Neste texto, busca-se fazer emergir a análise realizada numa classe de primeiro ano de 6 anos do ensino fundamental de nove anos de uma escola pública de periferia de Porto Alegre (RS). Ele indica como as crianças deste primeiro ano tramam seu processo de alfabetização e escapam do estigma da tristeza e do fracasso. Estudam-se os documentos (MEC- Lei nº. 11. 274, de 2006 /EFNA) que ordenam e administram a vida de crianças e professores, através de programas empresariais e governamentais, e se tornam o olho – Argos Panopticon. Optando-se por uma metodologia-bricolagem e baseando-se nos estudos pós-estruturalistas, trama-se a análise dos documentos legais com observações participantes. Mostra-se um acontecimento especial que marcou a alfabetização desta turma ou sobre como, a partir de Flávia, a menina que ajuda a pensar o título deste artigo, de 6 anos, guria, preta, gorda e que, portanto, fugia de todos os parâmetros da naturalização dos sujeitos-meninas ou daqueles que têm tudo para dar certo na vida, encontra um modo de se alfabetizar e com ela o seu grupo. Trata-se da alegria na sua potência de agir de uma alfabetizanda-desviante ao se constituir como leitora de histórias para seu grupo, e como esta vitalidade de criação transforma o aprendizado de crianças e professores. Encerra-se o artigo com o desejo de que se faça emergir a alegria spinoziana da descoberta da alfabetização, mesmo que desviante, no processo de meninas e meninos alfabetizandos com 6 anos. Convida-se ao desvio! ; In the present text we bring forward the study carried out with a first-year class of six-year-olds from a nine-year fundamental schooling public unit located at the outskirts of Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. It reveals how the children from this first-year class weave their literacy process, and escape from the stigma of sorrow and failure. We analyze the documents that order and organize the life of children and teachers (MEC Law No. 11274 of 2006 and EFNA) through business and governmental programs, which thereby become the all-seeing eye – Argos Panopticon. Opting for a handicraft methodology, and based on poststructuralist studies, we interlace the analysis of legal documents with participant observations. A special situation is described here that left its mark on the literacy process of this class, namely, how Flávia, the chubby Black six-year-old girl that helps giving title to this article, firmly outside every naturalizing parameter of girl-subjects, or of those who have everything going for them in life, finds her own way to learn to read, and takes her group with her. One deals here with the joy, in its power to act, of a deviantliterate who constitutes herself as a reader of stories to her group, and how this vitality of creation transforms the learning process of children and teachers alike. The article concludes wishing that we evoke the Spinozian joy of the discovery of literacy, even if deviant, in the literacy process of six-year-old boys and girls. An invitation to deviate!
Social enterprises are diverse in their mission, business structures and industry orientations. Like all businesses, social enterprises face a range of strategic and operational challenges and utilize a range of strategies to access resources in support of their venture. This exploratory study examined the strategic management issues faced by Australian social enterprises and the ways in which they respond to these. The research was based on a comprehensive literature review and semi-structured interviews with 11 representatives of eight social enterprises based in Victoria and Queensland. The sample included mature social enterprises and those within two years of start-up. In addition to the research report, the outputs of the project include a series of six short documentaries, which are available on YouTube at http://www.youtube.com/user/SocialEnterpriseQUT#p/u. The research reported on here suggests that social enterprises are sophisticated in utilizing processes of network bricolage (Baker et al. 2003) to mobilize resources in support of their goals. Access to network resources can be both enabling and constraining as social enterprises mature. In terms of the use of formal business planning strategies, all participating social enterprises had utilized these either at the outset or the point of maturation of their business operations. These planning activities were used to support internal operations, to provide a mechanism for managing collective entrepreneurship, and to communicate to external stakeholders about the legitimacy and performance of the social enterprises. Further research is required to assess the impacts of such planning activities, and the ways in which they are used over time. Business structures and governance arrangements varied amongst participating enterprises according to: mission and values; capital needs; and the experiences and culture of founding organizations and individuals. In different ways, participants indicated that business structures and governance arrangements are important ways of conferring legitimacy on social enterprise, by signifying responsible business practice and strong social purpose to both external and internal stakeholders. Almost all participants in the study described ongoing tensions in balancing social purpose and business objectives. It is not clear, however, whether these tensions were problematic (in the sense of eroding mission or business opportunities) or productive (in the sense of strengthening mission and business practices through iterative processes of reflection and action). Longitudinal research on the ways in which social enterprises negotiate mission fulfillment and business sustainability would enhance our knowledge in this area. Finally, despite growing emphasis on measuring social impact amongst institutions, including governments and philanthropy, that influence the operating environment of social enterprise, relatively little priority was placed on this activity. The participants in our study noted the complexities of effectively measuring social impact, as well as the operational difficulties of undertaking such measurement within the day to day realities of running small to medium businesses. It is clear that impact measurement remains a vexed issue for a number of our respondents. This study suggests that both the value and practicality of social impact measurement require further debate and critically informed evidence, if impact measurement is to benefit social enterprises and the communities they serve.
Abstract.The primary lesson to be learned from the failed Charlottetown Accord is that substantive constitutional reform in Canada is not possible, and will not be for some time. This claim is structurally grounded—a reflection of inherent limitations to successful constitutional negotiations. Specifically, it contends that the requirement of mass input/legitimization of constitutional bargaining in deeply divided societies is incompatible with successful constitution making. There are two reasons for this conclusion. First, mass legitimization serves to undermine effective elite accommodation. The degree of compromise necessary to forge a constitutional agreement at the elite level among different societal groups alienates too many mass supporters of each group. As a result, elites cannot deliver the support of their constitutional constituents. Second, constitution making, by virtue of providing certain groups with almost perpetual special privileges, provides an incentive for groups to seek constitutional status. Mass input into the constitutional process lowers the costs associated with seeking constitutional status, thereby facilitating the creation of new constitutional orientations. In this article, a theoretical argument about the incompatibility of consociational constitutionalism and mass input/legitimization is developed. This argument applies to the Canadian context, detailing the prevailing "mega-constitutional" orientations (MCOs) in Canada, emphasizing their inherent irreconcilability. Based on evidence from the Charlottetown referendum campaign, empirical support is provided for the argument developed. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the findings and forecasts failure for constitutional initiatives, in Canada and elsewhere, where consociational constitutionalism occurs in tandem with the requirement of mass input/legitimization.Résumé.La première leçon à tirer de l'échec de l'Accord de Charlottetown, c'est qu'une réforme constitutionnelle en profondeur n'est pas possible, et ce pour un avenir prévisible. Cette prémisse s'appuie sur des éléments structured, reflétant des limites inhérentes aux négotiations constitutionnelles. Plus précisément, cela présume que l'exigence de légitimation par les masses du marchandage constitutionnel dans des sociétés profondément divisées représente un obstacle majeur pour le succès des négotiations. On invoquera deux motifs pour justifier cette conclusion. D'abord, la légitimation populaire contribue à empêcher les accommodements entre les élites. L'ampleur des compromis nécessaires à l'émergence d'un accord au niveau des élites entre différents groupes sociaux aliène trop de citoyens dans chacun des groupes. Conséquemment, les élites ne peuvent garantir l'appui de leurs mandants. En deuxième lieu, le bricolage constitutionnel, qui procure à certains groupes des privilèges sociaux perpétuels, encourage les groupes à rechercher un statut constitutionnel. La participation des masses au processus diminue les coûts associés à la quête de statut constitutionnel, facilitant ainsi la création de nouvelles orientations constitutionnelles. Cet article propose une argumentation théorique à propos de l'incompatibilité entre le constitutionnalisme consociationnel et la légitimation par la participation populaire. La thèse est appliquée au cas canadien, approfondissant les orientations macro-constitutionnelles dominantes ou pas, et en en faisant ressortir l'irréconciliabilité. En s'appuyant sur l'expérience référendaire d'octobre 1992, l'article étoffe ensuite concrètement l'argumentation. Par-delà le résumé des principaux résultats, la conclusion prédit l'àchec des initiatives constitutionnelles, au Canada et ailleurs, partout où le constitutionnalisme consociationnel sera accompagné par l'exigence d'une légitimation par la participation populaire.
