Suchergebnisse

In the United States, the difference between various racial groups in terms of educational attainment is an issue often debated among scholars of race and education alike. After the end of the American Civil War in 1865, the public education system followed the trend of treating people of different races living in the US as "separate but equal." In 1954, when Brown v. Board of Education (1954) was settled, racial segregation in public schools was deemed unconstitutional. However, despite the nominal desegregation of public schools in the US, the transition to equality is not complete to this day. This article examines recent data gathered on the education of different racial and ethnic groups in the US, including rates of college enrollment and completion among them. The aim of the study is to show that racism remains an issue in the American public education system for three main reasons: inexperienced teachers, little access to higher-level science subjects, and high punishment and dropout rates among racial and ethnic minorities. These disadvantages are significant, as their impact extends to the post-secondary education of racial minorities, thus creating a deficit on the job market as well. Considering that the share of racial and ethnic minorities in the American education system has risen above 50% and is growing steadily, the nation and the government must take steps to avoid creating a system which only serves a minority of students and finally solve the problem of racism in US schools.

Newly discovered and declassified documents make for a surprising and revealing portrait of the president we thought we knew. Belittled by his critics as the babysitter-in-chief, Eisenhower ground down Joseph McCarthy, stimulated the economy to lift it from recession, and turned an $8 billion deficit in 1953 into a $500 million surplus in 1960. The President Eisenhower of popular imagination is a benign figure, armed with a putter, a winning smile, and little else. The Eisenhower of veteran journalist Jim Newton's rendering is shrewd, sentimental, and tempestuous. Admired as a general, he was a champion of peace. In Korea and Vietnam, in Quemoy and Berlin, his generals urged him to wage nuclear war. Time and again he considered the idea and rejected it. And it was Eisenhower who appointed the liberal justices Earl Warren and William Brennan and who then called in the military to enforce desegregation in the schools.--From publisher description

Abstract
This study compares the expression of opinion in incongruent offline and online settings regarding the issue of gender desegregation in Kuwait's public schools. Spiral of silence theory provides the theoretical foundation for examining the impact of certain cultural factors and religious influences on the expression of opinion, their relationship to the fundamental tenets of the theory, such as fear of social isolation, and Twitter use variables among respondents to a survey. The results to a questionnaire administered to 534 public and private university students indicate greater overall expression of opinion in the offline than online context. Offline and online, the nonconformist personality variable was a positive predictor of expression of opinion, and fear of social isolation was a negative predictor. The perceived position of Islam on the issue was a predictor of expression of opinion only in the offline context. Finally, daily average use of Twitter was an additional predictor of expression of opinion in the online environment.

Abstract.  Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990 are designed to protect the civil rights of individuals with disabilities. These two laws have had a major impact on public schools, their offerings of services, and their budgets. The purpose of the present study is to determine if passage of the ADA in 1990 has resulted in a statistically significant increase in per‐student public education expenditures at the state level. Although numerous studies have estimated educational cost functions, no prior study has examined the impact of the ADA on per‐capita educational spending. Results of the present study indicate that the ADA increased per‐student educational spending at the state level, but by less than 2 percent. By way of comparison, Rothstein and Miles (1995) noted in their study that desegregation added 4.1 percent to per‐pupil spending and bilingual education added 3.9 percent.

