Suchergebnisse

Tese de doutoramento em Antropologia, no ramo de Antropologia Biológica, apresentada à Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade de Coimbra ; Introduction: Extracurricular sport has the potential to increase total physical activity (PA) which plays an important role in the prevention of a number of health problems, including obesity. However, most children do not achieve the recommended guidelines. Sport participation may be influenced by a number of factors, but little is know how those risk factors may vary according to children's sex and place of residence. Objectives: This study aims to: (1) estimate the prevalence of PA in girls and boys living in urban and non-urban settings and observe the factors that may predict participation in extracurricular sport and, (2) to assess the prevalence of childhood general and abdominal obesity, and identify the underlying risk factors related to the respective obesity rates, namely intrapersonal, social, and physical environment factors. Results: Majority of children practiced at least one extracurricular sport (67.8%), usually sports that are socially associated with their own gender or have a tradition in their community. Children from bigger families, with lower family income, whose parents had lower education and reported more barriers, more gender-role notions on sport, and perceived less available facilities/sports in the neighbourhood had lower odds of participating in a sport. A positive association was found between father-son and mother-daughter physical behaviours, with mothers' participation in organised PA being a strong predictor of girls' participation in an extracurricular sport. Both sexes reported that boys are better at sport than girls and that sport is more important for boys than it is for girls. Boys, more than girls, reported an interest in pursuing a career in sport. Children from the non-urban setting reported more places to be active during winter but urban children reported more parental role-modelling than non-urban children. Not being interest in pursuing a sport-related career was the intrapersonal factor more negatively associated with sport participation, in both sexes and settings. A great number of children were overweight (WHO: 20.7%/IOTF: 15.9%) or obese (WHO: 7.7%/IOTF: 6.1%), with girls having significantly higher prevalence of obesity than boys (IOTF). Moreover, girls had higher prevalence of abdominal obesity than boys, and it was found that a large proportion of children that were classified as having normal weight or overweight were abdominally obese. Family income, parental education, parental BMI (particularly mothers) were predictors of childhood obesity. Also, obese children were less physically active than non-obese children. Being a girl and living in the urban setting were significantly associated with higher odds of having general and abdominal obesity. Conclusion: This study shows that participation in sport is associated with both intrapersonal and social factors, and that those factors may varied according to the level of urbanization. Boys and girls participate in sport in similar rates, but efforts should be made to change the notions that parents and children have about sport. By identifying barriers in different domains, this study reinforces that actions to promote PA are most effective when they enable alterations in different factors and include multiple levels of influence, starting in the nuclear family, but including teachers, schools, and government policies. ; Introdução: A participação em desporto extracurricular está positivamente associada com incrementos nos níveis de atividade física (AF), que por sua vez tem um papel protetor importante em vários problemas de saúde como a obesidade. Contudo, a maioria das crianças não segue as recomendações relativas à AF. A participação em desporto extracurricular pode ser influenciada por vários fatores, mas pouco de sabe como é que esses fatores variam de acordo com o sexo e a ambiente físico. Objetivos: Este trabalho tem três objetivos: (1) estimar a prevalência de AF em rapazes e raparigas que vivem em ambientes distintos (urbano e não-urbano) e observar como diferentes fatores intrapessoais, sociais, e ambientais podem influenciar a prática de desporto extracurricular e (2) avaliar a prevalência de excesso de peso e obesidade abdominal e identificar possíveis fatores de risco relacionados. Material e métodos: Um estudo transversal foi feito em 2013-2014. A amostra inclui 793 crianças (6-10 anos) e 834 pais, a viver numa área urbana (Coimbra) e numa não-urbana (Lousã), ambas situadas na zona centro de Portugal. Os dados sobre AF (incluindo desporto extracurricular), fatores socioeconómicos e familiares, e a opinião dos pais sobre desporto foram recolhidos através de um inquérito. A opinião das crianças sobre desporto foi obtida através de uma entrevista semiestruturada. O peso, a altura, e a circunferência abdominal das crianças foram medidas. O excesso de peso (O) e a obesidade (OB) foram definidos aplicando os pontos de corte da OMS e da IOTF, enquanto a obesidade abdominal (AOB) foi calculada como WHtR≥0.50. Diferentes técnicas estatísticas foram usadas para testar os objetivos supramencionados. Resultados: A maior parte das crianças pratica um desporto extracurricular (67.8%), geralmente desportos socialmente atribuídos ao seu sexo e que existem na área de residência. Mais irmãos, menor rendimento familiar, educação parental mais baixa, e pais que identificaram mais barreiras, mais estereótipos de género, e reportaram menos locais/desportos na área de residência têm menor probabilidade de ter um filho(a) a praticar desporto. Uma relação na AF entre pai-filho e mãe-filha foi registada e a prática de AF organizada por parte da mãe aumenta a hipótese de a filha praticar desporto. Ambos os sexos afirmaram que os rapazes são melhores desportistas que as raparigas e que fazer desporto é mais importante para rapazes do que para raparigas. Mais rapazes do que raparigas mostraram interesse em ter uma carreira profissional relacionada com desporto. As crianças reportaram diferentes barreiras consoante o local onde vivem. Não ter interesse numa carreira desportiva foi o fator mais negativamente associado com a participação em desporto extracurricular. A prevalência de excesso de peso (WHO: 20.7%/IOTF: 15.9%) e obesidade (WHO: 7.7%/IOTF: 6.1%) foi elevada, principalmente nas raparigas. A prevalência de obesidade abdominal também foi mais elevada nas raparigas do que nos rapazes, e um grande número de crianças que foram classificadas como tendo peso normal ou excesso de peso, tinham obesidade abdominal. O rendimento mensal, a educação dos pais, e o BMI do pai e principalmente da mãe influenciaram a obesidade infantil. Ser rapariga e viver na área urbana aumentou significativamente o risco de obesidade infantil. Conclusão: Este estudo mostra que a participação em desporto está associada com fatores intrapessoais e sociais, e que estes fatores podem variar consoante a área de residência. Tanto rapazes como raparigas participam em desporto em números semelhantes, mas é necessário alterar a forma como os pais e filhos olham para o desporto. Ao identificar diferentes barreiras, este estudo reforça a necessidade de promover a AF através de intervenções que incluem múltiplos níveis, começando na família e incluindo professores, escolas e politicas governamentais.

Agricultural Trade Liberalization has been one of the most controversial issues in International Trade. The conservative position assumed by WTO Members regarding the trade liberalization of agricultural barriers is rooted, amongst other reason, on the fact that countries do not want to depend on other governments for food (National Security). Due to the special treatment that countries give to agricultural goods, WTO Members negotiated in the Uruguay Round a separate agreement for agricultural trade, tailor-made for these goods, with an specific object and purpose: establish a fair and market-oriented agricultural trade policy. The Agreement on Agriculture is built upon three pillars on into which WTO Members made commitments to reduce market protection. Accordingly, members made commitments on the areas of market access, domestic support and export subsidies. Since domestic support and export subsidies is nowadays one of the most controversial subjects when talking about international trade, this article will focus exclusively on this two issues, including both its regulation, and effects. Regarding Domestic Support Measures, the Agreement on Agriculture classified different types of support as "Boxes". The first type of support are Green Box Measures" which include all those domestic support payments that are deemed to have no or at most minimal trade distorting effects; "Amber Box Measures" which are those measures that do have tradedistorting effects, and thus Members are bound to reduce these kinds of payments. Finally, Blue Box Measures, which are direct payments made under production limiting programs not subject to reduction commitments. Regarding Export Subsidies, the Agreement on Agriculture constitutes an exception to the general regime included in the Subsidies and Countervailing Measures Agreement (hereinafter SCM), as it allows Members to grant export subsidies provided that they comply both withtheir budgetary outlays and quantity commitment levels. Moreover, it prevents agricultural export subsidies from being challenged under SCM provisions if they caused adverse effects to the interests of other Members.Even though the Agreement on Agriculture constitutes a significant breakthrough regarding agricultural trade liberalization, there are still some issues that erode the purpose of establishing a fair and market oriented agricultural trade policy.The first problem arises with the expiration of the Peace Clause, which poses the question whether Members are able to challenge agricultural export subsidies under SCM provisions when the subsidy causes adverse effects to the interests of another WTO Member; or if Members are going to continue protected from claims under the SCM Agreement even if their measures cause trade distorting effects. The second problem that the Agreement on Agriculture fails to address is that Members are able to disguise export subsidies within domestic support schemes. Finally, the third problem refers to how blue box subsidies cause trade distorting effects as much as amber box measures.This article will present the existing problems in agricultural trade liberalization within the frame of the WTO. Subsequently it will show a hypothetical WTO case that includes the abovementioned problems in agriculture nowadays and it will address a possible solution to the case for both the Claimant and Defendant parties. Finally, it will propose a solution to stop these problems that do not allow agricultural trade to befair and market oriented. ; El tratamiento que se le da a la agricultura dentro de laglobalización ha sido uno de los temas de mayor complejidaden el comercio internacional. La posición conservadoraasumida por varios miembros de la Organización Mundial del Comercio (OMC) al momento de desmontar las barrerasagrícolas se explica, entre otras razones, por el hecho que lospaíses no desean que la alimentación de su gente dependa deotros gobiernos (seguridad nacional). Debido al trato especialque los países le dan a los bienes agrícolas, los miembros dela OMC negociaron en la Ronda de Uruguay el denominadoAcuerdo de Agricultura, diseñado a la medida de estosproductos, pero con un objetivo y propósito específico:establecer un sistema de comercio agropecuario equitativo yorientado al mercado.El Acuerdo de Agricultura está constituido sobre tres pilaresbásicos en los que los países parte decidieron reducir suprotección a los mercados. Los miembros efectuaroncompromisos en el área de acceso a mercados, apoyo interno,y subsidios a la exportación. El presente artículo analizaráexclusivamente las últimas dos áreas, junto con su regulacióny efectos, ya que a lo largo de la implementación del acuerdohan demostrado ser las más sensibles y controvertidas dentrodel comercio internacional.El Acuerdo de Agricultura clasificó las medidas de apoyointerno dentro de unas "cajas". Un primer tipo de este apoyoson las "Medidas de caja verde", las cuales se caracterizanpor no tener efectos de distorsión del comercio ni efectos enla producción, o, a lo sumo, tenerlos en grado mínimo. Ensegundo lugar, las medidas de "Caja ámbar" son aquellasque tienen efectos de distorsión en el mercado y que por tantoestán sujetas a los compromisos de reducción establecidos enel acuerdo. Por último, las medidas de "Caja azul" son pagosdirectos realizados en el marco de programas de limitaciónde la producción. Estos pagos no están sujetos a compromisosde reducción. En lo referente a subsidios a la exportación, elAcuerdo de Agricultura se constituye en una excepción frentea lo estipulado en el Acuerdo sobre subvenciones y medidascompensatorias (ASMC). El Acuerdo de Agricultura permiteque los países miembros otorguen subsidios a la exportación bajo el supuesto que cumplan con los compromisos dereducción. Adicionalmente, previene que dichos subsidiossean recurribles bajo las provisiones del ASMC si causanperjuicio grave a los países miembros.Si bien es cierto que el Acuerdo de Agricultura constituye unavance significativo en la apertura del sector agrícola, aúncontinúan situaciones que atentan contra el propósito delograr un sistema de comercio agropecuario equitativo yorientado al mercado. El primer problema surge con laexpiración de la llamada Cláusula de paz, la cual establece lapregunta sobre si los subsidios a la exportación agrícolaspueden ser recurribles con relación a las reglas del ASMC sicausan lo que se ha denominado perjuicio grave, o si por elcontrario, dichos subsidios están blindados frente al ASMC.Un segundo problema se manifiesta en la forma como lospaíses miembros disfrazan sus subsidios a la exportacióndentro de esquemas de apoyo interno. Un tercer problema serefleja en los llamados Subsidios de caja azul, los cuales noestán sujetos a compromisos de reducción y sin embargopueden generar efectos de distorsión similares a los causadospor las medidas de Caja ámbar.Este artículo presentará los problemas relativos a la aperturadel sector agrícola dentro del marco de la OMC.Posteriormente, mostrará un caso hipotético dentro del sistemade resolución de disputas de la OMC en donde se exponen losproblemas agrícolas actuales, y presentará una solución adicho caso dentro de la perspectiva de la parte recurrente ydefendida. Finalmente, propondrá una solución que permitirálograr desarrollar una política internacional encaminada aestablecer un sistema de comercio agropecuario equitativo yorientado al mercado.