This book documents and reflects on three artistic projects and their processes. As a "marginalia" to the projects I also presents arguments, stories and ir/ relevant discourses. What I call marginalia extends to aspects of a historical backdrop of these three projects and the stories behind them. It is partly a reflection on my process and experiences, but, more crucially for me, it is what I would like to call marginalia. It extends to aspects of a historical backdrop that were not necessarily present in the process of exhibition making. In this book, I reflect upon different modes of exhibition making and artistic research practices, however, this book is not simply a postscript to those works. It also serves as a form of marginalia to my artistic explorations in relation to art, history, and global politics. Combining fragments of histories, it constitutes a bricolage of things, events, and narratives. The book itself comprises the fourth and final story. "Three or Four Ir/relevant Stories" here mirrors the conjunction of some historical and cultural cases that, in my point of view, need to be acknowledged. It is an artistic research investigation, proposing a multi-sited, archaeological approach to histories of art and life that also constitute part of my lived experience in the Global South and the Global North. By bringing multiple subjects into my study, as well as historical reenactment in the form of a review of archival materials in the exhibition space, I explore possible correspondences, seen through the lenses of contemporary art practice, subalternity, and the technology of image production. In my investigations of certain artworks and their histories, I aim to develop everyday observations into archaeological interpretations to displace the image from its past historical location and bring forth the question: What will happen to our collective past in the future? The exhibitions themselves embody a hybrid approach, an expression that portrays multiple combinations and interpretations of various art genres and subject matters. By their very nature, the works present multiplicities of materials, which in their collection into an exhibition amount to a sort of cabinet of curiosities. I neither stick to one method of artistic investigation, nor focus on a single medium. Instead I aim to reconnoiter the possibilities that inhere an artistic survey. At no point do I follow any fixed blueprint for, or definition of, artistic production; in short, I might argue that in my artistic practices, I attempt to avoid dividing method from life's experiences. It is, in part, the narrative fluidity of such a microhistorical investigation that enables me to imagine the exhibition as a point of departure of my artistic exploration and research of such micro elements of contemporary history. I aim to investigate whether it was possible establish a storytelling structure that would mirror the branching paths of the archaeological trace and its background—a transdisciplinary materialism that brings multiple dimensions of history into one temporary place called an exhibition. In so doing, I have sought to produce a cross-generational platform where the audience can engage with the multiplicity of the contemporary past, and per- haps also revisit their own memories. ; I denna avhandling har jag genomfört tre konstnärliga projekt som jag reflekterar över och dokumenterar. Som en form av "marginalia" till projekten presenteras argument, berättelser och relevanta diskurser. Dessa omfattar aspekter av den historiska bakgrunden till de tre projekten och deras huvudsakliga ämnen och berättelserna bakom dem, vilka når bortom själva utställningsprocesserna. I Tre eller fyra Ir/relevanta berättelser sammankopplar jag ett antal historiska och kulturella fall och händelser. Undersökningen tar sig från från Iran till Pakistan för att kartlägga effekterna av vad jag kallar ett "omedvetet kolonialminne" av bildproduktion ur proletariatets synvinkel. Sedan sker en rörelse från Jugoslavien till Sverige som belyser den Alliansfria Rörelsens globala historiografi genom att sätta den i samband med Zagrebs animationsskola och den animerade karaktären professor Balthazar. Därefter kopplas denna diskussion till de tvetydiga och prob- lematiska egenskaperna hos representationen av globalt motstånd i relation till en specifik politisk gest i Teheran – Palestinamonumentet i centrum av staden. Utifrån exemplet ställs en central fråga: vad händer med ett konstverk när det passerar gränsen? Även om dessa berättelser är orelaterade är de inskrivna i geografier som historiskt har definierats från en eurocentrisk utsiktsplats. Den eurocentriska attityden baseras i grunden på en strikt uppdelning mellan "här" och "där": en gräns som delar upp två åtskilda områden. "Här" innefattar en dynamik av modern, progressiv socialitet, medan "där" avgrän- sar en plats som fryst i sin historia, på ett både nedlåtande och exotifierat sätt. Dikotomin målar upp den fascinerande, vackra, naiva orienten, och skapar representationer och minnen som internal- iserades på båda sidor. Tre eller fyra Ir/relevanta berättelser är en mång- sidig konstnärlig undersökning som föreslår ett arkeologiskt förhållningssätt till berättelser om konst och liv vilka också utgör en del av min levda erfarenhet i den globala södern och det globala norr. Genom att inkludera flera ämnen i min studie, såväl som ett återskapande av arkivmaterial i utställningsrummet, utforskar jag möjliga korrespondenser, sedda genom linserna av konstpraktik och subalternitet, samt studier av obsoleta teknologier inom bildproduktion. I mina studier av specifika konstverk och deras historier och kontexter strävar jag efter att utveckla vardagliga observationer till arkeologiska tolkningar att förskjuta bilden från dess tidigare, etablerade historiska läge och ställa frågan: vad kommer att hända med vårt kollektiva förflutna i framtiden? Utställningarna i sig är exempel på en hybridstrategi; ett försök att använda kombinationer och tolkningar av olika konstgenrer och ämnen. Jag har undersökt möjligheten av att sammanföra en mång- fald av material, som i viss mån bildar något som kan liknas vid ett kuriosakabinett. Jag har alltså inte varit trogen en viss konstnärlig undersökningsmetod, inte heller har jag fokuserat på ett enda konstnärligt medium. Istället har jag strävat efter att använda de möjligheter som ligger i en konstnärlig undersökning, en öppen process som delvis formas efter omständigheterna. Inte vid något tillfälle har jag följt en fast ritning för eller definition av konstnärlig produktion; kort sagt kan jag hävda att jag i min konstnärliga praktik försöker undvika att skilja metoden från livserfarenheter. Det är delvis den narrativa rörligheten i en sådan mikrohistorisk undersökning som gör det möjligt för mig att föreställa mig utställningen som en utgångs- punkt för min konstnärliga utforskning och som en form av utforskande av mikroelement i samtidshistoria. Jag har strävat efter att undersöka om det är möjligt att upprätta en berättarstruktur som kan spegla de arkeologiska spårens förgreningsvägar och deras bakgrund en tvärvetenskaplig materialism som för med sig flera dimensioner av histo- rien till en tillfällig plats som kallas en utställning. Inom ramen för den undersökningen har jag försökt skapa en plattform för flera generationer där publiken kan engagera sig i mångfalden av det samtida förflutna och kanske också återvända till sina egna minnen. De konstnärliga verken som ingår i avhandlingen kan beskrivas som bricolage av fragment; saker, händelser och berättelser. Boken i sig konstituerar den fjärde och sista delen/berättelsen. Den här boken är alltså inte bara en efterskrift till de tre verken utan fungerar också som en marginalia till min konstnärliga forskning med förbindelser till annan konst, till historia och global politik.
