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In this paper the authors argue that the contemporary tensions between patents and competition no longer reside in the traditional trade-off between the exclusionary right given to an inventor to encourage innovation, and the welfare loss induced by the market power associated to this right. They rather consider that the three following distortions of the patent system create important conflicts between patents and competition on the product market, the technology market, and the innovation market. The first distortion concerns the existence of dubious or weak patents. Too many patents are granted to applications of bad quality, in terms of the usual patentability criteria. This increases the uncertainty attached to patents, reduces the credibility of the system and calls into question the justification of the patent as a protective mechanism. Second, the configuration of a patent, originally designed in the context of an isolated innovation, is not adapted to the context of sequential or intergenerational innovations, in which an innovation relies on earlier patented inventions. Even though sequential innovation calls for fine delimitations between successive generations of innovators, the strengthening of intellectual property, including the extension of the patentable subject matters opened the door to opportunistic behavior and adversely affected the needed flexibility to favor technological exchanges. Third, the emergence of complex technologies, in which the use of a large number of fragmented patents is necessary to produce a new product, implies the necessity to coordinate the various patent holders' behavior. The potential entrants in these complex technologies are struck by the coordinated behavior of the patent holders, and this is illustrated in different settings such as the pooling of complementary patents and the licensing of essential patents by the members of a Standard Setting Organization. Very often, patents serve to create ambushes or to capture unjustified rents through excessive license ...

Telematics of the number: Ten years ago, the SRU law opened an ambivalent reform of the rail passenger transport system in France. It preserves the operating monopoly of the incumbent operator, but entrusts the regions with the responsibility of organising authority. Economic theory suggests that the monopoly leads to a revenue capture. Using the surplus accounts method, which we use on the SNCF-TER billing account, we show that, at this initial stage, RFF is the main beneficiary of the total surplus available, far from the passengers who tend to benefit from rail regionalisation. The effect on public authorities is more ambiguous. Although the regions were able to control the price boundary of the operating subsidy, excluding tolls, they had to give up significant advantages in connection with the modernisation of rolling stock. A more detailed approach shows how each region is a particular "RER economic model" governed by a specific governance mode. ; International audience Ten years ago, the SRU law initiated an ambivalent reform of the railway system of passenger transport in France. It preserves the monopoly of operation of the historical operator, but transfers the political responsibility for organizing the regional railway system to the regions. The economic theory suggests that the monopoly led to a revenue capture. With the surplus accounts method, which will be displayed on the SNCF-TER billing account, we can show that, on this initial stage, the Infrastructure Manager (RFF) has been the main beneficiary of the total available surplus, far ahead from the passenger who might benefit from the rail regionalization. The effect on local communities is more equivocal. If the regions have been able to control the border price of the operating subsidy, tolls excepted, they had to yield significant benefits for the rolling stock modernization. A more detailed approach shows how each region is a particular "TER economic model" ruled by a specific mode of governance. ; Telematics of the number: Ten years ago, ...

Since 1793, the affirmative grant of authority to federal courts in Article III of the Constitution to hear and decide cases or controversies has been interpreted to prohibit these courts from giving advisory opinions. In that year, United States Supreme Court Chief Justice Jay, Justice Cushing, and District Judge Duane rejected a provision in a 1792 act of Congress that would have required the Supreme Court to settle federal pension claims of widows and orphans subject to the approval of the Secretary of War. The basis for the position taken by the Chief Justice was "that neither the legislative nor the executive branches can constitutionally assign to the judicial branch any duties but such as are properly judicial, to be performed in a judicial manner." The Supreme Court has acknowledged this limitation on federal judicial power repeatedly since that date in its decisions, including the recent case of Arizonans for Official English v. Arizona, in which the Court faulted the en banc Ninth Circuit Court for failing to recognize "federal courts' lack of authority to act in friendly or feigned proceedings." Yet, despite the universality and age of this fundamental principle of federal jurisprudence, federal courts, including the Supreme Court, do not always honor it.

Предмет. Институционализм как научное направление экономической мысли возник в США в начале XX столетия как одна из форм отображения усилившихся монополитических тенденций в экономике, содействуя разработке и развитию «антитрестовской» политики собственной страны. В определенной мере институционализм противопоставляется неоклассическому направлению экономической теории. Цель. В настоящее время, на взгляд автора, необходимо рассмотреть вопрос о целесообразности формирования еще одного научного направления в рамках институциональной теории направления, названного нами «патоинституционализм». В рамках этой научной концепции планируется сконцентрировать внимание на изучении патологических процессов в институциональной системе и в самих институтах (которые по аналогии можно назвать патоинститутами). Использование данного названия объясняется тем, что термин «патологический процесс» образован от греческого «патос», что означает болезнь. Учитывая, что в последнее время на разных уровнях общественной иерархии участились всевозможные кризисы, которые весьма болезненно переживаются населением, представляется, что развитие патоинституционализма является весьма актуальным. Результаты. Усиление кризисов и диспропорций связано также и с институциональным фактором, причем как на уровне отдельных институтов, так и с функционированием институциональной системы в целом. Поэтому одним из важнейших аспектов развития патоинституционализма как нового научного направления должно стать изучение взаимосвязи между усилением кризисных проявлений и диспропорциональности, возникающих в социально-экономических системах на разных уровнях управленческой иерархии, с одной стороны, и институциональным фактором, институциональным направлением, с другой стороны. Еще одним очень важным аспектом патоинституционализма может стать изучение различных видов и типов патологий в самой институциональной системе, в том числе во всевозможных институтах. В этой связи крайне важной проблемой может стать определение критериев и количественных показателей, на основе которых нормальный институт отличается от патоинститута. Такого рода проблема актуальна и для институциональной системы в целом (т.е. для определения нормальной и патологической институциональной системы в целом). Очевидно также, что патоинституционализм будет связан с другими, уже сложившимися направлениями и концепциями институциональной теории. Так, один из основоположников институциональной теории Т. Веблен критиковал паразитический образ жизни занятых только финансовой деятельностью рантье-владельцев особой, абсентеистской формы частной собственности. Этим самым он по существу противопоставлял эту, если так можно выразиться, праздную часть бизнесменов остальным (нормальным) предпринимателям, реально зарабатывающим свой предпринимательский доход. Иначе говоря, по существу у Т. Веблена абсентеистская форма собственности и ее владельцы рассматриваются как некая патология, которая, в отличии от обычных предпринимателей, мешает эффективному развитию экономики, в том числе эффективному развитию научно-технического прогресса. Справедливость сказанного можно видеть на примере современной российской действительности, когда многие олигархи, сколотившие огромные состояния за коротких срок за счет использования природных ресурсов, по существу являющимися народным достоянием России и поэтому им самим не принадлежащими, используют значительную часть полученных доходов не на развитие производства, а на удовлетворение собственных прихотей. Тот факт, что многие российские бизнесмены в условиях, когда физический и моральный износ основных фондов во многих отраслях приближается к 100%, значительную часть своих доходов тратят на непроизводственное, непроизводительное потребление и нередко делают это за рубежом, также свидетельствует о ненормальности, патологичности современной российской институциональной системы, в том числе, некоторых государственных структур, являющихся ее важнейшими атрибутами. Это обстоятельство также самым серьезным и самым негативным образом сказывается на социально-экономической эффективности модернизации и вообще эффективности НТП в России. Иначе говоря, абсентеистская форма собственности один из важнейших тормозов модернизации и технического перевооружения российской экономики. Таким образом, можно видеть, что в рамках институциональной теории уже достаточно давно исследуются различного рода экономические аномалии, патологии (хотя, как правило, называемые иным образом), связанные с нарушениями, отклонениями от обычного, стандартного поведения различных институтов или институциональной системы в целом. Однако происходило это не часто, время от времени, спорадически. Здесь же нами предлагается сконцентрировать внимание на изучении такого рода институциональных патологиях, что позволит выявить общее и особенное в них, раскрыть закономерности и тенденции их функционировании и в конце концов поможет осуществить разработку направлений, форм и методов устранения этих патологий (или хотя бы это будет способствовать уменьшению негативного их воздействия на социально-экономические процессы). Целесообразно различать, на наш взгляд, патологии в институциональной системе, в институциональной среде и в самих институтах (в этом случае последние можно называть патоинститутами). Так, к патоинститутам можно отнести устаревшие институты, нуждающиеся в замене или обновлении; отжившие институты, приносящие вред и мешающие реализации прогрессивных мероприятий, а также неправильные институты, тормозящие развитие социально-экономических процессов, например, процесс модернизации российского общества. Выводы. В статье дается характеристика патоинституционализма как перспективного направления институциональной теории, определяются сущность и критерии выделения патоинститутов сквозь призму возможности использования этих понятий при анализе факторов и особенностей модернизации российской экономики.Subject. Institutionalism as a scientific direction of economic thought emerged in the United States at the beginning of the XX century as a form of heightened monopoliticheskih display trends in the economy, contributing to the design and development of "antitrust" policy of their own country. To a certain extent opposed to the neoclassical institutionalism direction of economic theory. Purpose. At present, the author's opinion, it is necessary to consider the advisability of forming another scientific field within the institutional theory the direction which we call "patoinstitutsionalizm." As part of this scientific concept is planned to focus on the study of pathological processes in the institutional system and the institutions themselves (which can be called by analogy patoinstitutami). The use of this name due to the fact that the term "pathological process" derives from the Greek "pathos" meaning disease. Considering that in recent years at various levels of the social hierarchy frequent various crises that very painfully public, it appears that the development patoinstitutsionalizma is very important. Results. Strengthening of crises and imbalances associated also with institutional factors, both at the level of individual institutions and the functioning of the institutional system as a whole. Therefore, one of the most important aspects of patoinstitutsionalizma as a new scientific field should be the study of the relationship between the increasing manifestations of the crisis and the disproportionality arising from the socio-economic systems at different levels of the management hierarchy, on the one hand, and institutional factors, institutional direction, on the other hand. Another very important aspect patoinstitutsionalizma may be to study different types and kinds of pathologies of the institutional system, including in various institutes. In this regard, the crucial problem may be defining the criteria and quantitative indicators, based on which the Institute is different from the normal patoinstituta. This kind of problem is relevant for the institutional system as a whole (ie, to determine normal and abnormal institutional system as a whole). It is also obvious that patoinstitutsionalizm be linked to other, already established trends and concepts of institutional theory. So, one of the founders of the theory of institutional Veblen criticized the parasitic life employment rentier-financial activities of the special owners, absenteistskoy forms of private property. Thereby it is substantially opposed this, if I may say so, idle the rest of the business (normal) entrepreneurs actually earn your business income. In other words, substantially at Veblen absenteistskaya ownership and its owner are regarded as a kind of pathology, which, unlike ordinary businessmen, hinders the effective development of the economy, including the effective development of scientific and technical progress. The validity of the above can be seen in contemporary Russia, where many of the oligarchs, who made huge fortunes in a short time through the use of natural resources, is essentially a national treasure of Russia, and therefore do not belong to themselves, used a significant portion of revenues in the development of production, and to satisfy their own whims. The fact that many Russian businessmen in an environment where physical and moral depreciation of fixed assets in many sectors of close to 100%, a significant part of their income spent on non-productive, non-productive consumption, and often do so abroad also shows abnormalities, pathological modern Russian the institutional system, including some government agencies that are its most important attributes. This fact is also the most serious and the most negative impact on the socio-economic efficiency of modernization and general effectiveness of NTP in Russia. In other words, absenteistskaya ownership one of the major brakes modernization and technical re-equipment of the Russian economy. Thus, we can see that in the framework of the institutional theory have long studied various kinds of economic anomaly, pathology (although usually called otherwise) related to the impairment, deviations from the normal, default behavior of the various institutions or the institutional system as a whole. However, this does not happen often, from time to time, sporadically. Here we propose to focus on the study of such institutional pathologies that will reveal the general and particular in them, to reveal patterns and trends in their operation, and in the end help to carry out development directions, forms and methods of eliminating these pathologies (or at least it will help reduce the negative impact on their social and economic processes). It is advisable to distinguish, in our opinion, the pathology in the institutional system in the institutional environment and the institutions themselves (in this case, the latter can call patoinstitutami). So, for patoinstitutam include outdated institutions in need of replacement or upgrade; obsolete institutions that bring harm and impede the implementation of progressive measures, as well as the wrong institutions, hindering the development of socio-economic processes, for example, the process of modernization of the Russian society. Conclusions. The article describes how patoinstitutsionalizma promising trend of institutional theory, defined the nature and allocation criteria patoinstitutov through the prism of the possibility of using these concepts in the analysis of the factors and features of the modernization of the Russian economy.