Asymmetric wars require the search for new forms and ways to achieve goals in contemporary military conflicts. One of these forms is to support the capabilities of the security and defense sector (SFA) of NATO partner countries.The official materials of the last three NATO summits, the concept, doctrine and leadership of NATO define the principles of the SFA. This article is devoted to the implementation of SFA.The article is to analysis of SFA implementation measures.In line with the Strategic Concept of the North Atlantic Alliance, NATO is focused on addressing three key challenges, such as collective defense, crisis management, and security-based co-operation, in the interests of defense and security of its members.The NATO Summit in theUKidentified anotherAllianceactivity aimed at strengthening the capabilities of the security and defense sectors of the partner countries, called Security Force Assistance (SFA).According to the NATO guidelines, the SFA refers to the ability to "train and develop national forces in crisis zones" in order to "achieve the ability of the national authorities of partner countries to effectively support security without international assistance". SFA refers to "all NATO actions that develop, improve, or directly support the development of national security and defense forces and their associated institutes." Thus, in the general context, the SFA covers all measures aimed at the development and preparation of the national security and defense sector and is carried out at the tactical, operational, strategic, military-political levels, involves providing advisory assistance from a separate platoon to the ministry. In a wider context, the SFA, though having military orientation, includes such mechanisms for preventing contemporary military conflicts as political, economic, information, legal, and others.In order to implement the SFA, the leadership of theAllianceand individual NATO member states held a series of practical measures. So, at the end of2015, inconnection withRussia's aggression againstUkraine, NATO initiated the creation of a joint multinational group for the training of units for the Armed Forces and the Joint Multinational Training Group (Ukraine).TheUnited Statesbegan the formation of six security assistance brigades (SFABs) whose primary objective was to provide training, counseling, assistance, support and support for operations with coalition forces and partner countries. According to US military experts, the SFABs will achieve the following strategic goals: development of the capabilities of the security forces and defense of the partner countries, the release of regular military brigades from their unrelated functions, provision of, if necessary, the preparation of the infrastructure of the partner countries for the Allied Rapid Reaction Force.The Italian government decided in May 2017 to organize theNATOSecurityForceExcellenceCenterand its location in the capital of the country. It is anticipated that theCenterofExcellencewill be certified and will complete its tasks at the end of 2018.At the tactical level, in line with theAlliance's standards, the following tasks are addressed within the framework of the SFA:organization and conducting of targeted instructor-methodical exercises in accordance with the norms adopted by NATO with the units of the joint and airborne assault brigades, as well as the special forces special forces;familiarization of servicemen of partner countries with new models of weapons, military equipment, means of communication and navigation, and other special equipment;determine the level of readiness of formations for combat operations, taking into account the standards adopted by theAlliance.Along with this, the issue of improving the regulatory and legislative framework, according to which the number of foreign military advisers may, if necessary, be substantially increased to several thousand persons for the entire duration of the SFA operation is relevant.Conclusions. The North Atlantic Alliance is implementing an effective concept of support and development of the capabilities of the security and defense sector and its practical implementation mechanisms that address a wide range of security and defense issues of non-NATO countries. At the same time, implementation of such a concept requires from the partner countries changes in the regulatory framework and appropriate infrastructure preparation.In the following, an analysis of the individual mechanisms for implementing the concept of supporting the security forces at operational and strategic levels will be conducted. ; Асимметричные войны требуют поиска новых форм и путей достижения целей в современных военных конфликтах. Одна из этих форм заключается в поддержке возможностей сектора безопасности и обороны (SFA) стран-партнеров НАТО.Официальные материалы последних трех саммитов НАТО, концепция, доктрина и руководство НАТО определяют принципы SFA. Эта статья посвящена реализации SFA.В соответствии со Стратегической концепцией Североатлантический Альянс сосредоточен на решении трех ключевых задач: коллективная оборона, кризисное управление и сотрудничество на основе безопасности.Саммит НАТО в Великобритании определил еще одну деятельность Североатлантического союза, направленную на укрепление потенциала секторов безопасности и обороны стран-партнеров, называемых Силами безопасности (SFA).Согласно руководящим принципам НАТО, SFA относится к способности "обучать и развивать национальные силы в кризисных зонах", чтобы "обеспечить способность национальных властей стран-партнеров эффективно поддерживать безопасность без международной помощи". К SFA относятся "все действия НАТО, которые разрабатывают, совершенствуют или напрямую поддерживают развитие сил национальной безопасности и обороны и связанных с ними институтов". Таким образом, в общем контексте SFA охватывает все меры, направленные на развитие и подготовку сектора национальной безопасности и обороны и осуществляется на тактическом, оперативном, стратегическом, военно-политическом уровнях, предполагает оказание консультативной помощи от отдельного взвода до министерства. В более широком контексте SFA, хотя и имеет военную ориентацию, включает такие механизмы предотвращения современных военных конфликтов как политические, экономические, информационные, правовые и другие.В целях реализации SFA руководство Альянса и отдельных государств-членов НАТО реализовало ряд мероприятий.Так, в конце 2015 года в связи с агрессией России против Украины было инициировано создание совместной многонациональной группы по подготовке подразделений для Вооруженных Сил Украины и Национальной гвардии Украины.В Соединенных Штатах началось формирование шести бригад по оказанию помощи в обеспечении безопасности, основная задача которых заключалась в обеспечении обучения, консультирования и поддержки операций с коалиционными силами и странами-партнерами. По мнению военных экспертов США, применение этих бригад позволит достигнуть следующих стратегических целей: обеспечить развитие возможностей сил безопасности и обороны стран-партнеров, освободить линейные боевые бригады от не свойственных им функций, обеспечить, при необходимости, подготовку инфраструктуры стран-партнеров для развертывания Сил быстрого реагирования Альянса.Итальянское правительство в мае 2017 года приняло решение организовать Центр передового опыта в сфере SFA. Предполагается, что Центр будет сертифицирован и приступит к выполнению своих задач в конце 2018 года.На тактическом уровне, в соответствии со стандартами Североатлантического союза, в рамках SFA рассматриваются следующие задачи:организация и проведение целенаправленных инструкторско-методических учений в соответствии со стандартами, принятыми НАТО с подразделениями общевойсковых и десантных бригад, а также сил специального назначения;ознакомление военнослужащих стран-партнеров с новым вооружением и военной техникой, средствами связи и навигации, другого специального оборудования;определение уровня готовности соединений к боевым действиям с учетом стандартов, принятых в Альянсе.Вместе с тем остается актуальной проблема совершенствования нормативной и законодательной базы стран-партнеров, возможности в случае необходимости существенного увеличения иностранных военных советников на весь срок проведения операции SFA.Вывод. Североатлантический альянс реализует эффективную концепцию поддержки и развития потенциала сектора безопасности и обороны и его практических механизмов реализации, которые охватывают широкий круг вопросов безопасности и обороны стран, не входящих в НАТО. В то же время реализация такой концепции требует от стран-партнеров изменений в нормативной базе и соответствующей подготовки инфраструктуры. ; Проводено аналіз концепції і заходів Північноатлантичного Альянсу, що стосується підтримки та розвитку спроможностей сил безпеки (Security Force Assistance) і оборони країн-партнерів НАТО.

In this era of startling developments in the medical field there remains a serious worry about the hazardous potential of various by products which if not properly addressed can lead to consequences of immense public concern. Hospitals and other health care facilities generate waste products which are evidently hazardous to all those exposed to its potentially harmful effects. Need for effective legislation ensuring its safe disposal is supposed to be an integral part of any country's health related policy. This issue is of special importance in developing countries like Pakistan which in spite of framing various regulations for safeguarding public health, seem to overlook its actual implementation. The result unfortunately is the price wehave to pay not only in terms of rampant spread of crippling infections but a significant spending of health budget on combating epidemics which could easily have been avoided through effective waste disposal measures in the first place. Waste classified under the heading 'bio-hazardous' includes any infectious or potentially infectious material which can be injurious or harmful to humans and other living organisms. Amongst the many potential sources are the hospitals or other health delivery centres which are ironically supposed to be the centres of infection control and treatment. Whilst working in these setups, health care workers such as doctors, nurses, paramedical staff and sanitation workers are actually the ones most exposed and vulnerable to these challenges. Biomedical waste may broadly be classified into Infectious and toxic waste. Infectious waste includes sharps, blood, body fluids and tissues etcwhile substances such as radioactive material and by-products of certain drugs qualify as toxic waste. Furthermore health institutions also have to cater for general municipal waste such as carton boxes, paper and plastics. The World Health Organisation has its own general classification of hospital waste divided into almost eight categories of which almost 15% (10% infectious and 5% toxic) is estimated to be of a hazardous nature while the remaining 85% is general non hazardous content.1A recent study from Faisalabad, Pakistan has estimated hospital waste generation around 1 to 1.5 kg / bed /day for public sector hospitals in the region,2while figures quoted from neighbouring India are approximately 0.5 to 2 KG / hospital bed /day.3 Elsewhere in the world variable daily hospital waste production has been observed ranging from as low as 0.14 to 0.49 kg /day in Korea4 and 0.26 to 0.89 kg/day in Greece5to as high as 2.1 to 3.83 kg/day in Turkey6 and 0.84 to 5.8 kg/day in Tanzania.7Ill effects of improper management of hospital waste can manifest as nosocomial infections or occupational hazards such as needle stick injuries. Pathogens or spores can be borne either through the oro-faecal or respiratory routes in addition to direct inoculation through contact with infected needles or sharps. Environmental pollution can result from improper burning of toxic material leading to emission of dioxins, particulate matter or furans into the air. The habitat can also be affected by illegal dumping and landfills or washing up of medical waste released into the sea or river. Potential organisms implicated in diseases secondary to mismanagement of hospital waste disposal include salmonella, cholera, shigella, helminths, strep pneumonia, measles, tuberculosis, herpesvirus, anthrax, meningitis, HIV, hepatitis and candida etc. These infections can cause a considerable strain on the overall health and finances of the community or individuals affected. The basic principal of Public health management i.e 'prevention is better than cure' cannot be more stressed in this scenario as compared to any other health challenge. Health facilities must have a clear policy on hazardous waste management. To ensure a safe environment hospitals need to adopt and implement international and local systems of waste disposal. Hospital waste management plan entails policy and procedures addressing waste generation, accumulation, handling, transportation, storage, treatment and disposal. Waste needs to be collected in marked containers usually colour coded and leak proof. Segregation at source is of vital importance. The standard practice in many countries is the Basic Three Bin System ie to segregate the waste into RED bags/ boxes for sharps, YELLOW bags for biological waste and BLUE or BLACK ones for general/ municipal waste. All hospital staff needs to be trained in the concept of putting the right waste in relevant containers/ bags. They need to know that more than anything else this practice is vital for their own safety. The message can be reinforced through appropriate labelling on the bins and having posters with simple delineations to avoid mixing of different waste types. Sharps essentially should be kept in rigid, leak and puncture-resistant containers which are tightly lidded and labelled. Regular training sessions for nurses and cleaning staff can be organised as they are the personnel who are more likely to deal with waste disposition at the level of their respective departments. Next of course is transportation of waste products to the storage or disposal. Sanitary staff and janitors must be aware of the basic concepts of waste handling and should wear protective clothing, masks and gloves etc, besides ensuring regular practice of disinfection and sterilization techniques.8Special trolleys or vehicles exclusively designed and reserved for biomedical waste and operated by trained individuals should be used for transportation to the dumping or treatment site. Biomedical waste treatment whether on site or off site is a specialised entity involving use of chemicals and equipment intended for curtailing the hazardous potential of the material at hand. Thermal treatment via incinerators, not only results in combustion of organic substances but the final product in the form of non-toxicash is only 10 to 15% of the original solid mass of waste material fed to the machine. Dedicated autoclaves and microwaves can also be used for the purpose of disinfection. Chemicals such as bleach, sodium hydroxides, chlorine dioxide and sodiumhypochlorite are also effective disinfectants having specialised indications. Countries around the world have their own regulations for waste management. United Kingdom practices strict observance of Environmental protection act 1990, Waste managementlicensing regulations 1994 and Hazardous waste regulations 2005 making it one of thesafest countries in terms of hazardous waste disposal. Similar regulations specific for each state have been adopted in United States following passage of the Medical Waste tracking act 1988. In Pakistan, every hospital must comply with the Waste Management Rules 2005 (Environment Protection Act 1997), though actual compliance is far from satisfactory. It is high time that the government and responsible community organisations shape up to seriously tackle the issue of bio hazardous waste management through enforcement of effective policies and standard operating procedures for safeguarding the health and lives of the public in general and health workers in particular.