The aim of the article is to delineate contours of certain social strategies, images and discourses as well as cultural practices related to the Lithuanianness, as culture and heritage imagined, constructed and contested in and among different waves and generations of the Lithuanian Americans. The period, the wave of immigration, the way it happened and in particular the rooted-ness in the American soil are basic markers for a distinct pattern of Lithuanianness to be recognized. Any one of these patterns falls into the ascription of a certain social strategy, ideology and politics of identity and is motivated and re-enforced by 'symbolic capital' taken from 'repository' (Castells 1997) of national or ethnic heritage. Consequently, the Lithuanian heritage gains its meaning as well as any item of the national 'repository' becomes imagined, (re) constructed and circulated differently among at least four generations of the Lithuanian descendants, who started to settle in the United States in 1860's as economic immigrants, continued in the late 1940s as political DPs (who have moved from displaced person's camps in Germany) and do continue up to the recent wave of post-Soviet Lithuanian immigration. Lithuanianness as ethnicity can operate as shelter and aid. This is a strategy of particular importance for the each category of the Lithuanian immigrants. It is a sort of model for ethnic subsistence, based on neighborhood ties, as well as on shared language skills and also on an appreciation of common cultural heritage in terms of ethnic foods and customs. Ethnic emancipation is a strategy especially evident during the establishment of the ethnic Lithuanian Catholic Church with service in Lithuanian although all believers in the diaspora never supported such a strategy. Nationalist mission is a strategy of cherishing, perpetuating and retaining ethnicity/nation-ness in terms of culture, language, traditions and heritage. The Lithuanian Charter of 1949 is the best example of the nationalist imperative and mission, applicable to any Lithuanian in exile "to pass on the culture to future generations to insure the eternal nature of his nationality' The parish of the Lithuanian Catholic Church is the most visible social network in the case of ethnicity. The role of the parish to shelter and embrace ethnic life, is most visible through the whole history of the Lithuanian diaspora in the US, in particular in its early stages. Only one other ethnic organization – the Lithuanian Community, (Lietuviu bendruomene) founded and maintained almost entirely by DPs, primarily for nationalist activities, could be compared in scale and popularity with the parish. For many that immigrated after World War II, the Lithuanian Community was at least of equal importance as was the parish to old-timers. The social networks of the post-communist immigrants are based on common social and economic experience of the Communist regimes, visible in the job market, such as the economy of favors, nepotism and clientalism. Participation in such social networks 'of their own' or 'groups of friends' is a source of higher salaries, more secure jobs, benefits, and finally, means of successful adaptation, helping immigrants to achieve higher social and economic mobility in American society. Earlier generations of immigrants also transplanted their social experiences from the home country, but unlike new immigrants, they were met by, and exposed to, the same or, at least, very similar social bonds in the new country, where the parish stands as the best example. The most critical issue along all waves of immigration is a normative image of home country. Old-timer's wave of immigration is overwhelmingly guided by rural and heroic romanticism of the old underdeveloped country. Their image of the people of this country is that of a 'strong' people who founded a medieval empire, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and regained independence from Russia twice during the last century, in 1918 and in 1990. It is also the main source of being 'proud of being Lithuanian'. The DPs image of the home country was constructed from the typical political refuge experience. The occupied and suffering country, left behind at the end of the World War II, encouraged them to take on a mission of regaining nation and retaining its culture. For the post-Communist newcomers, the image of the home country is full of postcolonial transitional uncertainty, with a clear understanding that Lithuania belongs to the Eastern European region with Russian as lingua franca. They are very self-conscious, and their image of the home country and Lithuanian people is in many ways focussed on the 'unique-communist regime – experience' as possessed by the immigrants themselves and their compatriots in Lithuania. The question of sociocultural production of meaning of ethnicity implies praxis of everyday life in diasporas, where manipulation of the Lithuanianness takes place. At least two Lithuanian cultural and heritage practices could be defined. The first involves the essentialisation and codification of culture and heritage. Discourses on the issue of 'birthright to glorious Lithuanian heritage' already appeared in the Lithuanian newspapers published in the US at the end of the nineteenth century. The issue of the Lithuanian culture was altered significantly by DPs. The perpetuation of the notion of occupied, and thus repressed and deprived, Lithuanian nation and its culture gained political acceptance within the US government. It gave political motivation for Lithuanian culture in the US to become more than one of many ethnicity cultures within the 'American dream', and to acquire a 'public' and 'prestigious' image. So, despite the predominant 'Melting Pot' cultural politics of the US during the post World War II period, the Lithuanian label held moral and cultural prestige. A second visible Lithuanian cultural and heritage practice in America invokes a cultural bricolage of retained and adopted elements. Cultural bricolage is conducted by creating new meanings for national/ethnic cultural forms of kinship, language, artifacts, visual-virtual materials, narratives and stereotypes. Ethnic identifications phrased as "Proud to be Lithuanian" or 'I am American first and Lithuanian always' along with a few catchwords or phrases in Lithuanian are starting point in practicing cultural bricoleur. An interest in family genealogies, which is usually strongly related to an interest in finding ethnic roots and eventually ends up in ethnic pilgrimages to Lithuania as a homeland (or the land of ancestors), also belongs to that practice. Material objects, which are supposed to belong to the ethnic/national repository, are used for decoration of private homes and public halls, usually enshrined by ethnic shrines. ; Manipuliavimas bet kuriuo ir bet kurio paveldo – ypač tautinio – aspektu vyksta ne tik ir ne tiek tautinės valstybės viduje, bet nė kiek nemažiau ir už jos ribų. Emigrantus, pabėgėlius, deportuotuosius ir kitus persikėlusius ar perkeltuosius sieja ne tik socialinė atmintis apie "namų šalį", bet ir transplantuoti, reprodukuojami bei sumeistraujami tautiniai paveldai. Šio rašinio tikslas – nubrėžti kai kurių socialinių strategijų, socialinių tinklų, įvaizdžių ir diskursų kontūrus, bendrais bruožais aptarti su konkrečiu etniškumu/nacionalumu sukibusio tapatumo kultūrines praktikas, kitaip sakant lietuviškumą – kaip savitą lietuviškos kultūros ir paveldo formą; t. y. kaip "lietuviškumą" įsivaizdavo ir įsivaizduoja, konstravo ir tebekonstruoja bei/ar siekia užginčyti skirtingos Amerikos lietuvių bangos ir kartos. Remiuosi 2000–2002 m. JAV Vidurio Vakarų valstijose atliktų antropologinių lauko tyrimų duomenimis. Didžiausias dėmesys skirtas Rytų ir Pietų Ilinojaus (įskaitant Westville, Collinsville, West-Frankfort ir Herrin) bei Misurio (St. Louis miesto rytinės dalies) valstijų buvusių angliakasių bendruomenių likučiams bei lietuvių gyvenamiesiems rajonams Èikagoje (įskaitant Brighten Park ir Marquette Park).