We develop a framework of bilateral oligopoly with a sequential two-stage game in which manufacturers engage in bilateral bargains with retailers competing on a downstream market. We show that bargaining outcomes depend on three different bargaining forces and can be interpreted in terms of "equilibrium of fear". We estimate our framework using data on soft drink purchases in France and find that retailers have a higher bargaining power than manufacturers. Using counterfactual simulations, we highlight that retail mergers always increase retailers' fear of disagreement which weakens their bargaining power vis-à-vis manufacturers and leads to higher wholesale and retail prices.

The economic concept has not been as widely disseminated and as poorly defined as the concept of competition. According to schools of thought, competition is either a dynamic process leading to innovation or a market structure ensuring low prices and homogeneous products. Those two visions, which are contradictory between them, are used together to promote the benefits of a standard which makes competition the cornerstone of harmonious self-regulation of markets. However, there is a real 'triangle of incompatibilities', since the three objectives assigned to competition policy, namely productive emulation, efficient self-regulation and maximising consumer welfare, appear to be incompact among themselves. The clarification of the concept of competition could therefore be an opportunity to call into question the neoclassical market design and its supply curve. ; Rarely an economic concept has been so much ill-defined and yet promoted than the concept of competition. Depending on the school of thought, competition means either a dynamic process that creates innovations or a market structure that assures low prices and homogeneous products. But these various conceptions, mutually contradictory, are used together in order to praise the benefits of a norm that makes competition the pivot for a harmonious self-regulation of markets. There is however a clear "impossible trinity" in this vision, as the three objectives of productive emulation, effective self-regulation and consumer maximization appear mutually incompatible. Moreover, clarifying the concept of competition may help to question the Neoclassical conception of markets and its supply curve. ; The economic concept has not been as widely disseminated and as poorly defined as the concept of competition. According to schools of thought, competition is either a dynamic process leading to innovation or a market structure ensuring low prices and homogeneous products. Those two visions, which are contradictory between them, are used together to promote the benefits of ...

У статті розглянуто розвиток вітчизняного законодавства у сфері економічних відносин, що викликає змістовні та структурні трансформації в системі права, а отже, і право, і законодавство є органічно пов'язаними. Як наслідок, виникають структурні новоутворення в системі законодавства. Установлено, що саме з урахуванням системності у визначенні основних та другорядних аспектів нормативно-правового забезпечення функціонування економічної системи можна вести мову про високу ефективність правового регулювання світової економічної системи. Обґрунтовано, що незважаючи на складний ієрархічний характер відносин в економічній системі, що тяжіє до безперервної спеціалізації її складових, забезпечення взаємодії усіх елементів структури та вихід її функціонування на задані загальні параметри вимагає створення цілісної, взаємопов'язаної системи законодавчого та правового забезпечення в адекватному для такого масштабу проблеми форматі ; В статье проанализированы динамичное развитие законодательства в сфере экономических отношений, что вызывает содержательные и структурные трансформации в системе права, а, следовательно, и право, и законодательство являються органически связанными. Как следствие, возникают структурные новообразования в системе законодательства. Установлено, что именно с учетом системности в определении основных и второстепенных аспектов нормативно-правового обеспечения функционирования экономической системы можно говорить о высокой эффективности правового регулирования мировой экономической системы. Обосновано, что несмотря на сложный иерархический характер отношений в экономической системе, которая тяготеет к непрерывной специализации ее составляющих, обеспечение взаимодействия всех элементов структуры и выход ее функционирования на заданные параметры требует создания целостной, взаимосвязанной структурной системы законодательного и правового обеспечения в адекватном для нее масштабе.// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "plaw.nlu.edu.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e ; The article analyzes the dynamic development of legislation in the field of economic relations is matched to structural transformation in the law, and therefore the law, and legislation is organically linked. Аs a consequence, become structurally tumors in the legal system as a key emerging trend of improving its evolyutsinuvannya. In this sense, the normative legal provision of economic relations – is a complete standalone system, it is appropriate to determine as the only legal complex object. It is established that it is considering systematic in identifying major and minor aspects of the legal functioning of the economic system we can talk about high efficiency of legal regulation of the global economic system. Proved that despite the complex hierarchical nature of relations in the economic system that tends to continuing specialization of its components, ensuring the interaction of all elements of the structure and output of its operation to set general parameters requires an integrative, holistic, coherent with the legal system and legal support in adequate to the problem of this magnitude format.Now the scientific legal literature began to explore some categorical concepts, some substantive mechanisms for the enhancement of the conceptual level that can be regarded as approval beliefs and understanding of the separation of such jurisprudence as Economic Law of Ukraine [1–11]. The rich have paid attention to this issue and scientists of Kharkiv Donetsk schools of law, namely:, D. V. Zadyhaylo, D. D. Zadyhaylo, V. S. Milash, V. A. Ustymenko and others. Also, this perspective was a range of scientific interests of Kiev and Odessa schools, namely A. M. Vinnik, O. P. Podtserkovnyy, V. S. Shcherbina and others. In the former Soviet Union it examined: A. Alpatov, G. Velyanovskyy, G. Balsevich, M. Odintsov, V. Tambovtsev and others. However, scientists have not paid sufficient attention, and the very conceptual analysis of the category of «economic rights» as a separate legal phenomenon, that conceptual device was left outside the research, also identified and place of the term «economic law» in the legal space as required result Sociodynamics the mechanism legislation. However, usually focuses on individual fragments relationship functioning economic system creating categorical apparatus required for each. It should be added that often because of certain circumstances their views do not correspond to modern realities, because the dynamics of economic relations for ten years - big time. In view of the above it can be stated that the question of integrative processes of legislation on economic issues, the impact of international standards on the process of modernization of national economic legislation and determine their role in it as a whole are not defined.Consideration of this issue is caused by lack of conceptual apparatus legislation Ukraine of terms such as «economic system» and «economic law». In addition, the domestic legislation is not developed a mechanism to ensure the development of the latter, which operates successfully operates a modern legal systems of the world. Given this, we can state that the need to adapt Ukrainian legal doctrine to the European legal system is in the legal functioning of the economic system of our country, because the design of economic law as a science and discipline will solve the problem of mismatch economic and legal point of view, a holistic concept relations state of law and Economics. Emphasize that while this gap is not eliminated, that remain unsettled some legal aspects of the existing conceptual mechanism of legal support economic system is inadequate. In addition, should agree on the basic provisions of legislation on regulation of relevant relations with foreign countries, to achieve the level of economic indicators sought legal opinion and national general our country.The article is the rationale for the legislative and legal consolidation of the concept of «economic law» as a structural system neoplasms legislation and establishing a comprehensive nature of the institution as a whole legal complex object in the legal system and functional state's influence on him.Axiomatic is provision for a close dialectical relationship between economic and legal systems. Even in the XVIII century, Adam Smith (author of «The Wealth of Nations» and the phrase «life, liberty and property») pondered the economic consequences of the establishment «of mercantile laws». Along with Smith and other philosophers saw the relationship between economics and law. On this occasion expressed their thoughts and «father of communism» – Karl Marx. However, in today's issue of legal compliance to ensure economic relations existing forms of their implementation is complex and multifaceted and has a corresponding character. First of all, this is due to globalization of economic processes, the growing role and importance of public international economic law and private international law in the establishment and regulation of foreign economic relations, which play a large share in the global and national GDP. Thus, the emerging global economic right, which may be partly represented the concept LEX mercantoria. However, in internal legislation of the update is kompleknyh a number of industries that are designed to overcome industry barriers to legal provision of economic relations.The fact is of course that the relationships that are part of the category of «economic system» extremely ambitious and go beyond their own business, tax, natural resource and other sectors zakonodastva. An important factor marker while solving the problem of inter-sectoral barriers is the need for clear and understandable state of economic, including industrial or agricultural policy. Clearly, implementation of this policy occurs within the array of relations in the economic system, and therefore includes a comprehensive, systemic use of state-legal means of influencing the behavior of economic relations, in particular economic entities, local communities, employees, investors, consumers etc.Thus it is necessary a certain legal unification of the whole arsenal of different-legal instruments. Yes, this formulation of questions, answers attempt to form such a category as an economic right - the integrative result of independent development of its industry components.1. The economic system is a complex set of social relations of production that ensure economic activities on certain principles of coordination between the participants and subjects of economy in the dominant way to distribute the results of its operations, determining the degree of efficiency of the national economy. Thus, the economic system as a whole set of economic relations should be represented as a single object of legal regulation, because it is a sign of «whole nature» of the latter, which is inherent in any system, its operation logically implies the interaction of all elements by « self-regulation «of all systemically important ties between these elements and therefore obligatory to talk about the development of a single legal model for organizing economic relations in general.2. In modern terms of structuring the legal system and legislation are distributed between the individual sectors. Some of them are homogeneous by private law or public-legal nature, such as the civil law or the finance law, the while law others are complex the hospodarske law, the agricultural law, the environmental (natural resource) law. However, the structure of the said areas of the economic law as a separate category is not saying.3. The need for the formation of just such regulatory structural macro grounded weight increasing economic sphere as integral object of social management-for: 1) implementation of a unified economic policy; 2) the macroeconomic state regulation; 3) external influences on the national economy due to the implementation of the economic policy of other states, international economic organizations, the impact kon'yuktury foreign markets; 4) the need to implement (incentives) universal properties of the national economy as such. For example – providing innovative character of economic development, the introduction of alternative energy as the dominant source of energy, the implementation of restructuring the national economy, overcoming depression and economic degradation regions and so on.4. The possibility and feasibility of forming such superkompleksu the right to an economic right may also grounded bute legal and technical aspects of constitutional and legal support: 1) although fragmented, but overall the nature of the constitutional and legal regulation of economic relations; 2) fixation general legal economic values - objects of constitutional and legal regulation (economic security, constitutional economic order, economic diversity, etc.); 3) if the text of the Basic Law and the common values of the components overall, defining of competence load state authorities, in particular: a) the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on objects of legal regulation referred to in Article 92 of the Constitution of Ukraine, namely the use of natural resources, the exclusive ( maritime) economic zone and the continental shelf, the space exploration organization and operation of energy, transportation and communications, the legal regime of property rights, legal principles and guarantees of entrepreneurship, rules of competition and antitrust rules, principles of foreign relations, foreign trade, customs, etc. ; b) The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine - the functions of the Government to ensure the functioning of the economic system listed in Article 116 of the Constitution of Ukraine, for example, develops and implements national programs of economic, scientific, technical, social and cultural development of Ukraine, ensures equal conditions of development of all forms of ownership; carries out management of state property in accordance with law; c) general economic content and nature of the competence of certain public authorities such as the NBU, AMC and others.