[spa] La investigación «Fronteras y transmigraciones del diálogo intercultural: implicancias del acto educativo como acción estética y emancipadora» consiste en el diseño (en el marco de la metodología de modelización ecosistémica) de un proyecto pedagógico (investigativo/interventivo) cuyo objetivo es reflexionar críticamente acerca de los elementos fundamentales de la educación en perspectiva intercultural y dialógica. En tal sentido, se documentan algunas reflexiones episte-metodo-lógicas acerca de temáticas relevantes en este campo. Éstas se han trabajado en paralelo (e interconexión) a una serie de acciones socioeducativas en ámbitos formales e informales de la ciudad de Barcelona. En relación a las temáticas de interés investigativo, se abordan (en los capítulos respectivos) una serie de cuestiones importantes, a saber, los debates acerca de las diferencias entre las tradiciones multi e intercultural; el desarrollo de la filosofía intercultural durante las últimas décadas; las formas de la inteligibilidad (en ocho metáforas) del fenómeno intercultural; la alfabetización intercultural como referente teórico de la acción socioeducativa; también lo referente entre interculturalidad, hermenéutica diatópica e intertextualidad; se propone, por otra parte, hacer explícito el marco constituyente entre cultura y alteridad entendido como fundamento de principio del pensamiento intercultural; además se realiza un compendio de las conceptualizaciones en relación a la "cultura" en las tradiciones humanista y antropológica, y su traducción pedagógica en términos de vecindad e imaginación; lo anterior a la luz de las implicaciones que tiene la noción de la experiencia para la investigación educativa, y la compresión de la metodología como una forma de tekné. Como se señaló previamente, estas inquietudes son concurrentes a la formulación y ejecución de una serie de acciones socioeducativas en la ciudad de Barcelona: 1. La participación en la fundación Migra Studium en cuatro escenarios: el grupo de visitas y monitoreo al Centro de internamiento para extranjeros (CIE) de Barcelona, la construcción del programa de parejas lingüísticas "Alliberar la paraula", el montaje (junto al colectivo de teatro La Trilateral) de la obra "Ramon Llull a la ciutat nova", y el diseño de los espacios de "Espai de Trobada Intercultural". 2. La participación en la Comisión de Pedagogía de la Comunidad de Aprendizaje (Escola Coves d` En Cimany), los grupos interactivos, y la ejecución del proyecto comunitario "Las nuevas aventuras de las bacterias cromáticas". 3. La colaboración (en la organización) y participación en el encuentro "Imaginarios desarmados. Arte y exilio", que tuvo por objetivo apoyar los acuerdos de Paz de la Habana (entre el gobierno colombiano y las fuerzas armadas revolucionarias de Colombia) junto a un grupo de colombianos (y otros aliados) residentes en Barcelona. 4. Por último, la participación como profesor invitado a los seminarios de antropología para estudiantes de educación social y pedagogía de la UB (campus Mundet). Desde la complementariedad de estos niveles se delimita la hipótesis de trabajo de investigación, que se formuló tardíamente como «la (im) posibilidad de una educación intercultural». Esta consideración se expone en la introducción. Con base en esta hipótesis se invita a la filosofía de la educación, esto es, a la pedagogía, a convenir en un pacto donde poner entre paréntesis esas (im) posibilidades, entendidas en tanto retos pedagógicos. En otras palabras, se pone en consideración que establecer una agenda educativa sobre el diálogo intercultural se trata de un asunto que reviste unos retos significativos. De los cuales el principal sería estimar el pedagógico de dicha educación, dígase a propósito de los principios sobre los que se fundamenta. Esta reflexión se pone en contraste (e interlocución) con la discusión política sobre la posibilidad de una ciudadanía mundial, principalmente teniendo en cuenta algunas consideraciones acerca del arraigo, la solidaridad, la globalización y el cosmopolitismo. Acá se marca un escenario de complejidad. En el prefacio se establece que la "esperanza" pedagógica frente a las (im) posibilidades se enriquece en la analogía del "intercambio epistolar" (entendido como correspondencia en la amistad). A partir de estas consideraciones se propone a la correspondencia y la amistad como fundamentos del diálogo intercultural. En esto orden de ideas, se plantea comprender el horizonte de la interculturalidad en la perspectiva de una política de los afectos: donde los sujetos políticos son capaces de pactar alianzas. Lo que aparece de nuevo como interpelación sobre el alcance de esas alianzas, pregunta fundamental para la pedagogía que piensa la educación intercultural. Como cuando Gonzalo Arango afirmaba: "Ni usted ni yo necesitamos presentación. Tenemos tres cosas en común: esta tierra, la vida y la muerte. En eso somos semejantes, casi amigos." ; [eng] This research entitled points to design a pedagogical ecosystem modeling, consisting on a research/intervention project. It aims to enhance the critical pedagogical reflection on intercultural and dialogical education. Several subjects are documented to achieve it, including episte- methodological issues, which have been connected to formal and informal educational actions performed in Barcelona city. Concerning to the key conceptual topics important issues are addressed, namely, multi and intercultural discussions; last decades' intercultural philosophy developments; eight metaphorical interculturality understandings; intercultural literacy and socio-educational action; intertextuality and diatopical hermeneutics; culture and alterity as a intercultural constituent framework; humanistic and anthropological approaches to culture, and its pedagogical translation as neighborhood and imagination based on the experience`s role on systemic modeling methodological tradition. As previously noted, these concerns were linked to a number of socio-educational actions: 1. NGOs participation on four Migra Studium scenarios: the CIE´s visit and monitoring Group, linguistics couples program "Alliberar la paraula", design and execution on "Ramon Lllull a la Ciutat nova" social theater project, and the involvement on the intercultural space meetings "Espai de Trobada Intercultural". 2. Learning- Community contributions on pedagogical commission, interactive groups, and the project execution "Las nuevas aventuras de las bacterias cromáticas" (supported by the school Coves d´ En Cimany and Juan Marse´s neighborhood library). 3. "Imaginarios desarmados. Arte y Exilio" collaborations, which aimed to build community alliance around the Havana Agreements between Colombian government and Farc´s Guerrilla. 4. University of Barcelona Guest Professor on Anthropology classes. Related to this complementary "between-levels" analysis, the research hypothesis, which was later formulated, is defined as follows: . Based on this rhetoric statement an invitation is required to pedagogy: to put in parentheses those impossibilities as if were pedagogical challenges. In other words, establishing an educational agenda concerning to intercultural dialogue poses significant challenges. The main would be estimating it´s pedagogical «scope» based on certain principles. To make a contrast on this idea, some political arguments about world citizenship are brought: roots, solidarity, globalization and cosmopolitism. A complex scenario is thus marked. Because of these impossibilities, a pedagogical hope is suggested: as an analogy (to an exchange symbol) based on an epistolary frame. Correspondence and friendship notions are highlighted from this idea. Furthermore, an affections politics is proposed in this sense: the political subject´s power is thus understood as the ability to pact alliances. In short, pedagogical hope is referred to solidarity and potential arrangements. Both values whose "devaluation" appears worrisome, but involve the possible, as Gonzalo Arango used to say: "Neither You nor I need an introduction. We all have three common things: the land, life and death. Places where at least We are similar, almost friends."