Scholars have engaged actively with the link between customary practices and ecological conservation in Africa as part of a broader debate on governance approaches for natural resource management. To a large extent, this is in response to a growing voice articulating the need to integrate traditional institutions and customary practices into a more contemporary form of governance for Africa's democratic and socio-economic transformation. To date, however, the integration of customary and statutory approaches to governance has yielded only modest progress in the forest sector and knowledge remains limited about the interface between these governance systems and the effect of this dualism on natural resource management. Using the lens of the baobab tree, this research set out to address these gaps and to elucidate understanding of the interplay between customary and statutory governance in managing natural resources; the influence of such interactions on ecological sustainability and livelihoods; and the contextual factors that shape such approaches. Uses of the baobab tree as well as factors affecting access were analysed. Two study sites were selected on the basis of similarities in resource endowment and contrasting use patterns and forms of governance. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used. Quantitative methods included an ecological survey to examine the relationship between different indicators of ecological sustainability and different tenure regimes. A household survey was also carried out to examine the extent to which households use and benefit from baobab products. Qualitative methods included focus group discussions, institutional mapping, ranking and scoring, and oral histories. The study engaged with debates around governance, bricolage, non-timber forest products, bifurcation, livelihoods and access. Findings show that the baobab tree is used in multiple ways by households, and has both consumptive values as well as intrinsic values which are typically overlooked in the discourse of natural resource governance. The study illustrates that the interest of traditional institutions in regulating baobab use and access has been informed by reasons relating to sustainable livelihoods, ecological sustainability and the need to maintain a delicate link between environmental sustainability, the spirits of the land and resource users. Local arrangements are robust, dynamic and are entrenched in the day to day lives of the resource users. These arrangements may not fit into existing technical toolkits or environmental blueprints, and policy from the top may not be connecting with reality on the ground. Although traditional authorities and customary practices have remained relevant for local people in the realm of resource governance, they are weakening in the face of commercial baobab use. Where statutory forms of governance are overlaid onto existing customary forms of governance without due regard for local practices, unintended consequences arise. A key finding is that history profoundly informs the way local people harvest and use resources due to the long trajectory of the interplay between customary and statutory forms of governance that spans back to the colonial era. The main conclusion from the study is that both customary and statutory systems of governance are important, but need to be used in a graduated manner. Statutory forms of governance can be introduced to assist customary practices on a demand-driven basis. Results emphasise the importance of considering seemingly peripheral forms of governance such as customary practices within the continuum of resource governance in rural areas.
For several decades, Fair Trade Social Enterprises (FTSEs) have set up partnerships with producer groups in the South and distributed the latter's products through different types of channels in the North. However, while pioneers in the early years were relatively homogeneous (nonprofit organizations relying on voluntary work and selling through "worldshops"), organizational diversity has tremendously increased in recent times, including other types of legal forms, architectures, and governance models (volunteer-based, manager-based, multi-stakeholder, etc.). As a result, different categories of FTSEs now coexist in the sector with diverse missions and strategies. Since Fair Trade (FT) is a hybrid concept, entailing economic, social and political dimensions, the diversity of organizational models might reflect or enable different ways of articulating these dimensions. In other words, different organizational models might be suited for different ways of conceiving and practicing FT. Such an articulation through specific forms has been suggested by previous concepts that can be related to FT, such as cooperatives, the social economy, the solidarity economy, and, more recently, social enterprise. The latter is particularly useful as an umbrella concept that embraces the diverse types of FTSEs and accounts for their use of market mechanisms to pursue social innovation. This research first aims to explore and to structure FTSEs' organizational diversity. For that purpose, the managers of 57 FTSEs were interviewed in four European regions: Belgium, France (Rhône-Alpes), the United Kingdom (England) and Italy (Rome). Based on the combinations of different elements of the organizational form, five categories emerge: individual FTSEs; entrepreneurial, business-form FTSEs; volunteer-based FTSEs; multi-stakeholder cooperative FTSEs; and group structures. Although certain FTSEs share features corresponding to several models, these categories seem adequate in the sense are relatively homogeneous and distinct from each other. The second question examines the factors or forces that lead FTSEs to adopt particular and diverse organizational forms. Using sociological and economic "new institutional" approaches, this book explores the influence of a number of factors on the organizational form: age, size, region, goals, activities, resources, and leaders' profiles. From an economic standpoint, organizational diversity may be explained by the fact that FTSEs do not all produce the same types of goods when practicing FT. Thus, FTSEs will adopt the organizational form that minimizes their transaction costs in the production of particular goods. From a sociological standpoint, the analysis suggests that weak and sometimes conflicting institutional pressures explain organizational diversity. Indeed, uniformity is limited (within certain generations of FTSEs or in particular regions), although there is a dominant trend toward a stronger business orientation in the models. The third question examines how organizational actors within FTSEs experience and foster hybridity at the field level, thereby contributing to organizational diversification. Looking at six cases of FTSEs covering the different types of models, the strategic role of FTSEs is examined, as "institutional entrepreneurs" capable of influencing the environment in a way that legitimizes their own organizational model and secures their access to crucial resources. This strategic analysis allows for a more dynamic view of organizational models as "institutional bricolage". Finally, the book ends with a number of recommendations for FT entrepreneurs on the strengths and the weaknesses of each organizational model.
Knowledge is a form of power, but power for those who deploy it, not create it. New technoscientific programs, such as nanotechnology, are crucial realms for democratizing society since they aren't 'locked-in' through technological momentum and because they are sites of cultural and technological production, which is another important form of power. Science and technology in the early 21st Century are mainly shaped by market (profit) and military priorities. Sometimes within these new areas, resistance to these pressures produces new ways of understanding how science and technology can contribute to a just and sustainable future. In nanotechnology research this tension can be seen in the various codes promulgated for its regulation. It is also clear in such theories and practices as cyborg citizenship, hybrid imagination, scientists' social responsibility and activism, prefigurative practices such as art and Do-It-Yourself (DIY) and Do-It-Together (DIT) organizing and the democracy and technology movement. They reveal how the development of nanotechnologies and the nanosciences can lead not just to new inventions and medical treatments, but to stronger democracy as well. ; El conocimiento es una forma de poder, pero para quienes lo ejercen, no para quienes lo crean. Los nuevos programas tecnocientíficos, como la nanotecnología, son ámbitos cruciales para la democratización social, pues no están 'bloqueados' por el impulso tecnológico y porque son lugares de producción tecnológica y cultural, lo cual sería otra importante forma de poder. La ciencia y la tecnología en los inicios del siglo XII se encuentran determinados por las necesidades mercantiles (beneficios) y militares. En ocasiones, las resistencias ante este tipo de presiones permiten entender las posibles formas en que la ciencia y la tecnología pueden servir para alcanzar un futuro justo y sostenible. En el ámbito de la investigación nanotecnológica estas tensiones están inscritas en los códigos que se han formulado para la regulación de sus mismas prácticas de investigación. Resulta evidente cómo las teorías y prácticas relativas a la ciudadanía cyborg, la imaginación híbrida, así como en las ciencias sociales responsables y comprometidas con el activismo y las disciplinas prefigurativas como el arte, el 'hazlo tú mismo' (Do-It-Yourself o DIY), el 'hacerlo juntos' (Do-It-Together o DIT), al igual que el movimiento relativo a la tecnología democrática, revelan que el desarrollo de la nanotecnología y la nanociencia pueden propiciar nuevos hallazgos y tratamientos médicos y democracias más democráticas o fuertes. ; O conhecimento é uma forma de poder, mas poder para quem o exercita, não para quem o cria. Novos programas tecnocêntricos, como a nanotecnologia, são áreas cruciais para a democratização da sociedade, uma vez que não estejam " fechados " pelo momentum tecnológico e porque são locais de produção cultural e tecnológica, que é outra forma importante de poder. A ciência e a tecnologia no início do século XXI são modeladas principalmente pelas prioridades do mercado (lucro) e militares. Às vezes, dentro dessas novas áreas, a resistência a essas pressões produz novas maneiras de entender como a ciência e a tecnologia podem contribuir para um futuro justo e sustentável. Na pesquisa em nanotecnologia, esta tensão pode ser vista nos diversos códigos promulgados para sua regulamentação. Também está claro em teorias e práticas como cidadania ciborgue, imaginação híbrida, responsabilidade social e ativismo dos cientistas, práticas prefigurativas como arte e bricolage (Do-It-Yourself) e Do-It-Together (DIT) organizando e a democracia e o movimento tecnológico. Eles revelam como o desenvolvimento das nanotecnologias e das nanociências pode levar não apenas a novas invenções e tratamentos médicos, mas também a uma democracia mais forte.