66, un controllo delle concentrazioni limitatamente al settore del carbone e dell'acciaio, il Trattato CE, ora Trattato sul funzionamento dell'Unione Europea ,non contiene alcuna disposizione che faccia espresso riferimento alle concentrazioni tra imprese. La Commissione richiamava l'attenzione delle imprese interessate sulla compatibilità dell'operazione con l'art. 82 TCE alle operazioni di concentrazione . Ai fini del calcolo del fatturato si teneva conto, in via di principio, dei ricavi delle imprese coinvolte nell'ultimo esercizio, al netto degli oneri tributari. 1, n. 2, del regolamento. Uno dei principi fondamentali della disciplina era quello della competenza esclusiva della Commissione in materia di concentrazioni di dimensione comunitaria. Si fa riferimento agli strumenti di coordinamento tra Commissione ed Autorità Nazionali ed in particolare al meccanismo dei rinvii. 4 del Regolamento 4064/89, tutte le operazioni di concentrazione aventi una dimensione comunitaria(in base alle soglie di fatturato sopra menzionate)dovevano essere notificate alla Commissione ". Ai sensi del terzo paragrafo dell'art. L'attività della Commissione si svolgeva, e si svolge tuttora, in perenne collegamento con le Autorità degli Stati membri fin dal momento della notifica della concentrazione, che viene loro tempestivamente trasmessa. La valutazione della Commissione doveva essere effettuata, ai sensi dell'art. Nel caso in cui, invece, la concentrazione fosse già stata realizzata, l'art. Al nuovo Regolamento comunitario sulle concentrazioni tra imprese si affianca la Comunicazione adottata dalla Commissione nel dicembre 2003 sulla valutazione delle concentrazioni orizzontali, in cui vengono per la prima volta esplicitati e chiariti i criteri fondamentali utilizzati dalla Commissione stessa ai fini dell'analisi e della valutazione delle concentrazioni di dimensione comunitaria. 3 del regolamento 139/2004che nulla innova rispetto all'89. Le operazioni di concentrazione di dimensione comunitaria vanno obbligatoriamente notificate alla Commissione. 4. Par 1, del Regolamento 4064/89, e ciò garantisce, di conseguenza, il carattere preventivo del controllo. In tale periodo, la Commissione può chiedere informazioni, oltre che alle parti, alle imprese concorrenti, ai consumatori e ad altri terzi interessati. Nelle intenzioni della Commissione, la riforma dei poteri d'indagine e repressivi nel quadro del controllo delle concentrazioni avrebbe dovuto mantenere, nei limiti del possibile, il parallelismo con le disposizioni della nuova normativa antitrust. Accanto al nuovo regolamento, la riforma del controllo comunitario delle concentrazioni contempla diverse misure non legislative volte ad assicurare un esame più efficiente e qualitativamente migliore delle operazioni. Ciò premesso, è adesso opportuno soffermare l'attenzione sul meccanismo dei rinvii tra Commissioni ed Autorità nazionali che, oltre ad essere uno dei principali strumenti di coordinamento ed efficienza del sistema del controllo sulle concentrazioni, costituisce anche, e non a caso, il terreno su cui maggiormente si è mosso l'intervento innovatore del legislatore europeo del 2004. CAPITOLO 2 IL SISTEMA DEI RINVII TRA COMMISSIONE ED AUTORITÀ NAZIONALI Lo sportello unico e i meccanismi correttivi in funzione del rispetto del principio di sussidiarietà Per quanto concerne l'intervento innovatore del legislatore europeo del 2004, le questioni procedurali di maggior rilievo affrontate in occasione della riforma del controllo delle concentrazioni sono inerenti ai rapporti tra diritto comunitario e diritto nazionale, e quindi ai criteri di ripartizione delle competenze tra Commissione e Autorità nazionali. Il controllo europeo delle operazioni di concentrazione tra imprese riguarda la competenza esclusiva della Commissionecon riferimento alle concentrazioni di dimensione comunitaria. Infatti, "gli Stati membri non applicano la loro normativa nazionale sulla concorrenza alle concentrazioni di dimensione comunitaria" (art.21par. 3del Regolamento 139/04). Inoltre, il reg. 139/04 (che si riferisce alla Commissione e alle Autorità nazionali come ad una Rete di Autorità (considerando 32) non permette l'applicazione parallela ad una medesima concentrazione tanto della disciplina comunitaria quanto di quella nazionale. Il regolamento 139/04 prevede due ordini di procedimenti di rinvio di una concentrazione da Commissione alle Autorità nazionali, e viceversa: - Procedimenti di rinvio prima della notifica (art. 4 reg. 139/04); - Procedimenti di rinvio dopo la notifica (art. 9 e 22 reg. 139/04). Il rinvio "verso il basso", dalla Commissione alle Autorità nazionali Il regolamento 139/04 disciplina, come già il regolamento 4064/89, il possibile rinvio del controllo di una concentrazione dal livello comunitario a quello nazionale successivamente alla notifica dell'operazione. Ciò avviene "mediante decisione che la Commissione notifica (…) alle imprese interessate e che essa porta a conoscenza delle Autorità competenti degli altri Stati membri". Nel caso in cui la concentrazione sia stata rinviata allo Stato membro, "l'Autorità competente dello Stato membro interessato decide sul caso senza indebito ritardo" (art.9 par. 6 reg. 139/04). Benché il rinvio comporti una deroga al principio della competenza esclusiva della Commissione per valutare le operazioni di dimensione comunitaria, stabilito all'art. Ulteriori profili critici Accanto alla questione legata al rinvio parziale, il dettato dell'art. 9, par. 3, che prevede l'obbligatorietà di rinviare il caso alle Autorità nazionali quando il mercato distinto all'interno del territorio di uno Stato membro non costituisca una parte sostanziale del mercato comune. 2, par. 3, del regolamento. 1 delimitavala sfera di giurisdizione della Commissione si fondavano esclusivamente sulle soglie di fatturato delle imprese, in modo del tutto avulso dagli effetti della concentrazione. Il rinvio "verso l'alto", dalle Autorità nazionali alla Commissione L'ipotesi dell'art. Nel caso in cui gli Stati membri non prescrivano l'obbligo di notifica delle concentrazioni, il termine decorre da quando l'operazione è stata resa nota allo Stato membro interessato (art. 22 par. 1 reg.139/04). Successivamente, la Commissione trasmette la richiesta a tutti gli Stati membri e alle imprese interessate (art. 22 par. 2 reg. 139/04). Il rinvio pre-notifica La possibilità di rinvio delle concentrazioni prima della notifica(tanto verso la Commissione, quanto verso le Autorità nazionali garanti della concorrenza degli Stati membri) è una novità del reg. 139/04. Questa è stata disciplinata al fine di "migliorare ulteriormente l'efficienza del sistema di controllo delle concentrazioni nella Comunità" . Perché tale rinvio non determini degli effetti collaterali riguardo alla certezza dei tempi del procedimento di valutazione (comunitario o nazionale), la Commissione e le Autorità nazionali di concorrenza devono decidere entro termini brevi e certi se debba essere effettuato un rinvio alla Commissione o agli Stati membri . La richiesta di rinvio prima della notifica, tanto alle autorità degli Stati membri come alla Commissione, deve essere effettuata, ai sensi del reg. 802/04, tramite uno specifico formulario (Formulario RS). Questo permette alla Commissione di ricevere sufficienti informazioni per poter iniziare la valutazione della richiesta di rinvio. La decisione della Commissione è adottata entro 25 giorni lavorativi a decorrere dal ricevimento della richiesta motivata da parte della Commissione. In conseguenza della decisione di rinvio della concentrazione ad uno Stato membro, le imprese obbligate non devono più notificare alla Commissione la relativa operazione e a quest'ultima si applica la legislazione nazionale sulla concorrenza. 9 del regolamento, l'art. Il rinvio preventivo sembra rimesso, anche in tal caso, alla discrezionalità della Commissione. Al ricevimento della richiesta la Commissione ne trasmette senza ritardo copia a tutti gli Stati membri. In questo caso, la competenza della Commissione ad esaminare il caso è esclusiva (ovvia conseguenza del fatto che tutte le autorità competenti hanno aderito alla richiesta di rinvio). 1 del regolamento 139/2004. La norma mira ad escludere dalla competenza della Commissione in alcuni casi che presentano un chiaro collegamento nazionale ad uno degli Stati membri. Per contro, a determinate condizioni, uno Stato membro può chiedere il rinvio alle autorità nazionali garanti della concorrenza di casi che sono stati notificati ai sensi del regolamento comunitario sulle concentrazioni (articolo 9). Si ritiene che, in molti casi, questi fattori siano stati alla base della decisione delle parti di non chiedere il rinvio. In conclusione, "la Relazione del 2009" dà conto al Consiglio dell'applicazione delle soglie per la notifica ai sensi dell'articolo 1 del Regolamento comunitario sulle concentrazione nella ripartizione dei casi di concentrazione tra il livello comunitario e il livello nazionale, nonché dei meccanismi di rinvio previsti agli articoli 4, 9 e 22 dello stesso regolamento. Il Libro bianco, pertanto, è suddiviso nei seguenti tre macro punti: 1) riesame sostanziale delle concentrazioni dopo la riforma del Regolamento sulle concentrazioni del 2004; 2) disamina delle acquisizioni di partecipazioni di minoranza non di controllo; 3) analisi del cd. "rinvio dei casi" e delle nuove misure proposte. A proposito dell'analisi dei risultati conseguiti nei dieci anni trascorsi dall'entrata in vigore del regolamento 139/2004, relativo al controllo delle concentrazioni, la Commissione osserva che sin dall'adozione del primo Regolamento sulle concentrazioni del 1989, il controllo delle concentrazioni è diventato uno dei pilastri principali della normativa dell'UE in materia di concorrenza e che le sue caratteristiche fondamentali sono ormai consolidate. Una delle innovazioni più rilevanti apportate dal regolamento del 2004 è stata, senza dubbio, l'introduzione del criterio di "ostacolo significativo ad una concorrenza effettiva", quale parametro per l'esame delle operazioni di concentrazione, con conseguente aumento delle possibilità di rinvio dei casi di concentrazione dagli Stati membri alla Commissione e viceversa. Alla luce dell'esame di tali aspetti, la Commissione osserva, quindi, che nel lungo periodo il sistema del Regolamento sulle concentrazioni dovrebbe evolversi in un autentico "spazio europeo delle concentrazioni", in cui le concentrazioni esaminate dalla Commissione e dalle Autorità nazionali garanti della concorrenza siano soggette ad un unico corpus normativo. 1 del Regolamento) sono esaminate esclusivamente dalla Commissione, evitando così procedure di esame multiple a livello degli Stati membri. La Commissione rileva che l'esperienza ha dimostrato che l'attuale procedura di rinvio prima della notificazione dagli Stati membri alla Commissione, a norma dell'art. Salva l'ipotesi in cui uno Stato membro competente si opponga alla richiesta, alla Commissione spetterebbe la disamina dell'intera operazione. 