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- FROM THE CULTURE OF POVERTY TO THE CULTURE OF POLICY -- WHY COMPENSATORY EDUCATION POLICY? -- THAT WHICH FOLLOWS -- 1: Policy as Cultural Construct -- THE POLICY DOZENS -- THE RATIONALE FOR CULTURAL ANALYSIS OF POLICY -- THE CULTURE OF POLICY FRAMEWORK -- CULTURAL CONSEQUENCES ON POLICY IMPLEMENTATION -- EQUITY POLICIES AND CENTRAL CONFLICTS WITHIN THE CULTURE OF POLICY -- 2: Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) in the War on the Culture of Poverty -- THE HISTORICAL MOMENT -- CATEGORIES OF THOUGHT IN SCHOLARLY DISCOURSE -- LEGISLATING WAYS OF SEEING -- DISSEMINATING WAYS OF SEEING -- 3: Congressional Framing of Children in ESEA Title I Debates, 1965--1994 -- THE 1960S: SAVING THE POOR THROUGH EDUCATION -- THE 1970S: REFINING POLICIES AND PROGRAMS -- 1980S: CUTTING AND CONSOLIDATING -- THE 1990S: GOING SCHOOLWIDE -- IN SEARCH OF A DISCOURSE OF TALENTS -- CONCLUSION -- 4: The School -- THE LANGUAGE AND RITUALS OF POLICY CULTURE -- POLICY CHANGES AND THE RITUALS OF PRACTICE -- CONCLUSION -- 5: "Line Up for Integration!" -- BILINGUAL EDUCATION AND DESEGREGATION POLICIES IN THE STUDIED SCHOOLS -- REMEDY RITUALS: ORGANIZING THE SCHOOL DAY FOR "INTEGRATION -- THE MEANING OF "INTEGRATION" IN THE LANGUAGE OF PRACTITIONERS -- RACE-BASED MESSAGES IN THE CULTURE OF POLICY -- CONCLUSION -- 6: Possibility and Potential in the Culture of Education Policy -- THE CULTURE OF POLICY AND THE NO CHILD LEFT BEHIND ACT -- RESISTING THE CULTURE OF POLICY -- Appendix: Methodology -- CONTENT ANALYSIS OF CONGRESSIONAL DISCOURSE -- MULTISITE QUALITATIVE POLICY ANALYSIS OF SCHOOL-BASED PRACTICES -- Notes -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- Chapter 6 -- Appendix -- References -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P

"The years from 1955 to 1965 are at the heart of the civil rights movement. Resistance was often met with violence against Black Americans fighting to end discrimination and segregation. Yet the courage of those yearning for equal opportunities under the law continued to persevere. The year 1960 was a turning point in the civil rights movement as young Black women and men became peaceful warriors for change. In February, four Black college students, known as the Greensboro Four, were refused service at a lunch counter in North Carolina. The sit-in they carried out in response inspired protests across the country, demonstrating the ideals of civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance. In November, as the year drew to a close, the nation's eyes were on Ruby Bridges, a Black first grader who bravely integrated William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans. Desegregation would create a crisis of law and order throughout the South as the decade continued. This detailed account explains why 1960 was such a critical year in the civil rights movement"--

"Fifty years after Martin Luther King Jr.'s death--and at a time when race relations and social justice are again at the forefront of our country's consciousness--this book expands on a Frist Center for the Visual Arts exhibition to present a selection of approximately one hundred photographs that document an important period in Nashville's struggle for racial equality. The images were taken between 1957, the year that desegregation in public schools began, and 1968, when the National Guard was called in to surround the state capitol in the wake of the civil rights leader's assassination in Memphis. Photographs from the archives of both daily newspapers will be included: the Tennessean, which was the more liberal publication, and the Nashville Banner, a conservative paper whose leadership seemed less interested in covering events related to racial issues. Some of the photographs in the exhibition were selected to be published in the papers, but many were not, the disclosure of which reveals insight into the editorial process."--Provided by publisher