Adolescent obesity is a major public health concern, increasingly affecting low and middle-income countries (LMICs) undergoing the nutrition transition. In developed countries, governments had the time to adjust to this rise in the consequent non-communicable diseases (NCDs), whereas the developing world is facing a triple burden of nutrition-related disease simultaneously. However, amidst the nutrition transition, drivers to obesity may differ within the same country especially between the urban and rural areas, depending on the context and environmental factors. In order to unravel how the nutrition transition process unfolds in both urban and rural areas, an exploration of the factors affecting adolescents' lifestyle and eating behaviours, in the current context was deemed appropriate. Additionally, exploring stakeholders' views on adolescents' obesity including facilitators and barriers to obesity prevention is key in intervention and policy drawing. This study thus aimed to explore in-depth, whether, how, and to what extent is the nutrition transition currently affecting adolescents' environments in Lebanon, focusing on both adolescents' and stakeholders' perspectives, awareness, and barriers to the prevention of adolescents' obesity. The study used a sequential multi-method approach along a bricolage methodology. The first phase of the study adopted a qualitative approach, involving focus groups with adolescents (n = 78) to explore their perceptions regarding their eating behaviours as well as the role of the environment surrounding them in both urban and rural areas. A number of direct (availability of Western foods, peer pressure, parental control, eating location, body image) and indirect (adolescence autonomy, role modeling, cultural beliefs, peer surveillance) factors seemed to influence adolescents' eating behaviours. Almost similar behaviours were perceived between the urban and rural area, showcasing the impact of the nutrition transition in both areas although different underlying factors were stated. The factors identified in this study were grouped and discussed based on the socioecological model (SEM) highlighting the importance of the social and environmental influences on adolescents' eating behaviours. The second phase of the study adopted a qualitative approach; using one-to-one interviews to investigate stakeholders' opinions on adolescents' obesity. The study highlighted the barriers and facilitators in preventing adolescents' obesity in relation to adolescents' eating behaviours and the surrounding environment. Key stakeholders interviewed in this phase included different sectors such as the Ministry of Education, Municipalities, Transportation NGOs, with a special emphasis on the school setting including school directors, manager of school cafeteria, sports teacher, school nurse and head teacher. Interviews revealed the lack of awareness concerning the obesity problem and the importance of the environmental influences, a lack of intersectoral cooperation between stakeholders in Lebanon and a greater emphasis on the individual responsibility in the prevention of adolescents' obesity. This study has revealed and engaged with the varied conceptualisations of obesity causation amongst adolescents, in both urban and rural areas, amid the nutrition transition in Lebanon. Acknowledging that the causes of obesity are complex this study collects insights of both adolescents and key stakeholders' perceptions; to date, no study has engaged with both in Lebanon, justifying the need for the present study. Clearly, in keeping with the literature on the different rate of nutrition transition between rural and urban environments further justifies the consideration of both context. Given the findings of this study in regards to the dramatic changes affecting both urban and rural areas regarding the number of meals consumed away from home, the increase in fast-food consumption and the increase in sedentary lifestyles, new challenges in relation to adolescent obesity prevention in LMICs are created. The creation of supportive local environments, in both urban and rural areas, represents an important avenue where eating behaviours concerns, and thus adolescents' obesity can be addressed.
Ouvrage sous la direction de Karine Berthelot-Guiet et Jean-Jacques Boutaud ; International audience ; Sémiotique, sémiologie ? Certains se posent encore la question. Mais peu importe, l'usage retient indifféremment les deux étiquettes ou bannières, dans les applications ouvertes ou développées en communication. Le débat est ailleurs. En toute approximation, on croit comprendre qu'il s'agit d'analyser tout ce qui peut faire signe en communication. Beau projet, belle ambition. Mais pas facile, déjà, de saisir cette notion de signe, entre le bon sens commun et le savant décryptage de l'analyste. On veut bien se prêter au jeu et « voir du signe là où d'autres voient des choses » (Barthes). Mais voilà, dès que l'on cherche, au-‐delà de la curiosité, à entrer en familiarité avec ce type d'approche, le même constat s'impose : le sémioticien a tendance à jargonner. Il compose avec l'implicite de son modèle, s'autorise le bricolage au sens noble du terme (Lévi-‐Strauss) mais ne fait guère de concessions sur l'armature de la méthode et la dureté du style. Il faut le suivre et le comprendre, alors que les concepts pleuvent et que les schémas se compliquent, entre les binaires (saussuriens) et les triadiques (peirciens), les pensifs (versant cognitif) et les tensifs (post-‐greimassiens). À trop se penser et se modéliser, la sémiotique se referme sur elle-‐même, elle exclut le non spécialiste, se replie dans différentes chapelles dont les lexiques, schémas 6 SÉMIOTIQUE, MODE D'EMPLOI et modélisations agissent comme autant de portes qui se ferment devant l'impétrant, qu'il soit chercheur dans une autre discipline, étudiant, ou professionnel des domaines d'application. À se fermer ainsi, une partie des approches sémiotiques se rigidifient et sclérosent parfois le processus interprétatif au point d'évacuer, manu militari les éléments étrangers au système, de peur de reconnaître la part de subjectivité de l'analyse. À l'opposé, lorsque leur prétention à l'interprétation est forte, d'autres approches nourrissent leur propre remise en cause et se voient reprocher de procéder à une interprétation incontrôlée et floue. Certains présentent alors la sémiotique comme une approche désincarnée du sens quand d'autres lui reprochent d'exprimer des préjugés d'intellectuels, sans donner accès à la pratique et au social. Autant de remarques dues à une méconnaissance des pratiques d'analyse et d'interprétation de la sémiotique. À planter le décor en ces termes, nous voici déjà dans le travers sémiotique, sa déformation pourrions-‐nous dire, sa propension à complexifier à l'envi le détricotage des processus de signification. S'il fallait le dire en une formule, la sémiotique éveille le désir, mais calme très vite les passions. Comme incursion dans le monde des signes et des significations à démêler, la démarche motive par son contenu, mais refroidit bien souvent dans la forme. Les étudiants, les professionnels, les formateurs et les curieux s'enflamment à l'idée de décoder de multiples registres de la vie sociale (images, discours, gestes, objets, lieux, situations, etc.), avant de se heurter bien vite à un mode d'analyse et d'écriture, au mieux complexe, au pire compliqué, inutilement compliqué par rapport à un objet ou un phénomène sorti du quotidien. La sensibilité sémiotique s'exprime donc très nettement par intérêt à la vie des signes, mais finit par s'accommoder de la vulgate ou de grilles de lecture très simplifiées sur le sens, pour ne pas entrer dans les compli7 SÉMIOTIQUE, MODE D'EMPLOI cations d'un discours scientifique finalement éloigné de son territoire de base : la communication. N'allons pas plus loin dans l'auto-‐flagellation. Il serait possible de trouver, sous d'autres éclairages, la preuve