This dissertation contributes to the empirical analysis of economic development. The continuing poverty in many Sub-Saharan-African countries as well as the declining trend in growth in the advanced economies that was initiated around the turn of the millennium raises a number of new questions which have received little attention in recent empirical studies. Is culture a decisive factor for economic development? Do larger financial markets trigger positive stimuli with regard to incomes, or is the recent increase in their size in advanced economies detrimental to economic growth? What causes secular stagnation, i.e. the reduction in growth rates of the advanced economies observable over the past 20 years? What is the role of inequality in the growth process, and how do governmental attempts to equalize the income distribution affect economic development? And finally: Is the process of democratization accompanied by an increase in living standards? These are the central questions of this doctoral thesis. To facilitate the empirical analysis of the determinants of economic growth, this dissertation introduces a new method to compute classifications in the field of social sciences. The approach is based on mathematical algorithms of machine learning and pattern recognition. Whereas the construction of indices typically relies on arbitrary assumptions regarding the aggregation strategy of the underlying attributes, utilization of Support Vector Machines transfers the question of how to aggregate the individual components into a non-linear optimization problem. Following a brief overview of the theoretical models of economic growth provided in the first chapter, the second chapter illustrates the importance of culture in explaining the differences in incomes across the globe. In particular, if inhabitants have a lower average degree of risk-aversion, the implementation of new technology proceeds much faster compared with countries with a lower tendency towards risk. However, this effect depends on the legal and political framework of the countries, their average level of education, and their stage of development. The initial wealth of individuals is often not sufficient to cover the cost of investments in both education and new technologies. By providing loans, a developed financial sector may help to overcome this shortage. However, the investigations in the third chapter show that this mechanism is dependent on the development levels of the economies. In poor countries, growth of the financial sector leads to better education and higher investment levels. This effect diminishes along the development process, as intermediary activity is increasingly replaced by speculative transactions. Particularly in times of low technological innovation, an increasing financial sector has a negative impact on economic development. In fact, the world economy is currently in a phase of this kind. Since the turn of the millennium, growth rates in the advanced economies have experienced a multi-national decline, leading to an intense debate about "secular stagnation" initiated at the beginning of 2015. The fourth chapter deals with this phenomenon and shows that the growth potentials of new technologies have been gradually declining since the beginning of the 2000s. If incomes are unequally distributed, some individuals can invest less in education and technological innovations, which is why the fifth chapter identifies an overall negative effect of inequality on growth. This influence, however, depends on the development level of countries. While the negative effect is strongly pronounced in poor economies with a low degree of equality of opportunity, this influence disappears during the development process. Accordingly, redistributive polices of governments exert a growth-promoting effect in developing countries, while in advanced economies, the fostering of equal opportunities is much more decisive. The sixth chapter analyzes the growth effect of the political environment and shows that the ambiguity of earlier studies is mainly due to unsophisticated measurement of the degree of democratization. To solve this problem, the chapter introduces a new method based on mathematical algorithms of machine learning and pattern recognition. While the approach can be used for various classification problems in the field of social sciences, in this dissertation it is applied for the problem of democracy measurement. Based on different country examples, the chapter shows that the resulting SVMDI is superior to other indices in modeling the level of democracy. The subsequent empirical analysis emphasizes a significantly positive growth effect of democracy measured via SVMDI. ; Die Dissertation beschäftigt sich mit der statistischen und empirischen Analyse der Determinanten langfristiger Wachstumsprozesse. Die anhaltende Armut vieler Staaten in Subsahara-Afrika sowie die rückläufigen Wachstumsraten der reichen Volkswirtschaften seit Beginn des neuen Jahrtausends werfen eine Reihe neuer Fragen auf, die bislang wenig empirisch erforscht sind. Ist die Kultur eines Landes entscheidend für die Entwicklung der Wohlfahrt? Kann ein entwickelter Finanzsektor Wohlstandssteigerungen auslösen, oder ist der starke Zuwachs der Finanzmärkte, der in den Industrienationen beobachtet werden kann, schädlich für die Entwicklung? Warum wachsen reiche Volkswirtschaften heute so viel langsamer als noch vor 20 Jahren? Welchen Einfluss nimmt die zunehmende Einkommensungleichheit auf die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und welchen Effekt haben staatliche Umverteilungsmaßnahmen? Und schließlich: Führen stärkere politische Rechte und mehr Demokratie zu einer Zunahme der Lebensstandards? Dies sind die zentralen Fragestellungen, denen sich die Kapitel dieser Doktorarbeit widmen. Um die Analyse der empirischen Ursachen der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung zu erleichtern, leitet die Dissertation überdies ein neues Verfahren zur Lösung von Klassifikationsproblemen in den Sozialwissenschaften ab. Das Verfahren beruht auf mathematischen Algorithmen zur Mustererkennung und des maschinellen Lernens. Dies bietet neue Möglichkeiten für das Konstruieren von Indizes, die zumeist auf arbiträre Annahmen über die zugrundeliegende Aggregationsfunktion zurückgreifen. Das vorgestellte Verfahren löst dieses Problem, in dem die Aggregation durch Support Vector Machines in ein nicht-lineares Optimierungsproblem überführt wird. Nach einem kurzen Überblick über die theoretischen Erklärungsansätze der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung im ersten Kapitel zeigt das zweite Kapitel, dass kulturelle Unterschieden einen Einfluss auf die ökonomische Entwicklung ausüben. Die Ergebnisse implizieren, dass Länder mit einer geringeren Aversion gegen Risiken höhere Wachstumsraten aufweisen, da in diesen Ländern die Implementierung neuer Technologien schneller voranschreitet. Der Effekt ist allerdings abhängig von den rechtlichen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen der Länder, vom durchschnittlichen Bildungsniveau sowie vom Entwicklungsstand. In vielen Fällen reichen die Vermögen der Individuen nicht aus, um Investitionen in Bildung, Kapital und neue Technologien zu stemmen. Durch die Bereitstellung von Krediten kann ein entwickelter Finanzsektor diesen Engpass überwinden. Die Untersuchungen des dritten Kapitels zeigen allerdings, dass dieser Mechanismus abhängig ist von den Entwicklungsniveaus der Volkswirtschaften. In armen Ländern führt ein Anstieg des Finanzsektors zu besserer Bildung und höheren Investitionen. Dieser Effekt nimmt jedoch über den Entwicklungsprozess ab, da die Intermediationstätigkeit zunehmend durch spekulative Geschäfte ersetzt wird. Insbesondere in Zeiten mit geringen technologischen Neuerungen wirkt ein wachsender Finanzsektor negativ auf die ökonomische Entwicklung. Aktuell befindet sich die Weltökonomie in einer solchen Phase, was verbunden mit einem multinationalen Rückgang der Wachstumsraten seit Anfang 2015 als "säkulare Stagnation" diskutiert wird. Das vierte Kapitel befasst sich intensiv mit diesem Phänomen und zeigt, dass die gegenwärtigen Wachstumspotenziale neuer Technologien seit Beginn der 2000er Jahre zunehmend auslaufen. Sind die Einkommen ungleich verteilt, so können einige Individuen weniger Investitionen in Bildung und technologische Neuerungen durchführen. Tatsächlich weist das fünfte Kapitel auf einen insgesamt negativen Effekt der Ungleichheit auf das Wachstum hin. Dieser Einfluss ist allerdings abhängig vom Entwicklungsstand der Länder. Während der negative Effekt in armen Volkswirtschaften mit einem geringen Maß an Chancengleichheit stark ausgeprägt ist, verschwindet dieser Einfluss mit zunehmendem Entwicklungsniveau. Entsprechend wirkt direkte staatliche Umverteilung vor allem in unterentwickelten Ländern wachstumsfördernd. In entwickelten Nationen ist hingegen die Schaffung von Chancengleichheit entscheidend. Das sechste Kapitel analysiert den Wachstumseffekt des politischen Umfelds und zeigt, dass die Ambivalenz früherer Studien auf die mangelhafte Abbildung des Demokratiegrades zurückzuführen ist. Zur Lösung dieses Problems wird ein neues Verfahren vorgeschlagen, das auf mathematischen Algorithmen des maschinellen Lernens basiert. Das Verfahren kann in verschiedenen Bereichen der Sozialwissenschaften eingesetzt werden und wird in der Arbeit zur Klassifikation des Demokratiegrades angewandt. Auf Basis verschiedener Länderbeispiele wird deutlich, dass der resultierende SVMDI anderen Indizes in der Modellierung des Demokratiegrades überlegen ist. Die anschließende empirische Analyse betont einen signifikant positiven Effekt des SVMDI auf das Wirtschaftswachstum. ; Why are some nations rich and others poor? What are the sources of long-run economic development and growth? How can living standards be increased? In this book, Klaus Gründler empirically analyses these central economic questions and puts a particular emphasis on the role of technology, inequality, and political institutions. To substantiate his empirical studies, he introduces a new method to compute composite measures and indices that is based on mathematical algorithms from the field of machine learning.

[ABSTRACT]. Objectives. Noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) are a threat to social and economic development, including in the Caribbean. In 2007 the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) held the world's firstever summit of heads of government on NCD prevention and control and issued the landmark Declaration of Port-of-Spain: Uniting to Stop the Epidemic of Chronic NCDs. The objectives of this paper are to provide an overview of a formal evaluation of the Declaration and to highlight key findings that could inform further implementation of the Declaration's 15 mandates. Methods. The evaluation's six research objectives were decided through stakeholder engagement and assessed by concurrent quantitative and qualitative research methods, using the following four themes: 1) trends in risk factors, morbidity, and mortality; 2) national and Caribbean-wide policy responses, and factors associated with policy successes and difficulties; 3) the international impact of the Declaration; and 4) the potential for raising revenue from tobacco and alcohol taxation in order to support NCD prevention and control. Results. There are marked disparities in NCD mortality and trends among the 20 CARICOM member countries and territories. No CARICOM member had fully implemented all of the Declaration's 15 mandates (which were monitored by 26 indicators), with 10 CARICOM members implementing fewer than half of the indicators, and with most members lacking a well-functioning multisectoral NCD Commission. Larger CARICOM members tended to have higher levels of implementation than did smaller members. Mandates that received active support from regional institutions tended to be better implemented by the CARICOM members than did mandates that lacked that kind of support. Feasible national tobacco and alcohol tax increases could more than cover the cost of implementing the World Health Organization NCD "best buy" interventions in the CARICOM member countries and territories. Conclusions. Priorities for further implementation of the mandates from the Port-of-Spain Declaration include establishing throughout the CARICOM member countries and territories fully functioning national bodies to support multisectoral action for NCD prevention; greater regional support in policy development and implementation for smaller countries; and greater targeted use of taxes on tobacco and alcohol to support NCD control and prevention. ; [RESUMEN]. Objetivos. Las enfermedades no transmisibles (ENT) son una amenaza para el desarrollo social y económico, incluso en el Caribe. En 2007, la Comunidad del Caribe (CARICOM) celebró la primera cumbre mundial de jefes de gobierno sobre prevención y control de las ENT y emitió la histórica Declaración de Puerto España: Unidos para detener la epidemia de ENT crónicas. Los objetivos de este documento son proporcionar un panorama general de la evaluación formal de la Declaración y destacar los hallazgos clave de esta, que aportan información para implementar adicionalmente los 15 mandatos de esta Declaración. Métodos. Los seis objetivos de la evaluación se decidieron a través de la participación de las partes interesadas y se evaluaron mediante métodos de investigación cuantitativos y cualitativos concurrentes, utilizando los siguientes temas: 1) tendencias en los factores de riesgo, la morbilidad y la mortalidad; 2) respuestas políticas nacionales y del Caribe en conjunto y factores asociados con los éxitos y dificultades de las políticas; 3) impacto internacional de la Declaración; y 4) potencial para aumentar los ingresos públicos por impuestos al tabaco y el alcohol para apoyar la prevención y el control de las ENT. Resultados. Existen marcadas disparidades en la mortalidad por ENT y sus tendencias entre los 20 países y territorios miembros de la CARICOM. Ningún miembro de la CARICOM ha implementado completamente los 15 mandatos de la Declaración (que fueron monitoreados por 26 indicadores); 10 miembros de la CARICOM han implementado menos de la mitad de los indicadores, y la mayoría de los miembros carecen de una Comisión multisectorial de ENT que funcione adecuadamente. Los Estados Miembros de la CARICOM más grandes tienden a tener niveles más altos de implementación que los más pequeños. Los mandatos que recibieron apoyo activo de instituciones regionales tendieron a ser mejor implementados por los miembros de la CARICOM que los mandatos que carecen de ese tipo de apoyo. Los aumentos factibles de los impuestos nacionales al tabaco y al alcohol podrían cubrir con creces el costo de implementar las intervenciones consideradas las "mejores inversiones" contra las ENT según la Organización Mundial de la Salud en los países y territorios miembros de la CARICOM. Conclusiones. Las prioridades para ampliar la implementación de los mandatos de la Declaración de Puerto España incluyen el establecimiento en todos los países miembros y territorios de la CARICOM de organismos nacionales que funcionen plenamente para apoyar la acción multisectorial que conlleve a la prevención de las ENT; mayor apoyo regional en el desarrollo de políticas y su implementación en los países más pequeños; y aumentar el uso de los impuestos al tabaco y el alcohol para apoyar el control y la prevención de las ENT. ; [RESUMO]. Objetivos. As doenças não transmissíveis (DNT) são uma ameaça ao desenvolvimento social e econômico, inclusive no Caribe. Em 2007, a Comunidade do Caribe (CARICOM) realizou a primeira cúpula global de chefes de governo sobre prevenção e controle das DNT e publicou a histórica Declaração de Porto Espanha: Unidos para deter a epidemia de DNT crônicas. Os objetivos deste documento são fornecer um panorama geral da avaliação formal da Declaração e destacar suas principais conclusões, que fornecem informações sobre a implementação dos 15 mandatos desta Declaração. Métodos. Os seis objetivos da avaliação foram decididos por meio da participação das partes interessadas e avaliados por métodos de pesquisa simultânea quantitativa e qualitativa, utilizando os seguintes temas: 1) tendências nos fatores de risco, morbidade e mortalidade; 2) respostas políticas nacionais e do Caribe e fatores associados aos sucessos e dificuldades das políticas; 3) impacto internacional da Declaração; e 4) potencial para aumentar a renda do imposto sobre o tabaco e o álcool para apoiar a prevenção e o controle das DNT. Resultados. Existem disparidades na mortalidade e nas tendências das DNT entre os 20 países e territórios membros da CARICOM. Nenhum membro da CARICOM havia implementado integralmente os 15 mandatos da Declaração (que foram monitorados por 26 indicadores); 10 membros da CARICOM haviam implementado menos da metade dos indicadores e a maioria dos membros não tinha uma comissão multissetorial das DNT que funcionar corretamente. Os Estados Membros maiores da CARICOM tendem a ter níveis mais altos de implementação do que os membros menores. Os mandatos que receberam apoio ativo de instituições regionais tendem a ser melhor implementados pelos membros da CARICOM do que os que faltam esse tipo de apoio. Os possíveis aumentos nos impostos nacionais sobre tabaco e álcool poderiam mais do que cobrir o custo de implementar as intervenções de "melhores investimentos" contra DNT da Organização Mundial de Saúde nos países e territórios membros da CARICOM. Conclusões. As prioridades para expandir a implementação dos mandatos da Declaração de Porto Espanha incluem o estabelecimento em todos os países e territórios membros da CARICOM de agências nacionais que funcionem plenamente para apoiar ações multissetoriais de prevenção de DNT; maior apoio regional no desenvolvimento de políticas e sua implementação em países pequenos; e aumentar o uso de impostos sobre tabaco e álcool para apoiar o controle e a prevenção de DNT.