This study examined 7‐year follow‐up data from the Yonkers Project, a study of a 1985 court‐ordered neighborhood desegregation program in Yonkers, NY. Low‐income Black and Latino families residing in impoverished neighborhoods who were randomly selected to relocate to publicly funded townhouses in middle‐class communities and demographically similar families who were not selected to move were interviewed. Self‐ and parent‐report data on 8–18‐year‐old children and youth's educational outcomes, problem behavior, and parent–child relations were examined (N=221). Youth 15–18 years of age who relocated to more advantaged neighborhoods reported lower school performance and more hyperactive behavior problems and substance use than peers who remained in impoverished neighborhoods. Program effects on parenting also emerged, with mover parents reporting less stringent monitoring and harsh disciplinary techniques than stayers. Family economic resources and neighborhood conditions, assessed approximately 5 years before, accounted for some of the program effects at 7 years.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- CONTENTS -- Foreword-Latina(o) Civil Rights Movement: A Deferred Revolution -- Introduction -- 1 Latino Educational Civil Rights: A Critical Sociohistorical Narrative Analysis -- 2 Recognizing Inequality and the Pursuit of Equity: A Legal and Social Equity Framework -- 3 The Lemon Grove Desegregation Case: A Matter of Neglected History -- 4 The Meaning of Méndez -- 5 My Recollection of a Failed Attempt to Return the Schools to the Public -- 6 The BC 44, Ethnic Studies, and Transformative Education -- 7 Memoirs of El Centro: The Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Higher Education -- 8 The 1968 Los Angeles Chicano Walkout -- 9 La Lucha Sigue : An Interview with Dolores Huerta -- 10 I Am a Chicana, I Am Union, I Am an Activist: The Struggle for Cultural, Educational, and Linguistic Justice -- 11 Operation Chicano/a Teacher: A School-Based Teacher Equity Recruitment and Retention Program -- 12 I Don't Speak My Mother's Tongue -- 13 Becoming Me in the World -- 14 Proposition 227 and the Loss of Educational Rights: A Personal Perspective and Quest for Equitable Educational Programs for English Learners -- 15 Latinos and Social Capitalization: Taking Back Our Schools -- 16 Latino Parent Engagement: Struggle, Hope, and Resistance -- 17 A Concise History of the National Latino/a Education Research and Policy Project: Origins, Identity, Accomplishments, and Initiatives -- Afterword -- Appendix: A Chronology of Educational Experiences of Latinos in Latin America and the United States 1500s-2012 -- About the Authors -- National Latino/a Education Research and Policy Project: National Advisory Board Members -- Index.

Roemer's' 1998 seminal work on equality of opportunity has contributed to the emergence of a theory of justice that is modern, conceptually clear and easy to mobilize in policy design. In this paper,we apply Roemer's theory to education policy. We first analyze the reallocations of educational expenditure required to equalize opportunities (taken to be test scores close to the end of compulsoryeducation). Using Brazilian data, we find that implementing an equal-opportunity policy across pupils of different socio-economic background, by using per-pupil spending as the instrument, andensuring that nobody receives less that 1/3 of the current national average, requires multiplying by 8.6 the current level of spending on the lowest achieving pupils. This result is driven by the extremely lowelasticity of scores to per-pupil spending. As such, it implies large reallocations that are probably politically unacceptable. By exploiting our knowledge of the education production function we then identifyways of reducing financial reallocations needed to achieve equality of opportunity. We show that the simultaneous redistribution of monetary and nonmonetary inputs, like peer group quality (i.e.,desegregation) and school effectiveness (i.e., equalizing access to the best-run schools), considerably reduces – by almost 50% – themagnitude of financial redistribution needed. Implementing an EOp policy would not come at any particular cost (or benefit) in terms of efficiency.

A review essay on Ira Katznelson's & Margaret Weir's Schooling for All: Class, Race, and the Decline of the Democratic Ideal (New York: Basic Books, 1986); Stanley Aronowitz's & Henry A. Giroux's Education under Siege: The Conservative, Liberal, and Radical Debate over Schooling (South Hadley, Mass: Bergin & Garvey, 1985); & J. Anthony Lukas's Common Ground: A Turbulent Decade in the Lives of Three American Families (New York: Alfred A. Knofp, 1985 [see listings in IRPS No. 41]). The collective strength of these works is the breadth of their insight into the causes of educational phenomena usually taken for granted or not addressed. Lukas's epic study of desegregation in Boston is decidedly nonscholarly, but it is serious & learned, & the product of much intellectual labor. An admirable work, it blocks every impulse to substitute a moral or political evaluation of events for an awareness of the inevitable ambiguities in actual educational politics. Katznelson's & Weir's work analyzes the place of history & conflicting SC interests in understanding the characteristics of public school systems. They argue for the need to go more deeply into the political processes that lie behind public school system development, & they provide detailed case studies of Chicago, Ill, & San Francisco, Calif. Aronowitz's & Giroux's encyclopedic work on schooling is seen as both too theoretical & too ambitious to succeed. F. Rasmussen

