrine that proposes therejection of socio-historical realities, later revised norms, speeches and interviews withactors, proposals and political actions that Hugo Rafael Chávez, who Prompted a newlegal and political order to change the exercise of political rights, to the leading role ofthe people for the transformation of the old state and the construction of a new Social,Democratic, Law and Justice State. ; Los Derechos Humanos son parte de la dinámica política, institucional, cultural,económica y social individual y colectiva de los pueblos y los gobiernos. Sureconocimiento ha sido progresivo y diverso, producto de luchas sociales en la mayoríade los casos, sin embargo la doctrina internacional le abroga a los Estados laconfiguración de un orden jurídico universal y regional. En Venezuela, luego de unproceso inédito se aprueba una Constitución que contiene un amplio abanico de DDHH,ente los cuales se destacan los derechos políticos, que ante la propuesta de unademocracia participativa y protagónica se plantean como un reto a asumir, no sólodesde el Estado, sino desde el ejercicio por parte del pueblo. Hugo Rafael ChávezFrías, fue el líder que impulsó la formación, organización y construcción de una nuevaforma de democracia, de una nueva forma de ejercicio de los derechos humanos, enparticular los derechos políticos. Estudiar su legado, pensamiento y acción esimperante para la consolidación de una nueva conciencia ciudadana. En lainvestigación se realizó un recorrido metodológico con estudios sobre la teoría crítica,doctrina que plantea el rechazo de las realidades socio-históricas, posteriormente serevisaron normas, discursos y entrevistas a actores, las propuestas y acciones políticasque realizó Hugo Rafael Chávez, quien impulsó un nuevo orden jurídico y político paracambiar el ejercicio de los derechos políticos, hacia la participación protagónica delpueblo para la transformación del viejo Estado y la construcción de un nuevo EstadoSocial, Democrático, de Derecho y de Justicia

The COVID-19 pandemic has been, and will continue to be, exposed to young democracies who are grappling with deep-seated multi-generational and multi-layered traumas which are embedded in past and present conflicts as well as injustices. In the lead-up to the COVID-19 pandemic, South Africa, being a young democracy, has experienced an increase in anger, violence and vengeance due to on-going poverty, lack of service delivery, housing and land, etc., at all levels of society. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the injustices that are based on the legacy of generational trauma and pain that are caused mainly by an unjust political system, centuries of colonialism, violence, and conflict. These injustices have also exposed the commitment and promises that the religious sector made, during the hearing of the faith communities at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), to the reconstruction and development of the country as well as to reconciliation and healing of the nation. Since South Africa became a democracy, the transition process, the first democratic election, the TRC process, political promises, corruption and currently the COVID-19 pandemic have restrained the state of trauma in the country. This restraint has led to a state of frozenness. This contribution argues that the concept of divine discomfort and specifically the notions of accountability and justice can contribute to exploring new ways for religion to deal with the eruption of multi-generational and multi-layered 'frozen trauma'.

This text contains some of the most important contributions that Professor Joan Pagès Blanch left us as legacy, after his death in June 2020. His contribution to political education, through his publications, teaching in master's and doctorate programs, and at conferences in many European and Latin American countries, have made him an essential author for research and innovation, and a reference for all those teachers and researchers who want to approach the field of democratic political education or critical citizenship education. One of the most important purposes that always guided his work is that political education be an instrument of social change, of building a better future, with more social justice. ; En este texto se recogen algunas de las aportaciones más importantes que el profesor Joan Pagès Blanch nos dejó como legado, tras su muerte en junio de 2020. Su contribución a la educación política, a través de sus publicaciones, impartición de clases en másteres y doctorados, así como en conferencias en varios países de Europa y Latinoamérica, lo han convertido en un autor imprescindible para la investigación y la innovación, así como en un referente para todos aquellos docentes e investigadores que quieran acercarse al campo de la educación política democrática o de la educación para la ciudadanía crítica. Uno de los propósitos más importantes que guio siempre su obra es que la educación política fuera un instrumento de cambio social, de construcción de un futuro mejor, con más justicia social.

Since the Conclusions of the European Council on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at Tampere in 1999 the Union has recognised the significance of the external dimension to this policy field, and over the last decade the Union's activity in this field has both intensified and broadened to include not only migration, border management and asylum but all aspects of the AFSJ, ranging from counter-terrorism to civil procedure. Although the scope of external action reflects the fragmentation of the subject matter and the AFSJ lacks an easily identifiable policy objective, there are ways in which we can identify certain common elements in the approach to external AFSJ policy, in particular in managing the relationship between different actors. This paper seeks to explore some of these distinctive elements; its purpose is to set out some of the particular legal features of external AFSJ policy. First, to examine the basis for and the scope of external competence given that there is no explicit provision in the EC Treaty for external action in the field. Second, the legal implications of the inter-pillar nature of the AFSJ: the consequences this has for the types of instrument available to the Union and the legal constraints imposed by the need to 'police' the boundary. And finally the paper explores the relationship between Union / Community action and Member State action: the possibility of exclusive Community competence, the mechanisms developed to manage shared competence and the additional complexity created by the varying 'opt-outs' for some Member States.