4 par. 4, del Regolamento sulle concentrazioni, la Commissione propone di precisare le soglie sostanziali per il rinvio. L'abolizione del presunto "elemento di autodenuncia", nella prospettiva adottata dalla Commissione, potrebbe portare ad un aumento del numero di richieste a norma dell'articolo 4, paragrafo 4.La proposta volta a razionalizzare il rinvio successivo alla notifica dagli Stati membri alla Commissione Le vigenti norme in materiadi rinvio successivo alla notificazione dagli Stati membri alla Commissione, ai sensi dell'articolo 22 del Regolamento, determinano il passaggio della competenza dalle Autorità Nazionali alla Commissione; tale passaggio, però, si verifica soltanto nel caso in cui lo Stato membro di riferimento abbia presentato o comunque aderito ad una richiesta di rinvio. Talora, questo meccanismoha condotto a indagini parallele della Commissione e delle Autorità nazionali garanti della concorrenza, in contrasto con il principio dello sportello unico. La riforma del regolamento sulle concentrazioni nel 2004 ha reso il regime di controllo delle concentrazioni dell'Unione europea più efficiente e prevedibile, preservando la concorrenza effettiva nel mercato unico a vantaggio delle imprese e dei consumatori. La Commissione, in particolare, ha come obiettivo della consultazione quello di apportare possibili miglioramenti del regolamento UE sulle concentrazioni in relazione alle proposte innovative contenute nel Libro bianco "verso un controllo più efficace delle concentrazioni"". Le norme sulle concentrazioni attualmente non consentono alla Commissione di esaminare questi effetti, mentre le regole di alcuni Stati membri consentono alle autorità nazionali di farlo. Nello specifico, per quanto riguarda le proposte della Commissione relative al rinvio prima della notificazione dalla Commissione agli stati membri , di cui all'art. 4(4), queste sono state accolte positivamente sia dalle autorità nazionali degli stati membri, sia dai soggetti privati. Per quanto riguarda le proposte della Commissione relative al rinvio prima della notificazione dagli stati membri alla Commissione , di cui all'art 4(5), sono state accolte dalla maggioranza, sia delle autorità nazionali, che dai soggetti privati. 22. CAPITOLO 4 LA NORMATIVA ITALIANA SUL CONTROLLO DELLE CONCENTRAZIONI La disciplina nazionale della concorrenza. Inoltre, l'esperienza dell'Unione europea, nell'applicazione del Regolamento del 1989, aveva evidenziato lacune che sono state in parte sanate dal nuovo Regolamento del 2004; lacune che in alcuni casi sono state colmate anche dall'applicazione in Italia delle norme a tutela del diritto alla concorrenza e dalle decisioni emesse dalla competente Autorità di regolazione . 6, 7, 16, 17, 18 e 19 del medesimo testo normativo. 6, rubricato "divieto di operazioni di concentrazione restrittive della libertà di concorrenza".

Captura de Radovan KaradzicEl ex presidente de la República Serbia de Bosnia, Radovan Karadzic, de 63 años, es acusado de genocidio y crímenes de guerra . Es uno de los hombres más buscados del mundo, ha sido detenido el pasado martes en Serbia.Apodado el "carnicero de Sarajevo", estuvo prófugo desde 1996, está inculpado por el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la antigua Yugoslavia (creado ad hoc para juzgar los delitos cometidos durante ese conflicto).Se le acusa también de haber orquestado las ejecuciones de hasta 8.000 musulmanes en Srebrenica durante la guerra en Bosnia en 1995.Se ocultaba tras una identidad falsa y un aspecto irreconocible, con barba, pelo largo y mucho más delgado. Ejercía la medicina alternativa en Belgrado, donde ha sido detenido. Varios medios informan al respecto:"CNN":"Fugitive Karadzic hid as bearded medic":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/22/serb.arrest/index.html"Time":"Karadzic's Arrest Comes Too Late":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825366,00.html"Karadzic Hid with False Identity":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825377,00.html"Judge Orders Karadzic to UN Tribunal":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825268,00.html"Le Monde":"Karadzic se cachait à Belgrade sous une fausse identité":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/le-serbe-radovan-karadzic-inculpe-de-genocide-a-ete-arrete_1075780_3214.html#ens_id=1075781"La Serbie solde en partie les comptes de son passé":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/la-serbie-solde-en-partie-les-comptes-de-son-passe_1075844_3214.html#ens_id=1075781"Radovan Karadzic, fourrier d'un sanglant ultranationalisme serbe":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/radovan-karadzic-l-icone-de-l-ultranationalisme-serbe_1075820_3214.html"New York Times":"Serb Officials Detail Capture of Karadzic":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/23/world/europe/23serbia.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"La Nación": "Satisfacción en la UE por la detención de Radovan Karadzic: Sin embargo, los líderes mostraron prudencia sobre los avances con Serbia a partir del arresto del criminal de guerra más buscado; no declaró en su primer interrogatorio":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032472"Detienen al criminal de guerra más buscado: Es Radovan Karadzic, acusado de genocidio en los Balcanes":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032386"The Economist":"Arrest of a strongman: Radovan Karadzic is arrested at last, in a big boost to Serbia's prospects of joining the European Union":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11778164&source=features_box_main"Los Angeles Times":"Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect Radovan Karadzic caught":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-warcrime22-2008jul22,0,7520714.story"Times":"Wanted fugitive Radovan Karadzic developed alter ego as New Age doctor":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377240.ece"The dark life and times of Radovan Karadzic":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377484.ece"Eyewitness: the role of Karadzic in Sarajevo's vicious civil war: As a foreign correspondent for The Times, Edward Gorman visited many theatres of war during the 1990s. Here he recalls the dark days of the siege of Sarajevo":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377963.ece"Factfile: Bosnia's bloody history:The tangled and troubled history to the Bosnian civil war, which saw the worst massacres in Europe since WW2":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4378742.ece"El Tiempo":"Arrestado el ex jefe militar serbobosnio Radovan Karadzic, acusado de genocidio":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/arrestado-el-ex-jefe-militar-serbobosnio-radovan-karadzic-acusado-de-genocidio-_4388156-1"El Universal": "Envían a La Haya a Karadzic: El fiscal Vladimir Vukcevic dijo el martes a la prensa que el juez emitió la orden para la entrega del sospechoso a la corte internacional por 11 crímenes de guerra":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/524272.html"MSNBC":"War crimes suspect quizzed after decade on run: Bosnian Serb leader Karadzic worked as doctor while hunted for massacres":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25793223/"Background, quotes on The Hague, Karadzic: Tribunal facts and what key figures have to say about the fugitive's arrest":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25798405/"El Mercurio":"Presunto criminal de guerra requerido en La Haya: Luego de 12 años de búsqueda detienen a Radovan Karadzic, el "carnicero de Sarajevo"":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/_portada/noticias/B62A3BF4-561F-42DF-B372-E6A97619E49E.htm?id={B62A3BF4-561F-42DF-B372-E6A97619E49E}"El País" de Madrid:"Celebración en Sarajevo, disturbios en Belgrado: Cientos de nacionalistas serbios se enfrentan con la Policía por la detención de Radovan Karadzic, muy celebrada en Bosnia":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Celebracion/Sarajevo/disturbios/Belgrado/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_13/Tes"Detenido en Serbia Karadzic, el criminal de guerra más buscado":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Detenido/Serbia/Karadzic/criminal/guerra/buscado/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_2/Tes"Los ministros de Exteriores de la UE esperarán al informe del TPYI para descongelar el pacto de adhesión de Serbia: La detención de Karadzic acerca al país de los Balcanes a Europa":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/ministros/Exteriores/UE/esperaran/informe/TPYI/descongelar/pacto/adhesion/Serbia/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_9/Tes AMERICA LATINA"MSNBC" publica: "Haiti food aid lags, hunger deepens: As nation starves, aid is stuck in port or inside warehouses":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25773473/"El País" de Madrid informa: "Mueren cuatro militares venezolanos y un boliviano al caer un helicóptero en el centro de Bolivia: La aeronave iba a ser utilizada hoy por el presidente Evo Morales":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Mueren/militares/venezolanos/boliviano/caer/helicoptero/centro/Bolivia/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_13/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "Helicopter crashes in Bolivia, killing five: Copter was often used to transport Bolivian president":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25785714/"CNN" informa: "Dolly intensifies; Texas and Mexico brace for hurricane":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/US/weather/07/21/tropical.weather/index.html"La Ancion" publica: "La crisis política / La embestida kirchnerista contra el vicepresidente: El Gobierno echó a seis funcionarios de Cobos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032410"El Mercurio" publica: "El secretario de Agricultura sería la primera baja del gabinete argentino":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/217A4F30-1D6C-4B42-9354-B2E194388F5A.htm?id={217A4F30-1D6C-4B42-9354-B2E194388F5A}"CNN" publica: "Chavez set to spend big on Russian weapons":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/07/22/chavez.russia/index.html"La Nación" informa: "Chávez inició una estratégica visita a Rusia: El mandatario realizó una nueva compra de armas y selló importantes acuerdos energéticos tras reunirse con su par ruso, Dimitri Medvedev":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032471"The Economist" analiza: "Deadly masaje: How not to tackle a soaring murder rate":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750858"El Mercurio" informa: "20 muertos habría dejado ataque a base de las FARC": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/E029D5C3-F87C-466E-81E2-32434314CDC9.htm?id={E029D5C3-F87C-466E-81E2-32434314CDC9}"The Economist" analiza: "Mending an icon: How Rio's first good governor in decades is starting to renew Brazil's most famous city": http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750451 ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA "New York Times" publica: "Obama Meets Iraqi Officials in Baghdad":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/22/us/politics/22obama.