This thesis consists of five self-contained empirical essays centering on total factor productivity (TFP), efficiency, and impacts of policy. Essay I: "TFP Change and Its Components for Swedish Manufacturing Firms During the 2008-2009 Financial Crisis" (co-authored with Jonas Månsson and William H. Greene). A driving force of economic development is growth in total factor productivity (TFP). Manufactured goods are, to a large extent, exports, and represent an important part of the economy for many developed countries. Additionally, a slowdown in labour productivity has been observed in many OECD countries after the financial crisis 2008-2009. This study investigates TFP change and its components for the Swedish manufacturing industry, compared with the private service sector, during the years 1997-2013, centering on the financial crisis. Stochastic frontier analysis (SFA) is used to disentangle persistent and transient efficiency from firm heterogeneity and random noise, respectively. In addition, technical change (TC), returns to scale (RTS) and a scale change (SC) component are also identified. Along with the empirical analysis, an elaborative discussion regarding TC in SFA is provided. The persistent part for manufacturing (service) is 0.796 (0.754) and the transient part is 0.787 (0.762), indicating improvement potentials. Furthermore, TFP change is substantially lower between the years 2007-2013, compared to 1997-2007, driven by lower technological progress. Policy should, therefore, target interventions that enhance technology. However, care needs to be taken so that policies do not sustain low-productive firms that otherwise would exit the market. Essay II: "A bootstrapped Malmquist index applied to Swedish district courts" (co-authored with Jonas Månsson, Christian Andersson and Fredrik Bonander). This study measures the total factor productivity (TFP) of the Swedish district courts by applying data envelopment analysis (DEA) to calculate the Malmquist productivity index (MPI) of 48 Swedish district courts from 2012 to 2015. In contrast to the limited international literature on court productivity, this study uses a fully decomposed MPI. A bootstrapping approach is further applied to compute confidence intervals for each decomposed factor of TFP. The findings show a 1.7% average decline of TFP, annually. However, a substantial variation between years can be observed in the number of statistically significant courts below and above unity. The averages of the components show that the negative impact is mainly driven by negative technical change (TC). Large variations are also observed over time where the small courts have the largest volatility. Two recommendations are: (1) that district courts with negative TFP growth could learn from those with positive TFP growth; and (2) that the back-up labour force could be developed to enhance flexibility. Essay III: "Potential efficiency effects of merging the Swedish district courts" (co-authored with Claes Tidanå). The Swedish district courts have undergone a substantial restructuring process in which the main reform has been to merge. As a result, the number of district courts has declined from 95 in 2000 to only 48 in 2009. All main arguments that support merging concern enhancements of efficiency. However, it has not yet been explicitly examined whether the mergers have the potential to increase efficiency ex ante. Thus, the expectation concerning higher efficiency was built on a subjective view. This paper investigates whether the mergers can be rationalized from a production economic point of view. Data envelopment analysis (DEA) is used to compute a production frontier where the conducted mergers are incorporated to identify the potential ex ante gains. Furthermore, the overall potential is decomposed into learning, scale, and harmony to investigate the source of the potential gain, e.g., an effect of adjusting to best practice or a pure merging effect such as scale. The results show diverse potentials, i.e., a number of mergers did not have the potential to gain in efficiency while others could gain substantially. A conclusion based on the analysis is that the potential production economic effects should be investigated before merger decisions are made in the future. This is also likely to be true beyond the Swedish district courts. Essay IV: "Impacts on efficiency of merging the Swedish district courts" (co-authored with Per J. Agrell and Jonas Månsson). Judicial courts form a stringent example of public services using partially sticky inputs and outputs with heterogeneous quality. Notwithstanding, governments internationally are striving to improve the efficiency of and diminish the budget spent on court systems. Frontier methods such as data envelopment analysis (DEA) are sometimes used in investigations of structural changes in the form of mergers. We review the methods used to evaluate the ex post efficiency of horizontal mergers. Identification of impacts is difficult. Therefore, we apply three analytical frameworks: 1) a technical efficiency comparison over time, 2) a metafrontier approach among mergers and non-mergers and 3) a conditional difference-in-differences (cDiD) approach where non-merged twins of the actual mergers are identified by matching. In addition, both time heterogeneity and sources of efficiency change are examined ex post. We apply our method to evaluate the impact on efficiency of merging the Swedish district courts from 95 to 48 between 2000 and 2009. Whereas the stated ambition for the mergers was to improve efficiency, no structured ex post analysis has been done. Swedish courts are shown to improve efficiency from merging. In addition to the particular application, our work may inform a more general discussion on public service efficiency measurement under structural changes, and their limits and potential. Essay V: "The impact of labour subsidies on total factor productivity and profits per employee." Subsidizing targeted labour groups is a common intervention to prevent long-term unemployment. Lower expected productivity is the motivation for subsidizing labour, but all research, with one exception, focuses on other effects while some investigates the TFP effects of capital subsidies. This study combines methods that, to the best of my knowledge, have not previously been used together to determine the impacts of labour subsidies on total factor productivity (TFP). Further, the profit per employee is included as a second outcome. Coarsened exact matching (CEM) is performed on the key variables; difference-in-differences (DiD) is then applied to the matched data. It is found that firms employing workers with wage subsidies experience negative and significant effects on both TFP and profit per employee. Heterogeneity is, however, observed; the only sector to show a deficit in both TFP and profit per employee is wholesale. During the second year with a subsidy, a negative impact can be observed on the profit per employee but not on TFP. The policy conclusion from the analysis is that subsidizing individuals from particular groups is necessary to induce firms to hire workers from these groups. However, the time period for which a single firm is subsidized should be considered.

Access to reliable and quality health information and appropriate medical advice can contribute to a dramatic reduction in the mortality figures of countries. The governments of the Americas are faced with the opportunity to continue working on this challenge, and their institutional presence on their websites should play a key role in this task. In a setting where the access to information is essential to both health professionals and citizens, it is relevant to analyze the role of national health authorities. Given that search engines play such a key role in the access to health information, it is important to specifically know - in connection to national health authorities - whether health information offered is easily available to the population, and whether this information is well-ranked in search engines. Quantitative methods were used to gather data on the institutional presence of national health authorities on the web. An exploratory and descriptive research served to analyze and interpret data and information obtained quantitatively from different perspectives, including an analysis by country, and also by leading causes of death. A total of 18 web pages were analyzed. Information on leading causes of death was searched on websites of national health authorities in the week of August 10-14, 2015. The probability of finding information of national health authorities on the 10 leading causes of death in a country, among the top 10 results on Google, is 6.66%. Additionally, ten out the 18 countries under study (55%) do not have information ranked among the top results in Google when searching for the selected terms. Additionally, a total of 33 websites represent the sources of information with the highest visibility for all the search strategies in each country on Google for the ten leading causes of death in a country. Two websites, the National Library of Medicine and Wikipedia, occur as a result with visibility in the total of eighteen countries of the sample. Taking into consideration that providing reliable and quality information on these topics to the population should be one of the priorities of national health authorities, these results suggest that national health authorities need to take measures to try to better position their contents. ; El acceso a información médica confiable y de calidad y el asesoramiento médico adecuado pueden contribuir a una reducción drástica en las cifras de mortalidad de los países. Los gobiernos de las Américas se enfrentan a la oportunidad de continuar trabajando en este desafío, y la presencia institucional en sus sitios web debe jugar un papel clave en esta tarea. En un entorno donde el acceso a la información es esencial tanto para los profesionales de la salud como para los ciudadanos, es relevante analizar el papel de las autoridades sanitarias nacionales. Dado que los motores de búsqueda desempeñan un papel tan importante en el acceso a la información de salud, es importante saber específicamente, en relación con las autoridades sanitarias nacionales, si la información de salud que se ofrece está fácilmente disponible para la población y si esta información está bien clasificada en los motores de búsqueda. Se han utilizado métodos cuantitativos para recopilar datos sobre la presencia institucional de las autoridades sanitarias nacionales en la web. Una investigación exploratoria y descriptiva ha servido para analizar e interpretar datos e información obtenidos cuantitativamente desde diferentes perspectivas, incluido un análisis por país y también por las principales causas de muerte. Se han analizado un total de 18 páginas web. Se buscó información sobre las principales causas de muerte en los sitios web de las autoridades nacionales de salud en la semana del 10 al 14 de agosto de 2015. La probabilidad de encontrar información de las autoridades sanitarias nacionales sobre las 10 principales causas de muerte en un país, entre los 10 primeros resultados en Google, es del 6,66%. Además, diez de los 18 países estudiados (55%) no tienen información clasificada entre los mejores resultados en Google al buscar los términos seleccionados. Además, un total de 33 sitios web representan las fuentes de información con la mayor visibilidad para todas las estrategias de búsqueda en cada país en Google para las diez principales causas de muerte en un país. Dos sitios web, la Biblioteca Nacional de Medicina y Wikipedia, aparecen como resultado con visibilidad en el total de dieciocho países de la muestra. Teniendo en cuenta que brindar información confiable y de calidad sobre estos temas a la población debería ser una de las prioridades de las autoridades sanitarias nacionales, estos resultados sugieren que las autoridades sanitarias nacionales deben tomar medidas para tratar de posicionar mejor sus contenidos. ; L'accés a informació mèdica confiable i de qualitat i l'assessorament mèdic adequat poden contribuir a una reducció drástica en les dades de mortalitat dels països. Els governs de les Amèriques s'enfronten a l'oportunitat de continuar treballant en aquest desafiament, i la presència institucional en els seus llocs web ha de jugar un paper clau en aquesta tasca. En un entorn on l'accés a la informació és essencial tant per als professionals de la salut com per als ciutadans, és rellevant analitzar el paper de les autoritats sanitàries nacionals. Donat que els motors de recerca tenen un paper tan important en l'accés a la informació de salut, és important saber específicament, en relació amb les autoritats sanitàries nacionals, si la informació de salut que s'ofereix és fàcilment disponible per a la població i si aquesta informació està ben classificada en els motors de cerca. S'han utilitzat mètodes quantitatius per recopilar dades sobre la presència institucional de les autoritats sanitàries nacionals a la web. Una investigació exploratòria i descriptiva ha servit per analitzar i interpretar dades i informació obtingudes quantitativament des de diferents perspectives, inclosa una anàlisi per país i també per les principals causes de mort. S'han analitzat un total de 18 pàgines web. Es va buscar informació sobre les principals causes de mort en els llocs web de les autoritats nacionals de salut en la setmana del 10 al 14 d'agost de 2015. La probabilitat de trobar informació de les autoritats sanitàries nacionals sobre les 10 principals causes de mort en un país, entre els 10 primers resultats a Google, és del 6,66%. A més, deu dels 18 països estudiats (55%) no tenen informació classificada entre els millors resultats a Google en cercar els termes seleccionats. A més, un total de 33 llocs web representen les fonts d'informació amb la major visibilitat per a totes les estratègies de cerca a cada país a Google per les deu principals causes de mort en un país. Dos llocs web, la Biblioteca Nacional de Medicina i Wikipedia, apareixen com a resultat amb visibilitat en el total de 18 països de la mostra. Tenint en compte que oferir informació confiable i de qualitat sobre aquests temes a la població hauria de ser una de les prioritats de les autoritats sanitàries nacionals, aquests resultats suggereixen que les autoritats sanitàries nacionals han de prendre mesures per tractar de posicionar millor els seus continguts.