Ouvrage sous la direction de Karine Berthelot-Guiet et Jean-Jacques Boutaud ; International audience ; Sémiotique, sémiologie ? Certains se posent encore la question. Mais peu importe, l'usage retient indifféremment les deux étiquettes ou bannières, dans les applications ouvertes ou développées en communication. Le débat est ailleurs. En toute approximation, on croit comprendre qu'il s'agit d'analyser tout ce qui peut faire signe en communication. Beau projet, belle ambition. Mais pas facile, déjà, de saisir cette notion de signe, entre le bon sens commun et le savant décryptage de l'analyste. On veut bien se prêter au jeu et « voir du signe là où d'autres voient des choses » (Barthes). Mais voilà, dès que l'on cherche, au-‐delà de la curiosité, à entrer en familiarité avec ce type d'approche, le même constat s'impose : le sémioticien a tendance à jargonner. Il compose avec l'implicite de son modèle, s'autorise le bricolage au sens noble du terme (Lévi-‐Strauss) mais ne fait guère de concessions sur l'armature de la méthode et la dureté du style. Il faut le suivre et le comprendre, alors que les concepts pleuvent et que les schémas se compliquent, entre les binaires (saussuriens) et les triadiques (peirciens), les pensifs (versant cognitif) et les tensifs (post-‐greimassiens). À trop se penser et se modéliser, la sémiotique se referme sur elle-‐même, elle exclut le non spécialiste, se replie dans différentes chapelles dont les lexiques, schémas 6 SÉMIOTIQUE, MODE D'EMPLOI et modélisations agissent comme autant de portes qui se ferment devant l'impétrant, qu'il soit chercheur dans une autre discipline, étudiant, ou professionnel des domaines d'application. À se fermer ainsi, une partie des approches sémiotiques se rigidifient et sclérosent parfois le processus interprétatif au point d'évacuer, manu militari les éléments étrangers au système, de peur de reconnaître la part de subjectivité de l'analyse. À l'opposé, lorsque leur prétention à l'interprétation est forte, d'autres approches nourrissent leur propre remise en cause et se voient reprocher de procéder à une interprétation incontrôlée et floue. Certains présentent alors la sémiotique comme une approche désincarnée du sens quand d'autres lui reprochent d'exprimer des préjugés d'intellectuels, sans donner accès à la pratique et au social. Autant de remarques dues à une méconnaissance des pratiques d'analyse et d'interprétation de la sémiotique. À planter le décor en ces termes, nous voici déjà dans le travers sémiotique, sa déformation pourrions-‐nous dire, sa propension à complexifier à l'envi le détricotage des processus de signification. S'il fallait le dire en une formule, la sémiotique éveille le désir, mais calme très vite les passions. Comme incursion dans le monde des signes et des significations à démêler, la démarche motive par son contenu, mais refroidit bien souvent dans la forme. Les étudiants, les professionnels, les formateurs et les curieux s'enflamment à l'idée de décoder de multiples registres de la vie sociale (images, discours, gestes, objets, lieux, situations, etc.), avant de se heurter bien vite à un mode d'analyse et d'écriture, au mieux complexe, au pire compliqué, inutilement compliqué par rapport à un objet ou un phénomène sorti du quotidien. La sensibilité sémiotique s'exprime donc très nettement par intérêt à la vie des signes, mais finit par s'accommoder de la vulgate ou de grilles de lecture très simplifiées sur le sens, pour ne pas entrer dans les compli7 SÉMIOTIQUE, MODE D'EMPLOI cations d'un discours scientifique finalement éloigné de son territoire de base : la communication. N'allons pas plus loin dans l'auto-‐flagellation. Il serait possible de trouver, sous d'autres éclairages, la preuve
British poetry that is produced after 1960s coincides with the same period when postmodernism as a philosophical attitude dominated all fields of life and especially literature. The British poet Ian McMillan's poetry is influenced by postmodernism of the period and it practices postmodern devices. Some of these are parody, pastiche, stylistic mélange and playful inventiveness. McMillan's poetry deconstructs the normative understanding of traditional poetry and reconstructs a postmodern poetry which employs its devices to create new grounds for poetry to exist. Accordingly, this thesis analyses Ian McMillan's poetry collections A Chin? (1991) and Jazz Peas (2014) in accordance with their use of postmodern devices so as to illustrate what makes Ian McMillan a postmodern poet and to what extent his poetry represents postmodern British poetry. In Chapter I, McMillan's use of formal postmodern devices in his poems are studied and it is argued that the selected poems in A Chin? show that McMillan's attitude towards postmodernism in his early work deals with the political concerns of its time as well as employing formal postmodern devices in the poems. Chapter II argues that McMillan employs postmodern devices and experiments with postmodern poetry to extend the use of postmodernism in poetry. Thus, this shows that the political concerns of the first collection shift towards aesthetic concerns about the condition of postmodernism in poetry in Jazz Peas. Hence, this thesis argues that the practices of postmodernism through formal postmodern devices that are observed in A Chin? and the use of formal postmodern devices as well as experimentation with postmodernism in Jazz Peas make McMillan a postmodern British poet. It is observed that McMillan's A Chin? is concerned with the political matters as well as the aesthetic ones whereas Jazz Peas problematizes the aesthetic practice of postmodernism in poetry. ; TABLE OF CONTENTS KABUL VE ONAY……………………………………………………………….….i YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI……………….…ii ETİK BEYAN……………………………………………….…………….……….…iii DEDICATION……………………………………………………………………….iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………….v ABSTRACT……………………………….……………….………………….….vi ÖZET…………………………………………………………………….vii TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………………………….….……….ix INTRODUCTION………………….……………………………………….……….1 CHAPTER I: INTERTEXTUALITY, PLAYFUL INVENTIVENESS, PARODY, PASTICHE, STYLISTIC MELANGE AND BRICOLAGE IN A CHIN?.23 CHAPTER II: JAZZ PEAS: GOING BEYOND THE POSTMODERN – WHAT ARE THE LIMITS?.55 CONCLUSION……….……….…………………………………………………….89 WORKS CITED…………………………………………………………………….93 APPENDIX 1: ETHICS BOARD WAIVER FORM…………………………….99 APPENDIX 2: ORIGINALITY REPORTS……….…………………………….…101 ; 1960'lardan sonra üretilen İngiliz şiiri, postmodernizmin felsefi bir tutum olarak yaşamın tüm alanlarına ve özellikle edebiyata nüfuz ettiği dönemle aynı zamana denk gelir. İngiliz şair Ian McMillan'ın şiiri, dönemin postmodern akımından etkilenmiş ve postmodern tekniklerin kullanışına yönelik örnekler vermiştir. Bu tekniklerin bazıları şunlardır; parodi, öykünme, metinlerarasılık, oyuncu buluşçuluk, stilsel karışım, ve öz-düşünümselci yaklaşım. McMillan'ın şiiri bu teknikleri kullanarak İngiliz şiirine yeni postmodern örnekler sağlar. McMillan'ın şiiri geleneksel şiir algısının normatif anlayışına meydan okur ve bu anlayışı ortadan kaldırma görevini üstlenir; bunun karşılığında postmodern tekniklerin kullanılmasıyla yeniden oluşturulan alternatifler, şiirin yaşaması için yeni alanlar oluşturur. Buna göre, bu tez McMillan'ın şiir koleksiyonları olan A Chin? (1991) ve Jazz Peas'i (2014) postmodern teknikleri kullanmaları açısından inceler ve böylelikle McMillan'ın ne denli postmodern bir şair olduğunu ve McMillan'ın şiirinin postmodern İngiliz şiirini hangi noktaya kadar temsil ettiğini örnekler. Birinci bölümde, daha önce bahsi geçen postmodern tekniklerin McMillan'ın şiirlerinde nasıl kullanıldığı çalışılmıştır. A Chin?'den seçilen ve incelenen şiirler dâhilinde McMillan'ın postmodern teknikleri kullandığı ve bunu yaparken dönemin politik sorunlarına, aynı zamanda postmodernizmin içerisindeki estetik sorunlara değindiği gözlemlenmiştir. İkinci bölümde, McMillan'ın aynı şekilde postmodern teknikleri şiirlerinde kullandığı ve buna ilaveten, postmodern şiirin üzerinde, postmodernizmin şiirlerde kullanımını yaygınlaştırmak amacıyla denemeler yaptığı gözlemlenmektedir. Bu sebeple, bu bölümde McMillan'ın A Chin?'de dönemin politik olaylarına karşın izlediği tutumda bir değişiklik olduğu, Jazz Peas'te temel kaygının postmodern şiirin estetik unsurları üzerinde yoğunlaştığı gözlenir. Sonuç olarak, birinci bölümde erken dönem eserlerinden A Chin? içerisinde bahsi geçen postmodern tekniklerin kullanıldığı, ikinci bölümde ise son dönem eserlerinden Jazz Peas içerisinde postmodern tekniklerin yanısıra, postmodernizm üzerine McMillan'ın yeni denemeler ortaya sürdüğü gözlenir. Bu durum McMillan'ı bir postmodern İngiliz şair yapmaktadır. Buna ilaveten, McMillan'ın A Chin?'de izlediği politik tutumun, Jazz Peas'te yerini postmodern şiir içindeki estetik unsurlara bıraktığı gözlemlenmiştir.