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"CNN" informa: "Obama finds 'consensus' in Iraq for U.S. troop withdrawal":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/07/22/obama.mideast/index.html"El Mercurio" de Chile publica: "Campaña electoral por la Casa Blanca: Gira de Obama desata frenesí periodístico en Estados Unidos":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/F0B3A5F6-8B0C-4F9B-B389-83E111BEDDB1.htm?id={F0B3A5F6-8B0C-4F9B-B389-83E111BEDDB1}"The Economist" analiza: "The Hispanic vote: ¡Voten por mi!. Latino voters are turning away from John McCain. That's a symptom of a bigger problem for Republicans":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750600"Time" informa: "Never Underestimate McCain, But.":http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1825337,00.html"Time" publica sitio web sobre elecciones en los Estados Unidos: "The Page":http://thepage.time.com/"La Nación" informa: "Guantánamo: comenzó el primer juicio: El acusado es el ex chofer de Osama ben Laden, que ayer se declaró inocente ante un tribunal militar":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032343"Time" publica: "Bin Laden Driver Pleads Not Guilty":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825089,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "El chófer de Bin Laden niega las acusaciones en el primer juicio en Guantánamo: Salim Ahmed Hamdan se enfrenta a una pena de cadena perpetua por conspiración y apoyo a actividades terroristas": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/chofer/Bin/Laden/niega/acusaciones/primer/juicio/Guantanamo/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_6/Tes EUROPA "The Economist" analiza: "Bosnia's future: Balkan end-games. The long and winding road towards the European Union":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751332"El País" de Madrid publica: " Sarkozy transmite a Irlanda su respeto al resultado del referéndum: El mandatario francés, que ejerce la presidencia rotatoria de la UE, se ha reunido con el primer ministro de Irlanda Brian Cowen en busca de una explicación al 'no'": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Sarkozy/transmite/Irlanda/respeto/resultado/referendum/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_16/Tes"El Mercurio"de Chile informa: "Sarkozy logra estrecha victoria con aprobación a reforma constitucional":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/_portada/noticias/11AF2738-5487-43B6-9D0F-71C578D6BE24.htm?id={11AF2738-5487-43B6-9D0F-71C578D6BE24}"MSNBC" publica: "Spanish police smash 'most wanted' ETA cell: 9 held as raids target Basque separatist group following series of attacks":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25799230/"CNN" indorma: "Nine ETA bombing suspects arrested":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/22/spain.arrests/index.html"La Nación" informa: "La lucha contra el terrorismo en España: Desarticulan el comando más activo de ETA. Detuvieron a nueve personas, entre ellos el jefe; serían los responsables de la mayoría de los atentados cometidos tras el fin de la tregua":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032470"El País" de Madrid informa: "España confirma que el Rey sí verá a Chávez: Un comunicado del Gobierno español dice que se reunirán el viernes en Mallorca, a pesar de que el presidente venezolano desmintió ayer que haya confirmado el encuentro": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Espana/confirma/Rey/vera/Chavez/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_2/Tes"La Nación" publica: "Cerraron el caso Maddie por falta de evidencias: Los padres harán otra investigación":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032387"The Economist" analiza: "Berlusconi fiddles, Italy burns: Silvio Berlusconi's government is turning out to be depressingly similar to his previous one":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751325Asia – Pacífico /Medio OrieNTE"MSNBC" informa: "Myanmar cyclone caused $4 billion in damage: Country needs at least $1 billion in aid over three years, U.N. says":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25785731/"The Economist" informa: "Business in China: Busting trust. The land of the mega-monopoly is about to adopt an antitrust law":http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751042"Time" publica: "China Pulls Troops From Quake Zone":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825310,00.html"MSNBC" analiza: "Olympic city halves traffic to aid polluted skies: Car ban forces Beijing residents to take public transport in clean air bid":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25778988/"CNN" infroma: "Indian government's future on a knife edge":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/22/india.vote/index.html"Time" publica: "India MPs to Hold Confidence Vote":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825382,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "El tifón Kalmaegi causa 18 muertos en Taiwán: El tifón ha causado graves inundaciones, corrimientos de tierra y pérdidas agrícolas de alrededor de diez millones de euros":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/tifon/Kalmaegi/causa/muertos/Taiwan/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_1/Tes"Time" informa: "ASEAN Turns Blind Eye to Burma Rights":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825357,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "Brown: "La paz entre palestinos e israelíes está al alcance de la mano": El líder laborista, primer 'premier' británico que habla ante la 'Knesset' (parlamento israelí).- Exige de nuevo a Irán que suspenda su programa nuclear":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Brown/paz/palestinos/israelies/alcance/mano/elppgl/20080721elpepuint_11/Tes"La Nación": "Brown pidió a Irán que cese su plan nuclear":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032345"Times" publica: "Bulldozer driver shot dead in Jerusalem after ramming cars":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article4378076.ece AFRICA"El País" de Madrid publica: "Gobierno y oposición de Zimbabue acuerdan iniciar un proceso de diálogo para salir de la crisis: El líder del MDC, vencedor de las elecciones que nunca reconoció el régimen de Mugabe, firmará en persona el acuerdo":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Gobierno/oposicion/Zimbabue/acuerdan/iniciar/proceso/dialogo/salir/crisis/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_12/Tes"CNN" informa: "Zimbabwe rivals sign deal on talks":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/21/zimbabwe.deal/index.html"Time" informa: "Breakthrough in Zimbabwe: Let's Talk":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825151,00.html"CNN" publica: "Zimbabwe: Inflation 'highest in the world'":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/17/zimbabwe.inflation.ap/index.html"The Economist" analiza: "Sudan's leader is accused, but others can expect to follow: Will the indictment of Sudan's president for alleged war crimes help or hinder the prospects for peace in Darfur?":http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751353ECONOMIA"CNN" informa: "Oil jumps $2 on Iran, storm: Crude prices bounce back from $16 slide as Iran nuclear talks end without agreement and traders fear tropical storm in Gulf of Mexico.":http://money.cnn.com/2008/07/21/markets/oil/index.htm?postversion=2008072115"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751734&CFID=13935362&CFTOKEN=69812019"El País" de Madrid publica: "El rescate de Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac le costará al contribuyente 25.000 millones de dólares: Según la Oficina de Presupuesto del Congreso.- Los dos bancos hipotecarios siguen su desplome en la bolsa":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/rescate/Fannie/Mae/Freddie/Mac/le/costara/contribuyente/25000/millones/dolares/elpepueco/20080722elpepueco_8/TesOTRAS NOTICIAS"El País" de Madrid publica: "Movilización mundial contra las FARC: Ingrid Betancourt pide en París la liberación de todos los secuestrados. Miles de asistentes a un concierto reclaman el fin de la guerrilla en Colombia":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Ingrid/Betancourt/pide/Paris/liberacion/todos/secuestrados/elpepuint/20080721elpepiint_3/Tes"CNN" informa: "World rallies for FARC hostages' freedom":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/07/20/colombia.hostages.ap/index.html"The Economist" publica: "Iran and America: A surprising move. Why America is sending a top man to talk directly to the Iranians":http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751318

The MEM is the World Bank's biannual flagship publication on Malaysia. It provides analysis of recent economic developments and the near-term outlook for Malaysia. Each publication also focuses on a special topic related to Malaysia's transformation into a high-income economy. Malaysia is at the forefront of a "new generation" of trade agreements that will shape trade and investment over the next decade. The 14th MEM focuses on how Malaysia can use trade agreements to bring new opportunities to the Malaysian economy and accelerate its transition to high income status.

With the success of the World Trade Organization and its predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, in reducing conventional tariff barriers, much of the recent focus of regional and multilateral trade agreements has switched to non-tariff measures, both border and behind-the-border policies. This paper considers the recent empirical and theoretical literature on non-tariff measures in the world trading system. It provides a set of stylized facts based on available data on non-tariff measures and reviews the key methods used to estimate their trade impact. It considers the theoretical treatment of these measures in the trade literature with a focus on the rules and institutions that govern non-tariff measures in the world trading system. It discusses some of the major issues regarding international cooperation in these policy areas, in particular whether such cooperation should entail deep integration (involving precise legally binding obligations) or shallow integration (which allows countries greater discretion in the setting of non-tariff measures). Finally, this paper reviews some of the specific features the World Trade Organization uses in dealing with non-tariff measures such as national treatment rules and non-violation complaints, and considers policy options beyond the WTO such as harmonization and mutual recognition of standards.