In the last four decades, Chile's education system has experienced a deep transformation, a neoliberal revolution. Since the dictatorship (1973-1990), an education market developed in the different levels of education. After the restoration of democracy in 1990 and during the following two decades government, led by a centre-left coalition, the education market was consolidated with an active engagement of the State. This period introduced multiple adjustments to the model, which ultimately developed an education system of hybrid morphology. Education stood out progressively as a major public issue and, in 2011, a social crisis became unavoidable. The questioning of the educational architecture reveals the fissures of the Chilean society concerning the predominance of neoliberal regulations. This event motivated a phase of revision, discussion, and proposition around another form of thinking education. This thesis traces the course of the educational policies implemented since the dictatorial irruption until 2010 when 20 years of democratic recovery under the direction of the same conglomerate, the Concertación, ends. The objective of this study is to understand the evolution of this issue, in the interface between the institutional administration, political parties, and civil society. This overview will allow us to grasp the maze of policy making and to understand how the educational disagreements arise. This analytical perspective consists in a socio-historical reconstruction of the educational policy, which triangulates the analysis of historical texts, legislative texts, and interviews with both political and administrative actors. This analytical lens will enable us to understand how education is the cornerstone of the modernization process in Chile. This is characterized by significant and undeniable advances in development, especially those concerning the educational expansion at all levels. The State is increasingly involved in education, from a role of arbitrator and supervisor of the market functioning, reinforcing and increasing the complexity of the neoliberal structure. Thus, a new order emerges, in which the education becomes a private good under the protection of a generalized competition and a culture of evaluation. This model clashes with society's increasing demands for democratization of education. The education system deploys strategies of individual positioning that legitimize and reinforce the privatization of education, while society denounces the systemic school segregation while, on the other side. ; Durante las cuatro últimas décadas, Chile ha sido escenario de profundos cambios en su sistema educativo: una revolución neoliberal. Desde el régimen dictatorial (1973-1990), un mercado educativo se desarrolló en los distintos niveles de educación. Luego del retorno de la democracia en 1990, y en el curso de dos decenios de gobiernos dirigidos por una coalición de centro-izquierda, el mercado educativo terminó por consolidarse con el compromiso activo del Estado. Este último, introdujo múltiples ajustes al modelo, que finalmente termina por desarrollar un sistema educativo de morfología híbrida. Luego de ese periodo, y de manera progresiva, la educación va a imponerse como un tema público, y en 2011 la crisis social va a ser ineludible. El cuestionamiento a la arquitectura educativa va a develar las fisuras de la sociedad chilena en cuanto a la preponderancia de las regulaciones neoliberales, dando paso a una fase de revisión, discusión y proposición alrededor de una nueva forma de pensar la educación. Esta tesis describe el recorrido de las políticas educativas adoptadas desde la irrupción dictatorial hasta el año 2010, momento en que terminan 20 años de recuperación democrática bajo la dirección de la coalición Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender la evolución de este proceso, en la interfaz entre la administración institucional, los partidos políticos y la sociedad civil. La visión de conjunto nos permitirá discernir el entramado de las decisiones políticas y entender cómo se construyen las controversias educativas. La perspectiva analítica es una reconstrucción socio-histórica de la política educativa, que triangula el análisis de textos históricos, textos legislativos y entrevista a actores (políticos o administrativos). Este enfoque nos permitirá comprender cómo la educación devino el pilar fundamental del proceso de modernización en Chile, en el que se observan avances significativos e innegables de desarrollo, particularmente en relación a la expansión educativa en todos los niveles. El Estado se involucra cada vez más en la educación, con un rol de árbitro y supervisor del funcionamiento del mercado, reforzando y complejizando la estructura neoliberal. De esta forma, un nuevo orden educativo termina de plasmarse, en el que la educación deviene un bien individual bajo la égida de la competencia generalizada y la cultura de la evaluación. Este modelo termina por chocar con las demandas crecientes de democratización por parte de la población, que denuncia la segregación escolar del sistema, pero que paralelamente actúa con estrategias de posicionamiento individual que legitiman y refuerzan la privatización educativa. ; Durant les quarante dernières années, le Chili a été le scénario de profonds changements, notamment dans le domaine de l'éducation : une révolution néolibérale s'y est opérée. Depuis le régime dictatorial (1973-1990), un marché éducatif se développe en effet à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. Après le retour à la démocratie en 1990, deux décennies de gouvernements présidés par une coalition de centre-gauche finissent de consolider ce marché éducatif, en renforçant l'engagement actif de l'État. Ce dernier introduit dans le modèle de multiples ajustements qui encadrent le développement d'un système d'enseignement dont la morphologie est définitivement hybride. Dans ce contexte, l'éducation va s'imposer progressivement comme un enjeu public majeur au point que, en 2011, la crise sociale deviendra incontournable. La remise en question de l'architecture éducative dévoile les fissures d'une société où prédominent les régulations néolibérales. Elle engage une phase de révisions, de discussions et de propositions axées sur une autre manière de penser l'éducation. Cette thèse retrace le parcours des politiques éducatives mises en place depuis l'irruption dictatoriale jusqu'en 2010, date qui marque la fin de vingt années de récupération démocratique sous la direction du même conglomérat, la Concertación. Notre objectif est de comprendre l'évolution de cette thématique en étudiant l'interface entre l'administration institutionnelle, les partis politiques et la société civile. Cette vue d'ensemble nous permettra de saisir les enjeux des décisions politiques et de comprendre les tenants et les aboutissants des querelles éducatives. La perspective analytique est celle d'une reconstruction socio-historique de la politique éducative, articulée à partir de la triangulation de l'analyse de textes historiques, d'entretiens avec acteurs (politiques ou administratifs) et d'étude de textes législatifs. Cette démarche nous permettra de comprendre comment l'éducation s'impose comme la pierre angulaire d'un processus de modernisation du Chili qui se traduit par des avancées significatives et indéniables en termes de développement, notamment en ce qui concerne l'élargissement de l'accès à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. L'État s'investit certes de plus en plus dans le domaine de l'éducation, mais dans une perspective d'arbitrage et de surveillance du fonctionnement du marché, renforçant et complexifiant par là même la structure néolibérale. Ainsi, un nouvel ordre éducatif finit par prendre forme, dans lequel l'éducation est définie comme un bien individuel dans un contexte de concurrence générale et de culture de l'évaluation. Pourtant ce modèle va se heurter aux demandes croissantes de démocratisation de l'enseignement d'une société qui, d'une part, dénonce la ségrégation scolaire mais, d'une autre, utilise des stratégies de positionnement personnel dont les choix légitiment et renforcent la privatisation éducative.

In 1955, the Maspétiol commission of the French government made a negative economic balance sheet of colonization in Algeria. This balance sheet has been analyzed by historians of the economy in terms of costs / benefits for the metropolis and the colony. According to this current of colonization costs, the investments and public expenditures made in Algeria were financed by the metropolis and therefore borne by the metropolitan taxpayer. The thesis defended here is that the main cause of the negativity of the balance sheet lies in the structure of the colonial economy which did not generate enough public revenue to finance economic and social development, which required the financial support of the metropolis (plan de Constantine, 1958).The balance sheet is therefore envisaged as the result of policies pursued throughout the colonial period, more precisely the intervention of the state in economic activity since the beginning of colonization. This work, based on the literature on the economic balance sheet and more broadly on the economy of colonial Algeria as well as on unpublished archive data, shows that the so-called development policy was detrimental to the economic and social levels (1830-1900). Budget, legislative and monetary measures applied in the framework of public economic and social investments have been disadvantageous for public finances on the one hand, and for the human development of the native population on the other hand. The equipment realized (mainly in the railways) have stifled public spending in the colony without contributing to lower transport costs. Private investment in export viticulture, supported by the state, did not participate in the financing of public revenues due to absence of taxation. Regarding the policy towards the native population, it has resulted in the degradation of its heritage following land expropriation operations, as well as the fines and the taxation applied by the administration towards it. Is then asked the counterfactual question to know what would have been the Algerian economy in the absence of colonization. To answer, it is assumed that the colonial system materialized in discrimination between natives and europeans, whose legal basis was the code of indigénat. Under this hypothesis, the question is reformulated: Algeria's economic growth (gdp per capita) would have been greater if public spending on education and health had not been discriminatory between natives and europeans? The database constructed to try to give an empirical answer to this question identifies public expenditure on education and health and allocates them to the two types of population over the period 1901-1937. The data obtained clearly illustrate at the descriptive level the link between colonial politics and the balance sheet (dividing of education and health expenditure between natives and european and gdp per capita). But econometrically, the obstacles to establishing a causal relationship between spending on human capital and economic growth have prevented this search from reaching the stage of counterfactual simulation. This incompleteness is explained, on the one hand, by the state of the art theoretical on the question, on the other hand, the fact that the limitations of the available data did not allow us to go further in the construction of a causal relationship, replacing in particular the gdp per capita with a human development indicator. However, incompleteness of the counterfactual scenario does not invalidate the established results by qualitative study from literature and archival documents. This research paves the way by showing the possibility of a cliometric and counterfactual approach on this subject.This thesis calls for a future collaboration between economic economists and historians to construct the missing data. ; En 1955, la commission Maspétiol du gouvernement français faisait un bilan économique négatif de la colonisation en Algérie. Ce bilan a été analysé par des historiens de l'économie sous l'angle des coûts/bénéfices pour la métropole et la colonie. Selon ce courant dit des coûts de la colonisation, les investissements et dépenses publiques effectuées en Algérie ont été financées par la métropole et par conséquent supportés par le contribuable métropolitain. La thèse défendue ici est quela principale cause de la négativité du bilan réside dans la structure de l'économie coloniale qui ne permettait pas de dégager assez de recettes publiques pour financer le développement économique et social, lequel nécessita l'appui financier de la métropole (plan de Constantine, 1958). Le bilan est dès lors envisagé comme le résultat de politiques poursuivies sur l'ensemble de la période coloniale, plus précisément de l'intervention de l'État dans l'activité économique depuis les débuts de la colonisation.Ce travail, en s'appuyant sur la littérature sur le bilan économique et plus largement sur l'économie de l'Algérie coloniale ainsi que sur des données d'archives inédites, montre que la politique dite de mise en valeur fut préjudiciable aux niveaux économique et social (1830-1900). Les mesures budgétaires,législatives et monétaires appliquées dans le cadre d'investissements publics économiques et sociaux ont été désavantageuses pour les finances publiques d'une part, et pour le développement humain de la population autochtone d'autre part. Les équipements réalisés (essentiellement dans les chemins de fer)ont plombé les dépenses publiques de la colonie sans contribuer à faire baisser les coûts de transport.L'investissement privé dans la viticulture d'exportation, soutenu par l'État, n'a pas participé au financement des recettes publiques en raison de l'absence d'imposition. Quant à la politique menéeenvers la population autochtone, elle s'est traduite par la dégradation de son patrimoine suite auxopérations d'expropriations des terres, ainsi qu'aux amendes et à la fiscalité appliquées parl'administration à son égard. Est posée ensuite la question contrefactuelle de savoir ce qu'aurait étél'économie algérienne en l'absence de la colonisation. Pour y répondre, il est supposé que le systèmecolonial se matérialisait dans la discrimination entre autochtones et européens, dont le fondement légalétait le code de l'indigénat. Sous cette hypothèse, la question se reformule ainsi : la croissanceéconomique (Pib/tête) de l'Algérie aurait-elle été plus importante si les dépenses publiques d'éducationet de santé n'avaient pas été discriminatoires entre indigènes et européens ? La base de donnéesconstruite pour tenter de donner une réponse empirique à cette question identifie les dépensespubliques d'éducation et de santé et les répartit entre les deux types de population sur la période 1901-1937. Les données obtenues illustrent clairement au niveau descriptif le lien entre la politiquecoloniale et le bilan (répartition des dépenses d'éducation et de santé entre autochtone et européen etrevenu par tête). Mais sur le plan économétrique, les obstacles à l'établissement d'une relation decausalité entre les dépenses en capital humain et la croissance économique ont empêché cetterecherche d'arriver au stade de la simulation contrefactuelle. Cet inachèvement est expliqué, d'unepart, par l'état de l'art théorique sur la question, d'autre part, le fait que les limites des donnéesdisponibles ne permettaient pas d'aller plus loin dans la construction d'une relation de causalité, enremplaçant notamment le Pib/tête par un indicateur de développement humain.