The economic or political economy of conflicts and civil wars in Africa is an expanding field with an increase in research and literature especially in the last few decades. However, less attention has been devoted to the role of political economy in peacebuilding operations/interventions. This dissertation examines the extent to which political economy, specifically its elements in terms of interests, incentives, and institutions shapes the conceptualization, design and implementation of Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) and the prospects for sustainable peace. The Niger Delta Amnesty (NDA) is used as an empirical case study.:CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1 Introduction 1.1 State of the art 1.1.1 The political economy of peacebuilding 1.1.2 Institutions in rentier states 1.1.3 Resource curse discourse and interests 1.1.4 Wealth distribution and incentives 1.2 Research question 1.3 Problem statement 1.4 Overview of research methodology 1.4.1 Structural framework of the political economy approach 1.4.1.1 Neoliberalism Approach 1.4.1.2 Neopatrimonialism approach 1.4.2 Comment on sources 1.4.2.1 Research design 1.4.2.2 Research method 1.4.2.3 Data generation method 1.4.2.4 Method of data analysis 1.5 Challenges in the field 1.6 The structure of the dissertation CHAPTER TWO HISTORICIZING OIL CONFLICT IN THE NIGER DELTA REGION 2 Introduction 2.1 Analyzing the Origins and dynamics of the Niger Delta Conflict 2.1.1 The Geography and People of the Niger Delta 2.1.2 Pre-colonial Niger Delta and the Emergence of European Trade in Nigeria (1444 – 1850) 2.1.3 Colonial Considerations: Increasing Agitations, Palm oil Production and the Discovery of Oil (1851 – 1960) 2.1.4 Independent and Post Independent Nigeria and the Foundations of the Oil Conflict (1960 – Present) 2.1.5 Militant Movements in the Niger Delta in the Recent Past (1990s – Present) 2.2 Nigerian Political Economy, State Policy Response and the Nature of the Nigerian State 2.2.1 A Survey of the Nigerian Political Economy 2.2.2 State-centric Responses to the Niger Delta Oil Conflict (1960 – 2009) 2.2.2.1 Positive "Carrot" Approach 2.2.2.2 Coercive "Stick" Approach 2.2.3 An Explanation of the Nature and character of the Nigerian State 2.3 Conclusion CHAPTER THREE THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF STATE AND NON-STATE INSTITUTIONS IN NIGERIA 3 Introduction 3.1 Furthering Institutional Scholarship and Debates 3.1.1 The Mainstream Debate 3.1.2 The Critical School 3.2 State-to-State Institutional Interaction 3.2.1 Institutions as "Rules of the Game" 3.2.2 Differential Power Distribution 3.2.3 Formal Institutional Bargaining 3.3 Non-state Driven Institutional Interlinkage 3.3.1 Institutions as socially shared rules/traditional systems 3.4 State and Non-state Institutional Exchange 3.4.1 Institutional Bricolage 3.4.2 Institutional Credibility 3.5 State, Non-state and International Collaboration 3.5.1 Complexities of NDA and DDR Institutions 3.5.2 Complementarity of NDA and DDR Institutions 3.5.3 Limited Access Order in NDA and DDR Institutions 3.6 Implications of Statutory, Non-Statutory and International Institutions to NDA and DDR 3.6.1 Lack of Coordination 3.6.2 Exacerbation of Conflict 3.6.3 Weak Hybridized Institutions 3.7 Conclusion CHAPTER FOUR CONCEPTUALISING INTERESTS AND INCENTIVES IN THE FRAMING OF THE NIGER DELTA AMNESTY AND DDR PROGRAM 4 Introduction 4.1 Mapping Actor Network Analysis in the Niger Delta Conflict 4.1.1 The Nigerian Government 4.1.2 Oil Communities 4.1.3 Multinational Oil Companies (MNOCs) 4.2 Contested Interests: Actors, Encounters and Entanglements in the Niger Delta 4.2.1 Powerful Versus Powerless Encounters 4.2.2 Elitists Entanglements 4.2.3 Intra and Inter Community Contestations 4.2.4 MNOCs and Niger Delta Communities' Confrontations 4.3 Conclusion CHAPTER FIVE A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE NIGER DELTA AMNESTY, DISARMAMENT, DEMOBILIZATION AND REINTEGRATION PROGRAM 5 Introduction 5.1 Amnesty: A Peacebuilding Practice 5.2 The NDA and DDR Program and the Politics of conceptualization 5.3 NDA and DDR Program and the Art of Negotiation 5.4 NDA and DDR: The Practice of Planning 5.5 The Implementation Process of the Niger Delta Amnesty and DDR Program 5.5.1 The Disarmament Phase 5.5.2 The Demobilisation Phase 5.5.3 The Reintegration Phase 5.6 Niger Delta Amnesty and DDR Process: A Shift from a Neoliberal Integrated Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Standards (IDDRS) Principles to a Neopatrimonial DDR Practice 5.6.1 From a people centered approach to a patron-client driven approach 5.6.2 From a flexible, transparent and accountable doctrine to a non-transparent and unaccountable DDR process 5.6.3 Nationally Owned 5.6.4 From an Integrated IDDRS Norm to a non-integrated approach 5.6.5 From a well-planned IDDRS to a haphazard DDR 5.7 Conclusion CHAPTER SIX GENERAL CONCLUSION 6 Introduction 6.1 Main Research Questions and Empirical Findings 6.2 Theoretical and Empirical Contribution 6.3 Potential Concerns for Future Research BIBLIOGRAPHY
The aim of this research is to provide a number of trends and areas of tension that have emerged or evolved in Cuba after the « special period in peacetime », which can be defined as the most considerably developed social and economic crisis that has struck this country, as a result of the socialist camp collapse in the early 90's. In order to achieve this, we focus on the experience of musicians seen as ordinary in the city of Havana. It is thanks to the observation of artists in action in their everyday life that we will be able to understand and to capture the depth of this crisis and these large redefinitions it causes. The purpose is to define the consequences of the means that have been mobilized by the Cuba's socialist system in order to get out of this social and economic impasse while safeguarding the social benefits of this revolution, based on its popular legitimacy. If in the end the reforms (the massification of tourism, the gradual increase of liberalizing and economical behaviors, and the dual circulation of currencies.) allowed an economic recovery, they lead to a questioning and entering into contradiction with speeches, prerogatives and ways of life valued by those in power. We will see how areas of tension, emanating from changes (between an idealized past and an uncertain future, between the picture of the genuinely Cuban and non-Cuban, and finally between the people of the revolution and the individual who has his own project) treated by these musicians, especially sensitive to the « decompartmentalization » of the Cuban experience. We will see that these musicians, in the way they define theirselves as artists, in their concept of path in life and profession, effect sweeping changes, constantly negotiating questions of identity to ascribe meaning to what they do in this confused, social and economic reality. In their life and professional practices, the means allocated to fight and to try to make a living with music show in our opinion