Since the beginning of the 90s, reforming infrastructures has been high on the European Commission's political agenda. Telecommunication, energy distribution and rail transportation have been liberalized following the same model: separation of network and operation, introduction of competition on operation and setting up of a regulatory agency to monitor the sector.The goal of these liberalization processes is to introduce more economic efficiency into these industries. The vertical separation, core of the liberalization process, and the introduction of competition on operations allow the introduction of a "price signal" which was lacking in the previous institutional arrangement (a vertically integrated state owned monopoly). But is this model initially designed for the telecom industry well fitted for the rail industry? May the price signal be efficient in this industry?We demonstrate that the assumptions underlying the current institutional project of the European Commission (width of the natural monopoly, use of market mechanisms to attribute rail capacity or to set the prices of passenger transportation services) are challenged by the specificities of the rail sector.In order to establish a real competition in this industry, public authorities should perform an important effort of market design and of ex ante regulation. As a minimum requirement, track access charging scheme should be modified, capacity attributed to new entrants should be allocated in a coherent way so they can optimize rolling stock rotations. Purchase and resale of high speed rolling stocks should also be made easier. ; Depuis le début années 1990, la Commission européenne a entrepris de reformer les grands réseaux d'infrastructure. Les télécommunications, la distribution d'énergie et le transport ferroviaire ont été libéralisés sur un modèle identique : séparation de l'infrastructure et des services, introduction de la concurrence pour les services et mise en place d'une autorité de régulation.Le but de ces libéralisations est d'introduire une plus grande efficience économique dans ces secteurs. La séparation verticale, clef de voute de la libéralisation, et l'introduction de la concurrence à l'aval conduisent à la mise en place d'un « signal prix » qui n'existait pas dans le schéma institutionnel précédent (un monopole verticalement intégré). Mais ce modèle de libéralisation, initialement développé pour les télécommunications, est-il adapté au secteur ferroviaire ? Quelle peut être l'efficacité du signal prix dans ce secteur?La thèse démontre que les hypothèses économiques sous-jacentes au schéma de réformes de la Commission européenne (étendu du monopole naturel, utilisation de mécanismes de marché pour attribuer les capacités ou établir les tarifs des services de transport de passagers) sont mises à mal par les spécificités du secteur.Pour qu'une réelle concurrence s'établisse dans le secteur, les pouvoirs publics doivent effectuer un important travail de « market design » et de régulation ex ante. Il faut a minima que la tarification de l'infrastructure soit modifiée, que les capacités attribuées aux nouveaux entrants soient cohérentes afin qu'ils puissent optimiser leur matériel roulant et que l'acquisition et la revente du matériel roulant grande vitesse soient facilitées.

Since the beginning of the 90s, reforming infrastructures has been high on the European Commission's political agenda. Telecommunication, energy distribution and rail transportation have been liberalized following the same model: separation of network and operation, introduction of competition on operation and setting up of a regulatory agency to monitor the sector.The goal of these liberalization processes is to introduce more economic efficiency into these industries. The vertical separation, core of the liberalization process, and the introduction of competition on operations allow the introduction of a "price signal" which was lacking in the previous institutional arrangement (a vertically integrated state owned monopoly). But is this model initially designed for the telecom industry well fitted for the rail industry? May the price signal be efficient in this industry?We demonstrate that the assumptions underlying the current institutional project of the European Commission (width of the natural monopoly, use of market mechanisms to attribute rail capacity or to set the prices of passenger transportation services) are challenged by the specificities of the rail sector.In order to establish a real competition in this industry, public authorities should perform an important effort of market design and of ex ante regulation. As a minimum requirement, track access charging scheme should be modified, capacity attributed to new entrants should be allocated in a coherent way so they can optimize rolling stock rotations. Purchase and resale of high speed rolling stocks should also be made easier. ; Depuis le début années 1990, la Commission européenne a entrepris de reformer les grands réseaux d'infrastructure. Les télécommunications, la distribution d'énergie et le transport ferroviaire ont été libéralisés sur un modèle identique : séparation de l'infrastructure et des services, introduction de la concurrence pour les services et mise en place d'une autorité de régulation.Le but de ces libéralisations est ...

In his inaugural address, John F. Kennedy proclaimed, "In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger." We are such a generation. JFK's words ring truer today than at the time of his inauguration in 1961 or any time since. The People's Republic of China (PRC), under the control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), is more a peer competitor economically, militarily, and diplomatically than the Soviet Union JFK's America faced. And the CCP is every bit as resolved as the Soviets to shift global norms away from the defense of freedom.Naïve arrogance keeps too many Americans from seeing that China has become a tech powerhouse. China has a credible path to gaining technological parity (and in some cases, superiority) in military applications. Yet too many believe all the US needs to do is to keep the CCP from stealing American technologies (essential – yes, sufficient – no). They have not accepted the fact that the US trails in key technologies and risks falling behind in others. They don't fully appreciate how harmful America losing its innovative edge would be to its prosperity and security, now and in the future.America must awaken from complacency and dedicate itself to winning the race for tech leadership.China is Competing for Tech LeadershipEver since JFK's call to win the space race accelerated investment in talent and discovery, America has enjoyed the advantage of being home to much of the most innovative technologies. This has propelled its prosperity by making its products in high demand and advanced its security by giving its military an advantage over any foe. Yet the CCP's multi-decade focus on achieving leadership in key technologies has undercut America's advantage.A recent study found China leading in 37 out of 44 crucial technologies based on the proportion each nation had of the most highly cited research reports. For those frustrated that open-source publication accelerates the dissemination of dual-use technologies, the good news is China is publishing even more than America. Neither the classified insights the US gains nor the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) network of military science academies are included in the comparison. The picture may change if they were. Yet dominant Chinese market shares in critical minerals, batteries, EVs, solar cells, telecommunications, and more lend credence to China's technological advances. A report by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) suggests......no one should have been surprised when China tested a nuclear-capable hypersonic glide vehicle. China publishes four times the most cited papers as the US on hypersonic and advanced aircraft engines. It also leads in other sciences vital to hypersonic flight. Achieving speeds above Mach 5 requires advances in low-friction surfaces to reduce and dissipate heat produced by air friction. It also demands the development of novel materials able to handle high temperatures and high forces on control surfaces. China publishes three times as many highly cited papers as the second-place country (often, but not always the US) on novel metamaterials, eight times as many on coatings and three times as many on high-specification machining processes. These are areas where China manufacturing producing nearly twice as much output as the US, gives the PRC an advantage. The CCP's penchant for secrecy is reflected in its research focus. Their research leadership in photonic sensors, quantum communications, advanced optical communications, and post-quantum cryptography could allow the CCP to make their communications impenetrable by the West and make the West's classified communications vulnerable. The ASPI study shows the US leading in research publications in high-performance computing, integrated circuits design and fabrication, and natural language processing. But it trails China in machine learning, advanced analytics, and protective cybersecurity technologies.It shows the US leading in terms of research in small satellites and space launches, but trailing China in drones, autonomous systems, and advanced robotics. Finally, it shows the US leading in quantum computing research, but trailing China in post-quantum cryptography, quantum communications, and quantum sensors. China Contesting Military LeadershipHow does this translate into military applications? During the decades America spent fighting terrorism, the CCP rapidly built its military capabilities. The US military is sprinting to retool to deter great power conflict. At the time of JFK's address, defense spending represented 9% of GDP. Today it is at a post-World War II low of 3.5%. Since the time of JFK's inauguration, the Department of Defense's (DoD) research funding has declined from 36% of global R&D to a mere 3% now. Today's America's military is more a consumer than a provider of technology. The CCP has fused its quest for technological and military leadership. It is no different in the US. The contest for technological military superiority is in great part determined by which side can more quickly adapt commercially developed technologies. The CCP has the advantage of building anew while the US is handicapped by needing to replace an installed base of aging technology and bloated base structure that is aggressively defended by elected representatives in Congress prioritizing keeping federal jobs in their districts. The CCP has aggressively steered its industry to focus on technologies that give its military a technological edge, while US industry remains focused on gaining the greater payback from consumer markets. Captains of American industry gave Xi Jinping a standing ovation during his US visit last year, even as the US military is increasingly reliant on industry for its innovative edge.Inflection PointWe are at an inflection point. Depending on its response, America will continue to provide leadership that benefits both the nation and the world or surrender leadership to an ascendant China, at great risk to its future prosperity and national security. How can America successfully defend its innovative edge to underwrite freedom in its hour of maximum danger? How can we ensure the US stays a step ahead in new technologies? The US military can only build an offset advantage on technologies where the US leads.SolutionsAs we consider what it takes to preserve an innovative edge, I am reminded of a conversation I had as President of the University of Colorado with an institute director in Boulder who claimed national leadership in studying oceans. When I asked how it was that a university in the Rockies was good at studying oceans he replied, "It turns out that the first thing you need to study oceans in money, the second thing you need is graduate students." I am sure the fact that the campus in Boulder leads in satellite research and development didn't hurt either. Colorado is no closer to space than to oceans, yet success in research and development does not require proximity.Research FundingLet's begin, then, by considering how the US is doing providing money for research, then consider tech talent. As it turns out, not so well on either.Business. America's biggest source of research funding is business, yet Congress recently allowed a tax incentive for spending on research and development to expire. Renewing the R&D tax incentive is urgent.Federal. Concerned that China is approaching the US in total research spending......the Chips and Science Act authorized a significant increase in research support, but indications are that Congress will fail to appropriate the level of research funding authorized by the act. Fully funding the authorized research spending is essential for the US to retain its innovative edge.Productivity. Studies have found that research is becoming less disruptive. The concern is that using committees to allocate funds and professors fixated on gaining tenure both lead to the pursuit of incremental advances rather than breakthrough work. Governments should treat the search for the best ways to fund science as though it were itself a scientific problem, experimenting with how and who it funds. The US should also aggressively pursue how AI can be transformational in accelerating scientific discoveries in all fields. Collaboration. Innovation productivity is fueled by iterative collaboration among those who specialize in a specific field. New rules and chilly politics in both countries has resulted in US-Chinese academic collaborations peaking in 2019 and falling since. As research collaboration with China abates, the US must increase its collaboration with allies. US scientists currently collaborate twice as much with Chinese partners as they do with those from Europe. Yet Europe has much to offer. For example, the EU is a strong