In the last four decades, Chile's education system has experienced a deep transformation, a neoliberal revolution. Since the dictatorship (1973-1990), an education market developed in the different levels of education. After the restoration of democracy in 1990 and during the following two decades government, led by a centre-left coalition, the education market was consolidated with an active engagement of the State. This period introduced multiple adjustments to the model, which ultimately developed an education system of hybrid morphology. Education stood out progressively as a major public issue and, in 2011, a social crisis became unavoidable. The questioning of the educational architecture reveals the fissures of the Chilean society concerning the predominance of neoliberal regulations. This event motivated a phase of revision, discussion, and proposition around another form of thinking education. This thesis traces the course of the educational policies implemented since the dictatorial irruption until 2010 when 20 years of democratic recovery under the direction of the same conglomerate, the Concertación, ends. The objective of this study is to understand the evolution of this issue, in the interface between the institutional administration, political parties, and civil society. This overview will allow us to grasp the maze of policy making and to understand how the educational disagreements arise. This analytical perspective consists in a socio-historical reconstruction of the educational policy, which triangulates the analysis of historical texts, legislative texts, and interviews with both political and administrative actors. This analytical lens will enable us to understand how education is the cornerstone of the modernization process in Chile. This is characterized by significant and undeniable advances in development, especially those concerning the educational expansion at all levels. The State is increasingly involved in education, from a role of arbitrator and supervisor of the market functioning, reinforcing and increasing the complexity of the neoliberal structure. Thus, a new order emerges, in which the education becomes a private good under the protection of a generalized competition and a culture of evaluation. This model clashes with society's increasing demands for democratization of education. The education system deploys strategies of individual positioning that legitimize and reinforce the privatization of education, while society denounces the systemic school segregation while, on the other side. ; Durante las cuatro últimas décadas, Chile ha sido escenario de profundos cambios en su sistema educativo: una revolución neoliberal. Desde el régimen dictatorial (1973-1990), un mercado educativo se desarrolló en los distintos niveles de educación. Luego del retorno de la democracia en 1990, y en el curso de dos decenios de gobiernos dirigidos por una coalición de centro-izquierda, el mercado educativo terminó por consolidarse con el compromiso activo del Estado. Este último, introdujo múltiples ajustes al modelo, que finalmente termina por desarrollar un sistema educativo de morfología híbrida. Luego de ese periodo, y de manera progresiva, la educación va a imponerse como un tema público, y en 2011 la crisis social va a ser ineludible. El cuestionamiento a la arquitectura educativa va a develar las fisuras de la sociedad chilena en cuanto a la preponderancia de las regulaciones neoliberales, dando paso a una fase de revisión, discusión y proposición alrededor de una nueva forma de pensar la educación. Esta tesis describe el recorrido de las políticas educativas adoptadas desde la irrupción dictatorial hasta el año 2010, momento en que terminan 20 años de recuperación democrática bajo la dirección de la coalición Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender la evolución de este proceso, en la interfaz entre la administración institucional, los partidos políticos y la sociedad civil. La visión de conjunto nos permitirá discernir el entramado de las decisiones políticas y entender cómo se construyen las controversias educativas. La perspectiva analítica es una reconstrucción socio-histórica de la política educativa, que triangula el análisis de textos históricos, textos legislativos y entrevista a actores (políticos o administrativos). Este enfoque nos permitirá comprender cómo la educación devino el pilar fundamental del proceso de modernización en Chile, en el que se observan avances significativos e innegables de desarrollo, particularmente en relación a la expansión educativa en todos los niveles. El Estado se involucra cada vez más en la educación, con un rol de árbitro y supervisor del funcionamiento del mercado, reforzando y complejizando la estructura neoliberal. De esta forma, un nuevo orden educativo termina de plasmarse, en el que la educación deviene un bien individual bajo la égida de la competencia generalizada y la cultura de la evaluación. Este modelo termina por chocar con las demandas crecientes de democratización por parte de la población, que denuncia la segregación escolar del sistema, pero que paralelamente actúa con estrategias de posicionamiento individual que legitiman y refuerzan la privatización educativa. ; Durant les quarante dernières années, le Chili a été le scénario de profonds changements, notamment dans le domaine de l'éducation : une révolution néolibérale s'y est opérée. Depuis le régime dictatorial (1973-1990), un marché éducatif se développe en effet à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. Après le retour à la démocratie en 1990, deux décennies de gouvernements présidés par une coalition de centre-gauche finissent de consolider ce marché éducatif, en renforçant l'engagement actif de l'État. Ce dernier introduit dans le modèle de multiples ajustements qui encadrent le développement d'un système d'enseignement dont la morphologie est définitivement hybride. Dans ce contexte, l'éducation va s'imposer progressivement comme un enjeu public majeur au point que, en 2011, la crise sociale deviendra incontournable. La remise en question de l'architecture éducative dévoile les fissures d'une société où prédominent les régulations néolibérales. Elle engage une phase de révisions, de discussions et de propositions axées sur une autre manière de penser l'éducation. Cette thèse retrace le parcours des politiques éducatives mises en place depuis l'irruption dictatoriale jusqu'en 2010, date qui marque la fin de vingt années de récupération démocratique sous la direction du même conglomérat, la Concertación. Notre objectif est de comprendre l'évolution de cette thématique en étudiant l'interface entre l'administration institutionnelle, les partis politiques et la société civile. Cette vue d'ensemble nous permettra de saisir les enjeux des décisions politiques et de comprendre les tenants et les aboutissants des querelles éducatives. La perspective analytique est celle d'une reconstruction socio-historique de la politique éducative, articulée à partir de la triangulation de l'analyse de textes historiques, d'entretiens avec acteurs (politiques ou administratifs) et d'étude de textes législatifs. Cette démarche nous permettra de comprendre comment l'éducation s'impose comme la pierre angulaire d'un processus de modernisation du Chili qui se traduit par des avancées significatives et indéniables en termes de développement, notamment en ce qui concerne l'élargissement de l'accès à tous les niveaux d'enseignement. L'État s'investit certes de plus en plus dans le domaine de l'éducation, mais dans une perspective d'arbitrage et de surveillance du fonctionnement du marché, renforçant et complexifiant par là même la structure néolibérale. Ainsi, un nouvel ordre éducatif finit par prendre forme, dans lequel l'éducation est définie comme un bien individuel dans un contexte de concurrence générale et de culture de l'évaluation. Pourtant ce modèle va se heurter aux demandes croissantes de démocratisation de l'enseignement d'une société qui, d'une part, dénonce la ségrégation scolaire mais, d'une autre, utilise des stratégies de positionnement personnel dont les choix légitiment et renforcent la privatisation éducative.

Objetivos: El principal objetivo de esta tesis doctoral es ofrecer evidencias empíricas de la influencia de la percepción del contexto económico y su gestión política en el comportamiento electoral de los españoles, en las elecciones generales celebradas en el año 2.000 y 2.011. Las elecciones objeto de estudio constituyen un escenario privilegiado para la corroboración de la hipótesis de la asimetría del voto, al tratarse de contextos económicos dispares, donde la economía se plantea como el principal issue de debate en la competición política. Asimismo, y con el objetivo de comprender el papel de los medios de comunicación en la construcción de la percepción que los ciudadanos tienen sobre el contexto económico, se realiza un análisis de agenda setting para el ciclo electoral 2008-2011, así como un análisis de las portadas de los dos principales medios de comunicación impresa nacional, en la antesala de los comicios del año 2.000 y 2.011. Metodología: La memoria de tesis combina diferentes estrategias y técnicas de investigación, enmarcadas en el análisis estadístico. En primer lugar, se ponen a prueba dos ecuaciones de voto económico mediante modelos logit, a partir de estudios de opinión pública elaborados por el Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas. Para el análisis de agenda setting y de portadas de periódico se emplea la técnica del análisis de contenido, así como diferentes estrategias de cálculo para relacionar agenda pública y agenda mediática. Conclusiones: Las principales evidencias empíricas halladas en esta investigación ponen de relieve la importancia que la percepción de la situación económica y su gestión política tuvo sobre el comportamiento electoral de los españoles, en las elecciones objeto de estudio. Contrariamente a lo que la hipótesis de la asimetría del voto sostiene, la puesta a prueba de las ecuaciones de voto apunta a un mayor peso de los factores económicos en las elecciones del año 2.000, de fase expansiva del ciclo económico, que en las del año 2.011, enmarcadas en una coyuntura de recesión. Asimismo, el análisis también pone de manifiesto un mayor peso del voto por expectativas económicas, que el voto retrospectivo, especialmente en el marco de las elecciones generales del año 2.000. También se constata la importancia de los factores económicos en el voto en ambas elecciones objeto de estudio, presentando una mayor incidencia sobre el voto al Partido Popular que al Partido Socialista Obrero Español. Igualmente, se evidencia un peso destacado de las políticas sociales en el comportamiento electoral, registrándose una mayor influencia en el voto a los socialistas, lo que se relaciona con las teorías de Policy - Oriented Voting. Por otro lado, la investigación constata la influencia que tiene sobre el voto al partido en el gobierno, la percepción sobre la hipotética gestión que realizaría la oposición si ésta gobernara. Respecto al análisis de agenda setting del ciclo 2.008-2.011, la evidencia da cuenta de una considerable coincidencia entre agenda mediática y pública, en cuanto a temas económicos se refiere. Del mismo modo, se constata una mayor correlación entre agendas cuando se trata de asuntos alejados de la experiencia individual del elector, especialmente asociados al ámbito de las reformas económicas o a asuntos generales del estado de la economía. En este sentido, el análisis apunta a un papel relevante de la prensa escrita nacional en la definición de la percepción de los ciudadanos sobre la situación económica, especialmente en lo que se refiere a la construcción de la crisis como problema social, favoreciendo así la generación de un clima de opinión que a su vez actuaría como refuerzo de las percepciones personales y afectando, en última instancia, al comportamiento electoral. Research objectives: The main aim of this doctoral thesis is offering empirical evidence of the influence of economical context perception and its political management on political behaviour in Spain, during 2000 and 2011 general elections. The elections being studied imply a privileged scenario to test the hypothesis of asymmetric voting, since they are disparate economic contexts, where economy appears as the main issue of debate in political competition. In this sense, in an attempt to understand the role of the media in the construction of citizen perception of the economic context, an agenda setting analysis is carried out for the electoral cycle of 2008-2011, as well as an analysis of the covers of the two main national print media, in the previous period to 2000 and 2011 general elections. Methodology: This dissertation combines different strategies and research techniques, framed in statistical analysis. First, two models of economic voting are being tested through two logit equations, with poll data from the public opinion studies that the Centre of Sociological Research (Spain) carries out periodically. The agenda setting and newspapers covers analysis are implemented using the technique of content analysis, and different mathematical strategies are employed to stablish the relationship between public agenda and media agenda. Conclusions: The essential findings of this research emphasize the importance of economical context perception and its political management on political behaviour in Spain, during the general elections being studied. Contrary to what the hypothesis of asymmetric voting holds, the testing of the equations of vote points to a greater impact of economic factors in 2000 general election (during an expansive stage of the economic cycle), than in 2011 general election (in a context of economic recession). Moreover, the analysis results also show a greater weight of the vote based on economic expectations than retrospective voting, mainly in the 2000 general election. The importance of economic factors in voting is verified in both elections. Nevertheless, the impact of economic factors is more relevant in the vote to the Partido Popular than in the vote to the Partido Socialista Obrero Español. Similarly, there is a significant weight of social policies in political behaviour, with a greater influence in the vote of the Socialists, which is related to theories of Policy-Oriented Voting. Furthermore, the research results confirm the influence of the perception of the hypothetical management of the opposition (if it would govern) on the vote to the party in the government. As for the agenda setting analysis of the 2008-2011 cycle, the evidence shows a considerable coincidence between the media and public agenda, as far as economic issues are concerned. In addition, there is a greater correlation between agendas when it comes to matters that are far from the individual experience of the voter, especially related to economic reforms or to general affairs of the state of the economy. In this sense, the analysis results point to a relevant role of the national print press in the definition of the citizen perception of the economic situation, particularly with regard to the construction of the crisis as a social problem; thus supporting the generation of a climate of opinion which in turn would act as a reinforcement of personal predispositions, ultimately affecting electoral behaviour.