the Cuban society in its entirety marked by a great ambivalence, the need to find new means of subsistence and to bring these decomposing or emerging elements together. ; Ce travail de thèse vise à présenter un certain nombre de tendances et de points de tensions nés ou mis à jour à Cuba à la suite de la période spéciale en temps de paix que l'on peut définir comme une crise économique et sociale d'une ampleur considérable ayant frappé ce pays à la suite de la chute du camp socialiste au début des années 90. Pour ce faire, nous nous centrons sur l'expérience de musiciens qualifiés « d'ordinaires » évoluant dans la capitale, La Havane. C'est ainsi à la lumière du quotidien de ces artistes qu'il nous sera possible de comprendre et de saisir la profondeur de cette crise et des fortes redéfinitions qu'elle met en jeu. Il s'agit de voir les conséquences des moyens mobilisés par le régime socialiste cubain de façon à sortir de cette impasse économique et sociale tout en préservant les acquis sociaux de cette révolution, base de sa légitimité populaire. Seulement, si à terme les réformes engagées (massification du tourisme, progressive mise en avant de comportements économiques libéralisant, double circulation monétaire.) ont permis un redressement économique certain, elles ne vont pas sans questionner, voire entrer en contradiction avec les discours, prérogatives et modes de vie valorisés par le pouvoir. Nous verrons ainsi de quelles manières un certain nombre de tensions, issues de ces changements (entre un passé idéalisé et un futur incertain, entre l'image de l'authentiquement cubain et celle du non-cubain, et enfin entre le nous révolutionnaire et les projections individuelles) sont traités par ces musiciens, particulièrement sensibles au décloisonnement de l'expérience cubaine. Dans leur manière de s'auto-définir en tant qu'artiste, dans le regard qu'ils portent sur leur trajectoire et leur métier, nous verrons que ces individus procèdent à un bricolage, à une négociation identitaire incessante visant à conférer à leurs actes un sens que la réalité sociale et économique a rendu trouble.La vie et les pratiques professionnelles de ces derniers, les moyens qu'ils mobilisent pour lutter et tenter de vivre de leur musique illustrent à notre avis la société cubaine dans son ensemble, marquée par une grande ambivalence, par le besoin « d'inventer » de nouveaux moyens de subsistance et la nécessité d'assembler des éléments en décomposition ou émergents.
Ignacije Macanović (1727–1807) istaknuo se ne samo brojnim građevinskim zahvatima u Trogiru i drugdje u Dalmaciji, već i prostornim regulacijama. Njegova djela su u Trogiru, među ostalima, sjeverna (nova) Kopnena gradska vrata i Nova zgrada u sklopu palače Garagnin. Vjerojatno je njegovo djelo i obližnja zgrada za stražu – vojarnu (kvartir) na trgu koji je nastao između Kopnenih vrata i Nove zgrade u sklopu palače Garagnin. Cijeli taj prostor zapravo je oblikovan upravo Macanovićevim intervencijama. Kip ponad gradskih vrata prepoznaje se pak kao djelo Bonina iz Milana. ; Ignacije Macanović (1727–1807), uno dei membri della famiglia traurina di architetti con il soprannome Raguseo, si distinse non solo per i numerosi interventi architettonici a Traù (Trogir) e altrove in Dalmazia, ma anche per altre regolazioni degli spazi urbani. A Traü sono opera sua, tra l'altro, la Porta cittadina settentrionale (nuova) di Terraferma e il csd. Edificio nuovo entro il complesso del palazzo Garagnin come prova un documento ritrovato di recente. Verosimilmente è opera sua anche il vicino edificio per la guardia – caserma (quartiere) sulla piazza sorta tra la Porta di Terraferma e il csd. Edificio nuovo nel complesso del palazzo Garagnin. Su questa piazza sorgeva anche una barriera per il controllo dell'entrata in città. Tutto questo ambiente è in realtà modellato proprio dagli interventi del Macanović. Traù nel XVII secolo, al tempo della guerra di Candia (1645–1669), fu sottoposto ad una radicale riorganizzazione spaziale. Sul lato nord e nord-est della città, dinanzi alle mura medioevali, furono costruiti due bastioni pentagonali (baluardi) – il bastione Bernardo (di S. Giovanni) e il bastione Foscolo (di S. Lorenzo) – collegati da nuove mura (cortine) le cui facce esterne erano bagnate dal mare. Preziosi dati sulle fortificazioni cittadine, comprese le porte della città, i ponti, i bastioni e i quartieri, sono riportati nella sua esauriente relazione dell'anno 1749 dal colonnello e ingegnere militare Giovanni Francesco Rossini. Dati rilevanti sono contenuti anche nel Registro degli edifici statali dell'anno 1789. Al tempo della Guerra di Candia la Porta settentrionale della città fu spostata. Fu spostato anche il tracciato del ponte verso la terraferma, dopo la demolizione di quello vecchio e con la costruzione del ponte nuovo. Fu distrutta anche parte delle mura medioevali dove sorgeva la rta di Terraferma. Accanto alla nuova Porta di Terraferma a Traù si è conservata anche una parte della mura (cortina) che collegava i bastioni. La Porta di Terraferma attuale (nuova) fu aperta dopo la demolizione del ponte vecchio verso la terraferma, dunque dopo l'anno 1647, al tempo del provveditore Antonio Bernardo (dal 1656 al 1660) il cui stemma è esposto sopra la Porta di Terraferma. Ma questa porta cittadina ottenne l'aspetto odierno molto più tardi, solo nell'anno 1763, con l'intervento di Ignacije Macanović. Questo sewcondo il documento del 24 aprile 1763 in cui il protomaestro Igancije Macanović enumera i numerosi lavori svolti a Traù, tra i quali ric orda, tra l'altro, le caserme-posti di guardia (quartieri), le mura e le porte. Accanto alla prota, sulla faccia esterna, di terraferma, è sculpita due volte la data 1763. Nel Registro degli edifici statuli dell'anno 1789, accanto alla descrizione della porta settentrionale della città è appunto annotata la data 1763. Come base della statua, sopra la porta cittadina, che rappresenta S. Giovanni da Traù è stato utilizzato un blocco in pietra, con un'iscrizione conservatasi mutila: ANTONIO BERNARD(O) D(IVI) MARCI PROC(URATO)RI DALMATIAE ET EPIRI PROC(ONSULI) QUI DIFFICILISSIMO BELLI TEMPORE PROVINCIA(M) IN ANCIPITI N///C TVRCAS FINIB(VS) EXPLULIT CATHARV(M) OBSIDIO(N)E(M) LIBERA(VIT) SPALATO SVPPETIAS TVILIT CIVITATES (CUM) PVGNACVLIS MVNI(T) CIVES SERVAVIT Nella Porta di Terraferma a Traù Igancije Macanović ha realizzato un vero »bricolage« con l'inserzione di elementi della porta precedente (il leone veneziano?, lo stemma del provveditore Bernardo, l'iscrizione…) e anche con la collocazione della statua medioevale di S. Giovanni da Traù. Sembra che Macanović avesse una inclinazione particolare per gli spolia che sono inseriti anche in altri edifici da lui costruiti. La statua sopra la porta cittadina è, comunque, attribuita allo scultore e architetto Bonino di Jacopo da Milano († 1429) che si ricorda in Dalmazia dal 1412, e che fu attivo a Sebenico, Spalato, fino a Curzola e Ragusa dove, tra l'altro, scolpi anche la statua del paladino Orlando. Com'è noto anche a Traù v'era una statua di Orlando.