competitor to China in all quantum technologies, including post-quantum cryptography, where the US lags China. It is vital that the US and its European and Asian allies tighten research collaboration to build an aggregate lead in critical technologies. Bolster geopolitical benefits. Many universities encourage faculty to bypass open source publication and instead steer them toward filing a patent, perhaps a classified patent, to facilitate greater commercialization. This financially benefits the inventor and the university and could have geopolitical benefits. The National Science Foundation programs promoting greater commercialization and the Department of Defense's (DoD) academic partnerships should include an emphasis on bolstering geopolitical benefits.Some small steps could further facilitate research:New NSF Directorate. The Chips and Science Act created a new Technology, Innovation and Partnerships Directorate in the National Science Foundation to help ensure a greater focus on critical technologies. It emerged from concerns that China concentrates its research on technologies that give it a security edge, while US government funding is widely disbursed and US commercial research is focused on consumer markets.OSC. The DoD's new Office of Strategic Capital seeks to help advance "critical technologies vital to national security" that might not otherwise get funded.TalentThe state of tech talent is a substantial factor in tech leadership.Declining STEM enrollment. While a wide range of talent is essential to an innovative ecosystem, college graduates play an important role. Ongoing declines, driven in large measure by simple demographics, paint a worrisome picture. US college enrollment in 2021 was 15% below 2010 and is expected to drop further still, due to declining births following the 2008 financial crisis. The resulting drop in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and math) graduates will exacerbate the shortage of tech talent. Targeted funding should be provided to reverse the disincentive to pursue STEM degrees caused by their often costing up to twice as much to deliver or earn as liberal arts degrees. Considering that the PRC is now graduating twice the number of STEM PhDs as the US, significantly more funding should be provided for STEM scholarships and doctoral fellowships.Declining International STEM Students. With the US ranking near the bottom in the percentage of graduates pursuing STEM fields, it has long relied on attracting the world's best and brightest. The overwhelming share of these students have historically come from two countries–China and India. Visas for Chinese students and academics have fallen by two-thirds since peaking in 2015. A recent surge in students from India provides hope that they can take up the slack. The US must continue to attract international STEM students to contribute to the preservation of its innovative edge.Regulations – StandardsComparative regulatory regimes, defining global standards, and establishing secure supply chains are also important to the tech race. AI governance. A debate on AI governance is raging between two factions: on one side are those fixated on the consequences of far-off Artificial General Intelligence, together with market leaders seeking to insulate themselves from future competition. On the other side are pragmatists who fear excessive regulation would limit opportunities and favor China. This is playing out in the military in the context of when to keep a person in the loop, making decisions for otherwise autonomous weapons. The big geopolitical question is whether AI will be more beneficial for open or closed systems, democracy or authoritarianism, free market or a centrally planned economy. While centrally planned economies are less efficient than free-market economies and eventually break down, especially at scale, might the opposite be true of AI-empowered centrally planned economies? Will AI orient free-market economies toward oligopolies with concentrated control of platforms? In last November's OpenAI drama, "Those who think we should slow down and be careful mounted a coup against those who think we should speed up and be careful." The outcome means AI will now move faster. Expect to see more companies going beyond experimentation and discovering real use cases. How deep fakes and AI-generated misinformation impacts the upcoming election will likely influence public attitudes toward AI. The EU views itself as a regulatory superpower and has taken the lead in regulating AI, while a divided Congress in the US will give the courts and states outsized importance. While keeping a close eye on the risks of AI, it is important to ensure that governance efforts don't disadvantage the US. Tech standards. China would like standards to embrace its digital approach directed toward controlling users while US seeks to advance tech that empowers users. The Biden administration took a positive step recently by issuing the first-ever "National Standards Strategy for Critical and Emerging Technology." While agreements excluding the US that define terms of digital trade are advancing, the US reserved longstanding opposition to taxes on cross-border data flows, requirements to store data in an export markets such as China, and demands to share source code of software with importing countries including China. The administration took a pause to reconsider its positions.Progressives argue the rules could hinder efforts to rein in "Big Tech" companies via antitrust moves and regulation. Others argue the US abandoning its leadership role on tech standards harms businesses of all sizes and in the words of Senator Ron Wyden (D-Oregon), is a "win for China, plain and simple."It is vital for the US to step forward soon to reassert its leadership in achieving consensus on the terms of the fast-growing digital economy.Export and outbound investment restrictions. Seeking to prevent contributing to the CCP's military capabilities, the US implemented export controls for advanced semiconductors and chip-manufacturing equipment in October 2022, tightening them in October 2023. Last August, it added outbound investment restrictions on technologies with important security implications–semiconductors, AI, and quantum computing.While the US may add further restrictions, their negative consequences must also be noted. They restrict sales of domestic companies that could be invested in further innovation and spur development of capabilities within China that could become formidable competition. Additionally, they have prompted reprisals by China, which limited exports of critical minerals gallium and germanium and more recently, graphite. Export and investment restrictions contribute to the US preserving its innovative edge but are no substitute for steps that would accelerate American innovation.Supply Lines. Supply sources for high-tech products that are not overly reliant on China is essential. The chip plants being built in the West help, but Taiwan will remain the dominant supplier. Even considering chips alone, resilience requires more than just fabrication, but also testing and advanced packaging. While there has been a far greater emphasis of supply chain resilience in recent years, establishing robust alternatives to China has been hampered by the current bipartisan resistance to negotiating trade agreements.Huawei having a 70% market share in Africa and a strong presence across the Global South impedes US tech leadership. While Open RAN may provide a solution, a greater resolve to support international infrastructure is necessary. ConclusionPreserving tech leadership involves a sometimes-dizzying array of variables. There is no silver bullet that will keep America's edge in innovation. Keeping a national advantage in technology is essential to the US prevailing in its strategic competition with authoritarian powers. The tech race remains America's to lose. America's innovative culture is more willing to fail fast and learn faster. America still holds the most important high ground–chip design, AI, and quantum computing. Despite these advantages, it must shake off today's complacency and take this race seriously. Threats posed by complacency rival threats posed by the PRC. Together, they amount to a giant red flag waving.As we assume "the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger," let JFK's charge on innovation be our watchwords–to "dream of things that never were and ask 'Why not?'"

Introduction: After the Second World War, the political and economical block that today we call European Union started when six countries sought to ensure the peace among them. Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxemburg and the Netherlands put their heavy industries under a common management, with the Coal and Steel Treaty, so no one could build weapons or develop its war industry without the others knowing it. This experience led to the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and 50 years later the ideas of people, goods and service freedoms continue spreading around, and the European Union has become one of the best examples of economical, political and cultural integration, and a reference around the world to encourage other regions to group. Therefore, among others, the Latin America Free Trade Association (LAFTA) appeared in 1960, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), in 1967; the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), in 1991; and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) in 1993. In the case of South America , in spite of their good intentions, the huge asymmetries between LAFTA members caused the apparition of sub-regional blocs: the Andeans Community (CAN) founded in 1969, and now grouping Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru; and the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) founded in 1991, between Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. Nowadays, after more than 40 years of integration processes, there are still strong problems inside both sub-regional blocs. CAN Member States have several diplomatic discussions regarding their political models; and Peru, Ecuador and Colombia have or are negotiating independent Free Trade Agreements with external blocs, including USA and the EU. In the other side, MERCOSUR's main players -Argentina and Brazil- have commercial disputes at the World Trade Organization, surrounding their own sub-regional bodies . Nevertheless, these two sub-regional associations were the basis for the South American Community of Nations (CSN on Spanish) in 2004, and from that point, the present attempt to unify South-America: the South American Union of Nations (UNASUR, 2008), with the participation of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Surinam, Uruguay and Venezuela. The integration levels in political and economical affairs in this latter group are expected to change the way international relations will be conduit in the future of South-America. This new regional bloc has an extension of 17 658 Km² and 383 million inhabitants (2007) . With a general GDP of $2348 953 (2007) and a GDP per capita of $6126 (2007), it is one of the regions with more perspectives of development, but it is also one of the regions with the highest degrees of economic asymmetry. While in 2007 Chile, Venezuela and Brazil had a GDP per capita (2007) of $9865, $8601 and $6819, there were other countries like Paraguay and Bolivia, with a GDP per capita (2007) of $1669 and $1342. These asymmetries have leaded to strong disagreements between South American countries during previous integration process. An example that just pooling economies is not the whole solution for development is the case of Paraguay, in the middle of MERCOSUR and with barely a quarter of the MERCOSUR's GDP $6642 (2007). 'Integration' will not always mean international governmental organizations where Member States have decided to transfer competitions and empowerment of supranational institutions; in this Master Thesis, the South American integration processes will be defined as '(...)the creation and maintenance of intense and diverse patrons of interaction between previously autonomous units.' Furthermore, 'Integration' in the context of the South American reality included two concepts: 'Regionalism' and 'Regionalization'. The first is related to the wave of thinking, the interaction projects and the political initiatives (the processes) and the second, to the institutions or the agreements that represent the integration (the result). This Master Thesis tries to be oriented to describe the processes more than the institutions or the agreements; nevertheless, it is not possible to present the first without the second and vice versa. What kind of integration can be expected in South America? What kind of goals, challenges and success can South-American Nations find in their way to a social, political and economical integration? Whereas the EU is -since its very beginning- a supranational initiative, South American regional and sub-regional blocs are characterised for being mostly, the result of intergovernmental agreements. Will this difference be determinant in the integration processes? In this thesis of Master in European Studies, the South American integration -processes and institutions- will be review under the framework of six dimensions that give the EU its character of integrated regional bloc and are advocated to deep the South America Integration. Three of them related to structural bodies: executive, judicial and legislative; and the other three related to the policies that defines a Union: Monetary Policy, Foreign and Security Policy; and, Social and Development Policy. In order to do not miss the main emphasis, the description and analysis of the executive supranational body will be deeper than the corresponding to judicial and legislative bodies and the three common policies. In addition, two cases of the South American Integration will be modeled, to present the best possible scenarios to foster the integration. By the comparison of the