Since 2007 the Mexican Govemment introduced the fight against poverty as a top priority in its agenda,thus increasing the amount of resources allocated to minimize this social condition. Nevertheless, poverty levels in Mexico have increased by 6.56% between 2008 and 2010. Households living under extreme poverty conditions also increased from 11.7 million people in 2008 to 12.8 million people in 2010. Two out of three individuals living under this condition reside in rural areas. The Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) proposed in 2002 the implementation of a new strategy to fight poverty: the Strategic Project for Food Security (SPFS, Proyecto Estratégico para la Seguridad Alimentaria PESA). This poverty reduction program includes methodological and technical support measures that aim at improving the subsistence, production and income systems of beneficiary communities. In this doctoral thesis I propose to evaluate whether the implementation of the PESA program creates the conditions to decrease poverty levels through the creation and capitalization of human capital, and whether the implementation of this program has a positive and significant influence on the welfare level of beneficiary households. Furthermore, we test for the existence of a return on the program's investments. By evaluating the strategy of the PESA program, we move away from conventional measurements of human capital and we adopt a more holistic approach to evaluate the effectiveness of poverty reduction policies, acknowledging the multidimensional nature of territorial development in which aspects related to the economy, housing, education, healthcare and culture play a central role. To achieve the objective of this thesis a sample of 2,240 households was created, including 1,122 households that participated in the PESA Program and a control group of 1,118 non-beneficiary households residing in the same communities. Variables linked to household's income , schooling, healthcare, as well as demographic factors were used to determine if welfare improvements followed the enrolment in the PESA among beneficiaries, compared to the control group. Additionally,different statistic models (treatment and selection specifications) were proposed to test whether support policies that rely on community involvement, such as PESA, increases different dimensions of welfare related to investment in education and healthcare among beneficiaries. The empirical findings presented in this dissertation support the argument that human capital formation is a key ingredient that contributes to increase well-being levels in marginalized communities. This paper has important implications for how policy makers can match solutions generated by poverty reduction programs with the objective of breaking the intergenerational transmission of poverty via investments in territorial capital. Poverty reduction programs, such as PESA, have proven themselves efficient in narrowing the income inequality gap in deprived communities.The program's methodology and permanent technical support and supervision are key elements that help comba! certain poverty dimensions. These components should be included in ali support programs oriented to the minimization of poverty levels in rural areas. Finally,welfare-enhan cing support programs that seek to comba! poverty should not be restricted and exclusively implemented in regions exposed to severe poverty conditions.On contrary, these policies should be part of the country's development strategy and should be included as a transversal policy in the different settings of the government at top administrative levels. ; Desde el año 2007 el Gobierno Mexicano introdujo la lucha en contra de la pobreza como una prioridad en su agenda. Derivado de ello, montos crecientes de recursos fueron destinados para tratar de minimizar esta condición social. A pesar de lo anterior, los niveles de pobreza en México se han incrementado en 6.56% entre 2008 y 2010. Los niveles de pobreza extrema también se incrementaron de 11.7 millones de personas en 2008 a 12.8 millones en 2010. Dos de cada tres individuos que viven bajo estas condiciones residen en áreas rurales. La Organización para la Alimentación y la Agricultura (FAO) propuso en el 2002 la implementación de una nueva estrategia para combatir la pobreza, el Proyecto Estratégico para la Seguridad Alimentaria (PESA) . Este programa se basa en otorgar apoyo metodológico y técnico buscando mejorar los sistemas de subsistencia, producción e ingreso de las comunidades beneficiarias. En esta tesis doctoral propongo evaluar si la implementación del PESA crea las condiciones para disminuir los niveles de pobreza a través de la creación y capitalización de capital humano, así como si la implementación de este programa tiene una influencia positiva significativa en el nivel de bienestar de sus beneficiarios. Además, examinamos la existencia del retorno en las inversiones del programa. Al evaluar la estrategia del Programa PESA, nos apartamos de la medida convencional de capital humano y adoptamos una aproximación más holística para evaluar la efectividad de las políticas de reducción de la pobreza, reconociendo la naturaleza multidimensional deldesarrollo territorial en la cual,aspectos relacionados a la economía, el hogar, educación, servicios de salud y cultura tienen un papel central. Para alcanzar el objetivo de esta tesis, se creó una muestra de 2,240 individuos, incluyendo 1,122 personas que participaron en el Programa PESA y un grupo control de 1,118 de no beneficiarios que residen en las mismas comunidades. Variables ligadas al ingreso familiar, escolaridad, acceso a servicios de salud así como factores demográficos. se emplearon para determinar si existió mejora en el nivel de bienestar en los beneficiarios del Programa PESA en comparación con el grupo control. Adicionalmente, diferentes modelos estadísticos (tratamiento y datos específicos de selección) se propusieron para probar si las políticas de apoyo que se sustentan en el involucramiento comunitario como el PESA, mejoran diferentes dimensiones de bienestar, relacionadas con la inversión en educación y servicios de salud entre sus beneficiarios. Los hallazgos empíricos presentados en esta disertación sustentan el argumento en el sentido de que la formación de capital humano es un ingrediente clave que contribuye a mejorar los niveles de bienestar en comunidades marginales. Este trabajo tiene implicaciones importantes para que quienes diseñan políticas y programas, puedan conjuntar las soluciones generadas por los programas para reducción de la pobreza, con el objetivo de romper la transmisión intergeneracional de la pobreza a través de inversiones en capitalterritorial. Los programas para la reducción de la pobreza como el PESA, han probado ser eficaces para disminuir la brecha de desigualdad en comunidades pobres. La metodología del programa y el apoyo técnico permanentes, así como la supervisión, son elementos clave que ayudan a combatir algunas dimensiones de la pobreza. Estos componentes deben ser incluidos en todos los programas de apoyo orientados a la minimización de la pobreza en áreas rurales. Finalmente,los programas de apoyo para incrementar el nivel de bienestar que buscan combatir la pobreza, no deben restringirse y ser solamente implementados en regiones en condiciones de pobreza extrema ; por el contrario, estás políticas deben ser parte de la estrategia de desarrollo del país y deben ser incluidas como una politica transversal para las diferentes áreas gubernamentales al más alto nivel administrativo ; Postprint (published version)

Máster Universitario en Ingeniería Industrial ; Este proyecto tiene por objeto la auditoría de una industria de colorante analizando la forma en que se utiliza la energía, la eficiencia con la que se aprovecha ésta e identificar las oportunidades para mejorar la eficiencia energética de la instalación. La metodología utilizada para el desarrollo de esta auditoría energética cumple con los requisitos que establece el Real Decreto 56/2016 de 12 de febrero, por el que se transpone la Directiva 2012/27/UE del Parlamento Europeo y del Consejo, de 25 de octubre de 2012, relativa a la eficiencia energética, en lo referente a auditorías energéticas, acreditación de proveedores de servicios y auditores energéticos y promoción de la eficiencia del suministro de energía. Así mismo este documento también cumple con los requisitos de la UNE-EN 16247 "Auditorías Energéticas". Para este estudio, se ha obtenido la demanda de energía de las instalaciones en el año 2015. Se analizan los consumos energéticos en dos plantas de la industria (las cuales se denominarán Planta 1 y Planta 2), tanto de electricidad como de gas natural, y también se realiza un desglose del balance eléctrico en las plantas. Dentro de la distribución de los consumos energéticos de ambas plantas, el consumo de gas tiene sustancialmente más peso que el consumo eléctrico; siendo en la Planta 1 de un 92% y un 8%, y en la Planta 2 de un 70% y 30%, respectivamente. Como se puede apreciar en ambas plantas, la mayor parte del consumo es de gas, debido a que para la producción de fritas se necesita el funcionamiento de hornos de fusión que utilizan el gas natural como combustible. Estos tratamientos son los principales de estas plantas. En la Planta 1 prácticamente la totalidad del consumo de gas es destinado al funcionamiento de los hornos, mientras que en la Planta 2 los hornos rozan los dos tercios de la demanda, los equipos de producción de vapor ligeramente superan el veinte por ciento y los secaderos suponen prácticamente el resto del consumo de gas natural. Además, se estudia la distribución del consumo de energía eléctrica en las dos plantas para poder detectar los puntos potenciales de mejora dentro de las mismas. En la Planta 1, más del treinta por ciento del consumo eléctrico se destina a la planta de oxígeno, alrededor de un quince por ciento es utilizado por compresores y moledoras prácticamente a partes iguales. Respecto a la Planta 2, se puede apreciar que las moledoras y las mezclas corresponden entre ellas a prácticamente el cincuenta por ciento. El resto del consumo eléctrico en ambas plantas, se distribuye entre otros usos como puede ser climatización, depuración de agua y humos o pérdidas en transformadores. Tras haber analizado minuciosamente todos estos consumos, haber estimado los precios de las distintas fuentes de energía y estudiar las medidas de ahorro ya implementadas en las instalaciones, se han considerado una serie de nuevas propuestas para mejorar la eficiencia de las plantas. Para la Planta 1, se ha considerado el aumento del aislamiento de los hornos, sustituir los equipos de climatización de R22, instalar compresores modulantes, mejorar el aprovisionamiento energético, reconexionar los transformadores, recuperar el calor de aire de salida de las chimeneas y realizar una instalación solar térmica.En la Planta 2, además de la instalación de compresores modulantes y la optimización del aprovisionamiento energético, se ha considerado la renovación de la iluminación y la instalación de una planta de cogeneración. La implantación de todas estas medidas en las instalaciones, supondrían un ahorro energético y económico cada año de 13.151.022 kWh y 293.081 € respectivamente, y unas emisiones evitadas de 2.584.492 kg CO2 por año. La inversión necesaria para llevarlas a cabo sería de 1.582.684 € y el período de retorno simple de la misma de 5,8 años. ; The aim of this project is to perform an energy audit of a ceramic manufacturing industry so that meets with the technical and legal requirements established by the European Union. Furthermore, it is compulsory to comprehend how energy is used, analyze its performance and identify the key points where improvements can be made in order to increase the industry efficiency. The methodology used to perform this energy audit meets with all requirements specified in the Real Decreto 56/2016 of 12th February 2016, where the Energy Efficiency Directive 2012/27/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of the 25th October 2012 is approved by the Spanish Government. This Directive establishes a common framework of measures for the promotion of energy efficiency within the Union in order to ensure the achievement of the Union's 2020 20 % headline target on energy efficiency and to pave the way for further energy efficiency improvements beyond that date. It lays down rules designed to remove barriers in the energy market and overcome market failures that impede efficiency in the supply and use of energy, and provides a set of minimum requirements, not preventing any Member State from maintaining or introducing more stringent measures. This document also satisfies the criterion stablished in the UNE-EN 16247 "Auditorías Energéticas". The industry analyzed is a complex facility, where only two of its plants will be examined (named as Plant 1 and Plant 2 in the study). Data regarding energy demand through 2015, considering both electricity and gas, has been compiled, as well as its production in this period. Energy consumption distribution is considerably altered by gas, being a 92% of Plant's 1 energy consumption and a 70% in Plant 2. The remaining 8% in Plant 1 and 30% in Plant 2, is due to electricity. This extraordinary gas demand is caused by fusion ovens, which are essential for the ceramic manufacturing process. Almost the entire gas demand of Plant 1 comes out of ovens, whereas in Plant 2, only two thirds are due to this fact, a 20 % is consumed by steam generators and the rest, by dryers. In addition, electric consumption distribution in both plants will be analyzed so that potential improvement opportunities can be detected. Plant 1 requests around one third of its total electricity demand for the oxygen plant and around a fifteen percent for both, its compressors and grinders. However, in Plant 2, grinders and mixers comprehend together around half of this energy's consumption. The rest of electricity demand in both plants regard other services, as air conditioning, water and smoke treatment and transformers' losses. After having studied precisely all consumptions mentioned, estimated energy sources' prices and evaluated previously implemented saving measures, a set of measures have been proposed to be applied and improve plants' efficiency. Proposals for Plant 1 are: increasing oven isolation, R22 air conditioners' replacement, modulating compressors' installation, energy supply improvement, transformers' reconnection, heat recovery out of chimneys and a solar thermal installation. In Plant 2, in addition to modulating compressors' installation and energy supply improvement, other measures as illumination replacement and a cogeneration plant installation have been considered. The implementation of these procedures in the facilities considered will suppose an energetic and economic savings up to 13.151.022 kWh and 293.081 €, as well as avoiding 2.584.492 kg of CO2 emissions each year. An investment of 1.582.684 € will be required and its payback would be of 5,8 years.