ABSTRACT
The manifestations of the post-2000 economic crisis in Zimbabwe have long been a research subject for scholars who study issues of social justice in Zimbabwe. This article reviews three recent books written on the topic: Simukai Chigudu's The political life of an epidemic: cholera, crisis and citizenship in Zimbabwe, Davison Muchadenyika's Seeking urban transformation: alternative urban futures in Zimbabwe, and Building from the rubble: the labour movement in Zimbabwe since 2000, edited by Lloyd Sachikonye, Brian Raftopoulos and Godfrey Kanyenze. Although these works focus on different issues – a healthcare emergency, an urban housing crisis, and the labour movement's decline, several themes cut across all of them: the economic and political crises, urban politics, experiences of citizenship, and social injustice. Addressing different socio-economic and political processes that emerged due to the crisis, the authors come to a common and important conclusion that despite the rigid political system and persisting social injustice, substantive and substantial changes in Zimbabwe may be achieved through grassroots social mobilisation and collective action.

This article focuses on resolution C-117/13 of the Court of Justice of the European Union regarding the flexibility of copyright for scientific and academic purposes. We also address the issue of Open Access information and provide some insights about Information Societies, new para- digm of knowledge of the 21st century. ; Este artículo se enfoca en la resolución C-117/13 de la Corte de Justicia Europea sobre la flexibilización de los derechos de autor para fines científicos y académicos. Abordamos también el problema del libre acceso a la información y aportamos ciertos elementos de reflexión en relación con las sociedades de la información, nuevo paradigma del conocimiento del siglo XXI.

Статья посвящена анализу особенностей интеграции калмыцкого населения в правовую систему Российской империи в конце XVIIIпервой половине XIX в. После ликвидации государственности калмыцкого народа российским правительством была начата работа по реализации принципов организации и функционирования системы российского судопроизводства на территории Калмыцкой степи. Попытки ведения местного (национального) законодательства в единое законодательное пространство страны завершились тем, что была изменена подсудность дел и фактически перераспределены полномочия по их рассмотрению. Постепенное распространение российского законодательство в национальном судопроизводстве привело к сокращению перечня дел, рассматриваемых по древним калмыцким законам. Несмотря на это, судебная практика, вводимая на территории Калмыцкой степи, позволяла учитывать социальную жизнь и быт калмыков, специфику национальной ментальности и особенности правосознания. При сохранении отдельных местных традиционных структур и институтов власти в Калмыцкой степи все более усиливалась роль российских чиновников, а суды находились под жестким надзором администрации. Существенным минусом этого процесса стало то, что новые порядки вводились сверху и носили искусственный характер. Калмыцкое правосознание оставалось прежним и не могло поменяться так быстро, как того хотело правительство. Новое судопроизводство стало носить формальный характер, а российские суды, к компетенции, которых была отнесена значительная часть калмыцких дел, сами нуждались в реформировании. Процесс интеграции протекал достаточно сложно и к середине XIX в. не был завершен. Это привело к тому, что во всех улусах сложилась различная практика в отношении судопроизводства и подсудности улусных Зарго, а калмыки потеряли всякое доверие к своему суду, осуществлявшему судопроизводство по российским законам, и судьям, не имевшим практического опыта обращения к нормам калмыцкого обычного права. ; Article is devoted to the analysis of features of integration of the kalmyk population into a system of law of the Russian Empire at the end of XVIIIthe first half of the 19th century. After liquidation of statehood of the kalmyk people by the Russian government work on implementation of the principles of the organization and functioning of system of the Russian legal proceedings in the territory of the Kalmyk steppe was begun. Attempts of maintaining the local (national) legislation in single legislative space of the country came to the end with the fact that cognizance of affairs was changed and powers on their consideration are actually redistributed. Gradual distribution Russian led the legislation in national legal proceedings to reducing the list of the cases considered under ancient Kalmyk laws. Despite it, the court practice entered in the territory of the Kalmyk steppe allowed to consider social life and life of kalmyks, specifics of national mentality and feature of sense of justice. When preserving separate local traditional structures and institutes of the power in the Kalmyk steppe the role of the Russian officials more and more amplified, and courts were under tough supervision of administration. Essential minus of this process was the fact that new orders were entered from above and had artificial character. The Kalmyk sense of justice remained the same and couldn't exchange as quickly as that was wanted by the government. New legal proceedings began to have formal character, and the Russian courts, to competence which a considerable part of the Kalmyk cases was referred, needed reforming. Process of integration proceeded rather difficult and to the middle of the 19th century wasn't complete. It led to the fact that in all uluses there was various practice concerning legal proceedings and cognizance the ulusnykh Zargo, and Kalmyks lost any trust to the court performing legal proceedings under the Russian laws, and the judges who didn't have practical experience of the appeal to regulations of the Kalmyk common law.

[2], 4 p. ; Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library.