structures and policies, and by the scenario modeling; this Master Thesis attempts to demonstrate that the lack of supranational authority and law enforcement power will play a determinant role in the success or failure in the South American integration process. The analysis in this thesis can be divided in two sections, the descriptive part and the analysis of Case Study. The information for the descriptive part is mostly from published books, research papers, journals and case studies, the information for the Case Study comes mostly from News and Newspaper articles. The technique used in the analysis of the Case Studies is the Theory Game: a shared-decision model with two players that have different priorities for the same decision. The methodology for that is described more widely in section 4.1 Fundamentals of Game Theory. This Master Thesis presents the South American integration as a whole, and the UNASUR as the present meeting point of the Andean Community and MERCOSUR. Therefore, wherever South American Integration is mentioned, it is not limited to UNASUR, CAN or MERCOSUR analysis, because they coexist and overlap each other at the same time. Instead, time framework and integration approaches are considerations that need to be undeniably included. To write about the integration processes in South America is to review almost 40 years of history and political agreements and disagreements of twelve countries and the influence that they received from external factors, like Central-, North America and Europe. Nowadays, the remaining sub-regional blocs face the opportunity to pool agreements in a new attempt, together with the risk of breaking-off of the Treaties, by the influence of external agreements of Member States with third parties around the world. For reasons of space, and to focus in the present regional integration process, those external agreements, like the NAFTA or the negotiations between the CAN and the EU, and their influence in the South American regional integration process are not going to be covered in this Master Thesis. That does not mean that their influence is negligible, rather than that, in some cases, like the Free Trade Agreements between the USA and Colombia, or Peru, it means the risk of the end of the CAN as a sub-regional economic bloc. In addition, a commercial developments analysis of the South American integration process requires a separate review of each commercial category and each bilateral agreement and therefore, a deeper description of those topics is not included. Other issues that are not going to be covered in this Master Thesis are those integration processes or commercial agreements that are not part or do not lead to the South American Union of Nations, like the 'Bolivarian Alternative for Our Americas' (on Spanish ALBA) or the 'Commercial Agreement of the Peoples' (on Spanish TCP). Their own dynamic and priorities are quite interesting; nevertheless going deeper in these issues could mean to reduce attention in the main topics of this Master Thesis. This Master Thesis uses study cases to describe two facets of the South American Integration process under the Two-Person Model of the Game Theory. The model used in this Master Thesis is characterised for the intersection of two players with mutual influence and different priorities. Game Theory is a useful analysis tool with many applications in mathematics, economics and political fields; nevertheless, as a model, it is a simplification of the reality and therefore, some details like the simplicity of its initial assumptions, the deep of the analysis, outsider players and feedback, are limited, further details of these limitations are presented in section 4.2. The analysis of a play of a Game, under the Game Theory can also be made by a mathematical approach. That mathematical approach is not going to be considered in this Master Thesis in order to keep the focus in the integration process.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Content: Dedicatory and Acknowledgementsii Abstractiii List of Contentsiv List of Tablesv List of Figuresvi List of Acronymsvii I.INTRODUCTION1 1.1Introduction2 1.2Methodology4 1.3Remarks4 II.SOUTH AMERICAN INTEGRATION FRAMEWORK DEVELOPMENT6 2.1Political Framework Development towards the South-American Union of Nations7 III.SOUTH AMERICAN INTEGRATION UNDER THE EU FRAMEWORK26 3.1'New Regionalism' and the functional approach of South American integration.27 3.2South American- and EU- Integration Structures and Policies34 3.2.1A Supranational Executive Body37 3.2.2Supranational judicial functions41 3.2.3Supranational legislative functions43 3.2.4Common Currency and Supranational Monetary Institution46 3.2.5A Common Foreign and Security Policy47 3.2.6A Common Social and Development Policy48 IV.GAME THEORY AND SOUTH AMERICAN INTEGRATION CASE STUDIES50 4.1Game Theory51 4.1.1Fundamentals of Game Theory51 4.1.2Limitations of Game Theory54 4.2Case Studies55 4.2.1Case Study 1: Political Integration, the creation of the South American Energy Council (2007)55 4.2.2Case 2: Economical Integration, the Ecuadorian safeguards settlement (2009)62 V.CONCLUSIONS AND FINAL COMMENTS67 REFERENCES71 APPENDIXES Appendix A: South American figures78 Appendix B: Game Theory Glossary82 Appendix C: Combined priorities84 DISCLAIM89Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3.2.1, A Supranational Executive Body: Regarding the legal order, Supranationalism means that sovereign states agree to abide by norms which are adopted at a higher level of organization. In the case of the European Union, Supranationalism is not referred to the transfer of sovereignty; it is only the transfer of the power to exercise that sovereignty. Together with that, the supremacy of the Community law and the principle of direct effect present that the legal system of the Community has a federal nature. Thence, a Supranational Institution has competences to exercise powers that belong to sovereign States. In addition, the exercise of this power should be in line with the principles of proportionality, i.e. No action shall go beyond that it is necessary; and subsidiarity, i.e. In competences that Supranational Institution shares with Member States, it does intervene only if the objective of the action cannot be achieved by the Member State. The interaction between national governments and EU Institutions, together with the freedom to act according to those competences, is the basis for the adoption of the EU rules. Beyond the legal order, Supranationalism may be employed in decision-making, monitoring and enforcement. Supranationalism can also be divided in decisional (pooling sovereignty) and normative (delegation of power). Decisional Supranationalism is referred to those decisions taken by voting procedures other than unanimity, and when governments decided to act either jointly or not at all. Normative Supranationalism refers to the delegation of power to autonomous institutions that are created by the Member States. Therefore, a Supranational Executive Body will be an Institution with the right to adopt normative decisions directly based on the Treaties, with the autonomy to execute those decisions, and without the need of approval by the Member States. Supranational actors contribute to the integration by different means and reasons. Moravscik presented that pooling or delegation in the EU, are means to assure that other governments will accept agreed legislation or enforcement in issue-areas, where joint gains are high and distributional conflicts are moderate, and where there is uncertainty about future decisions. Other contribution of supranational bodies to integration process is that they might reduce the transaction costs by institutionalizing the integrative dynamic and negotiating procedure; and, it may assist national governments in issues area in which there are reasonably clear added benefits working according to the rules, but with predictable temptations to chat in response to short-term pressures. In addition, supranational institutions bring mutual confidence; smaller countries, which want their interests taken in account, especially in multinational scenarios where there is not veto power, can relay in the impartiality of supranational actors, instead of intergovernmental decision-making procedures, where the most powerful Member States shape the process. Probably the best example of the contribution of a Supranational Executive Body to Regional Integration is in Competition Policy: The Commission received decision powers in the sphere of state aid, based on the EEC Treaty provisions, due to the necessity of an impartial and independent body to apply agreed rules to face national pressures. One of the earliest Community Regulations fixed the modalities by which the Commission would exercise that power directly to ensure that undertakings respected antitrust rules. A supranational executive body can also shape the process and foster the integration. An example is the development of the European Monetary Union (EMU). Monetary union was neither the uncontested solution to economic problems, nor an easily obtainable response to German reunification. Nevertheless, Commission officials successfully disseminated the notion that EMU altogether provided a coherent solution to the problems created by financial globalization and the end of the Cold War; furthermore, they were leading actors in the sudden proliferation of governmental initiatives in France, Italy and German in favour of the EMU. By doing that, they fostered solid political momentum behind an originally lukewarm and unfocused demand for monetary integration. There are several reasons and examples of the benefits of a Supranational Executive Body; nevertheless, South American Nations still working with Intergovernmental Structures. During the negotiations for the UNASUR Constitutive Treaty, its former General Secretary, Rodrigo Borja, presented a proposal for the authority and competences of UNASUR. In that document, member states, '(...) in exchange of the economical, political and geopolitical advantages that a common order can offer; agreed in the limitation of some of their sovereign faculties and will form the Union with common decision and executive multinational bodies'. The proposal was not accepted and finally, was part of the reasons of Borja's resignation. While in the case of the EU, the presence of a Supranational Executive Body is one of the strongest driving forces of the integration process, in the South American context, there is not yet a political will to pool sovereignty. Solón, pro-tempore General Secretary of UNASUR from 2006 to 2008, affirms 'Nobody doubts that in the future it will be necessary to move to supranational authorities (...) but today they want an agreement where everybody shall count with the other to have a meeting point'. Behind that attitude, the reasons that can be drawn are the political will of member states, driven by governments or national monopolies, which do not want to lose control over the process and the stagnation of the over-institutionalism in the past (Central America Common Market and the CAN). The stagnation of over-institutionalism drives member states to appeal to external bodies in the dispute settlement, continuing the weakening of the idea of a supranational body; the political will of member states, or its absence, could be explained for the existence of strong national political elites, allowed for the late trade liberalizations of national monopolies. Rajagopal refers to studies of how MERCOSUR member states have been primarily driven by domestic political considerations when they have furthered the integration process. This it could lead to conclude that they are not likely to develop the kind of supranational governance institutions present in the European Union; as policy elites in MERCOSUR, member states desire to maintain a great deal of domestic policy autonomy. In addition of its intergovernmental character, the faculties of the UNASUR Secretariat as Executive body are restricted by its small budget of 3 million US$/year, much more limited than the 5,4 million US$/year of the CAN General Secretariat ; and by the denial of the proposal of pooling the executive bodies of CAN and MERCOSUR. Another issue to consider is that the feasibility for South American countries to pool sovereignty or to delegate power varies from one Member State to another, according to their own constitutive and legal framework. In some cases, Constitutional texts are quite clear in stimulating regional integration and stressing the prevalence of regional law, like the Venezuelan Constitution that allows to 'confer on supranational organisations (...) the exercise of the powers necessary to carry out these integration processes (...)'(Art. 153, Venezuelan Constitution 1999). The Colombian external relations 'are based on national sovereignty (...) and on recognition of the principles of international law accepted by Colombia' and 'The State shall promote economic, social and political integration with other nations(…)', (Art. 19 and Art. 227, Colombian Constitution 1991). There are, however, other Member States whit Constitutions that needs amendment to pool sovereignty; like the Bolivian Constitutions which states 'The public authorities may not delegate the powers conferred on them by this Constitution, or confer on the executive branch powers other than those expressly conferred on them by it' (Art. 30, Bolivian Constitution). Therefore, the creation of a supranational executive body could not be totally accepted until the totality of the national Constitutions were in line with it. In addition to the considerations presented above, Chapter IV presents two Case Study based on the Game Theory to demonstrate the strong influence of an executive body with supranational competences in the integration process. Nevertheless, it is likely to expect that present integration structures will remain tied to intergovernmental political intentions, and the integration process will loose the benefits of a Supranational Executive Body.