In 1974, a federal court order mandated busing in Boston Public Schools after decades of de facto segregation; in response, the city's majority Irish Catholic population became unparalleled in their resistance to busing in comparison of the rest of the city and even in the face of their own diocese. In this essay, I argue that despite support for desegregation from most of the Archdiocese of Boston as well as the newly seated Bishop, Irish Catholics living in the area refused to support integration efforts via government intervention. Using the family first theology of Irish-American Cardinal William O'Connell as their justification, Irish Catholics rejected the gospel-based, pro-integration policies of the archdiocese. By analyzing the motivations of the anti-integration Irish through the lens of religion rather than race, this essay allows for a deeper understanding of the reasoning behind the actions taken. Most previous scholarship has focused on the racial aspect of the crisis. Though race played an important part in the resistance to the archdiocese, the religious motivations played a crucial role in the organization of anti-busing Catholics. My research newly exposes the link between the family first theology of O'Connell and parents' decisions to send their children to Catholic schools during the anti-busing efforts. The organizers of these efforts grew up under this theology and were heavily influenced by O'Connell's message of familial choice.

Roemer's' 1998 seminal work on equality of opportunity has contributed to the emergence of a theory of justice that is modern, conceptually clear and easy to mobilize in policy design. In this paper, we apply Roemer's theory to education policy. We first analyze the reallocations of educational expenditure required to equalize opportunities (taken to be test scores close to the end of compulsory education). Using Brazilian data, we find that implementing an equal-opportunity policy across pupils of different socio-economic background, by using per-pupil spending as the instrument, and ensuring that nobody receives less that 1/3 of the current national average, requires multiplying by 8.6 the current level of spending on the lowest achieving pupils. This result is driven by the extremely low elasticity of scores to per-pupil spending. As such, it implies large reallocations that are probably politically unacceptable. By exploiting our knowledge of the education production function, we then identify ways of reducing financial reallocations needed to achieve equality of opportunity. We show that the simultaneous redistribution of monetary and nonmonetary inputs, like peer group quality (i.e., desegregation) and school effectiveness (i.e., equalizing access to the best-run schools), considerably reduces - by almost 50% - the magnitude of financial redistribution needed. Implementing an EOp policy would not come at any particular cost (or benefit) in terms of efficiency.

Roemer's' 1998 seminal work on equality of opportunity has contributed to the emergence of a theory of justice that is modern, conceptually clear and easy to mobilize in policy design. In this paper, we apply Roemer's theory to education policy. We first analyze the reallocations of educational expenditure required to equalize opportunities (taken to be test scores close to the end of compulsory education). Using Brazilian data, we find that implementing an equal-opportunity policy across pupils of different socio-economic background, by using per-pupil spending as the instrument, and ensuring that nobody receives less that 1/3 of the current national average, requires multiplying by 8.6 the current level of spending on the lowest achieving pupils. This result is driven by the extremely low elasticity of scores to per-pupil spending. As such, it implies large reallocations that are probably politically unacceptable. By exploiting our knowledge of the education production function, we then identify ways of reducing financial reallocations needed to achieve equality of opportunity. We show that the simultaneous redistribution of monetary and nonmonetary inputs, like peer group quality (i.e., desegregation) and school effectiveness (i.e., equalizing access to the best-run schools), considerably reduces - by almost 50% - the magnitude of financial redistribution needed. Implementing an EOp policy would not come at any particular cost (or benefit) in terms of efficiency.

A multiracial history of civil rights coalitions beyond the farm worker movement in twentieth-century Bakersfield, California. In Civil Rights in Bakersfield, Oliver Rosales uncovers the role of the multiracial west in shaping the course of US civil rights history. Focusing on Bakersfield, one of the few sizable cities within California's Central Valley for much of the twentieth century in a region most commonly known as a bastion of political conservatism, oil, and industrial agriculture, Rosales documents how multiracial coalitions emerged to challenge histories of racial segregation and discrimination. He recounts how the region was home to both the historic farm worker movement, led by César Chávez, Dolores Huerta, and Larry Itliong, and also a robust multiracial civil rights movement beyond the fields. This multiracial push for civil rights reform included struggles for fair housing, school integration, public health, media representation, and greater political representation for Black and Brown communities. In expanding on this history of multiracial activism, Rosales further explores the challenges activists faced in community organizing and how the legacies of coalition building contribute to ongoing activist efforts in the Central Valley of today