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A few days after Iran's attack on Israel, it is too early for an overall assessment of the consequences. It is possible, though, to draw some preliminary reflections. Has Iran gained something, or has the attack rather been a strategic setback? And is there a way out?The attack is the culmination of a months-long escalation Iran has attacked Israel in retaliation against a series of military operations carried out by Israel since December 2023 against senior Iranian officials in Syria, culminating in the bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus, which killed seven people, among them the commander of operations in Syria of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), the paramilitary organisation in charge of Iran's regional security policy. These attacks, and especially the one in Damascus, have confronted the Iranian regime, now controlled by a clique of ultraconservative clerics and hard-line security officials (mostly from the IRGC), with two mutually exclusive, risky and costly options. Iran could have just taken the blow in order to continue benefitting indirectly from the growing isolation in which Israel finds itself because of the devastation it has inflicted on Gaza's 2.3 million population. The price tag was high, however. Iran's deterrence capacity would have diminished, resulting in an invitation to Israel to keep upping the ante. For a regime that prides itself of its unwavering "resistance" against Israel (and the United States), absorbing the enemy's punches without reacting was hardly a long-term option. The alternative was a robust military response in the attempt to recover part of its lost deterrence. The risks were high also in this case, as Israel's counter-retaliation could have dragged Iran into a war it does not want, not least because Israel's prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu would have gone the extra mile to get the United States involved too. In the end, Iran chose a kind of middle ground, a massive direct attack from its territory with drones (up to 170) as well as ballistic and cruise missiles (about 150 in total) designed to convey a powerful political message but seemingly not to inflict real harm: neither victims nor serious material damage has been recorded. Iran communicated that it would retaliate with so much publicity that Israel had sufficient time to coordinate a defence operation with the United States and its European allies (France and the United Kingdom) and Arab partners, notably Jordan. Even if Iran's gamble succeeds and the escalatory spiral is reversed, the question remains about what the consequences of its attack may be for Iran, Israel as well as the latter's Western allies.A strategic win or setback for Iran? Iran's calculated risk has allowed it to score some points. First, Iran has shown its military prowess. The display of capabilities was impressive enough to make entirely plausible the notion that a future surprise attack could be way more effective. Second, Iran's audacity in attacking a nuclear-armed military powerhouse such as Israel, even risking a retaliation by the United States, may have augmented its reputation in the public opinion across the region. Considering that the only other actors that have targeted Israel during the latter's brutal operation in Gaza, namely Hezbollah from Lebanon and the Houthis from Yemen, are allies of Iran, the regional status of the "Axis of resistance" – the network of Iranian allies across the region – has been reinforced. Third, Iran's attack has once again highlighted Western hypocrisy. The United States and Europe have promptly (and rightly) condemned Iran's attack, but prior to it had done little to nothing to dissuade Israel from triggering the escalatory spiral. Finally, the Iranian attack has revealed quite a degree of Western opportunism, a painful lesson for Ukraine in particular. The United States, France and the United Kingdom have not hesitated to use their air power to defend Israel's airspace and territory from a retaliation that Israel itself has actually provoked. However, they have been staunchly opposing the option of closing the airspace of Ukraine, a country unjustifiably attacked by an imperialist power (which by the way also uses Iranian-made drones). On the other hand, it is hard to escape the impression that Iran has also lost out. Israel's claim to have intercepted almost all of the drones and cruise and ballistic missiles lays bare the limits of Iranian military power. Furthermore, Iran's fear of a conflict it would have a hard time sustaining has shown through the limited character of its retaliation. The participation in the defence of the Israeli territory of Jordan has highlighted the limits of Iran's recently pursued rapprochement with its Arab rivals. But most important of all is that the attack has shifted the international focus away from Gaza, where Israel is on the defensive, to Iran, where Israel has easily regained US and European support.Is there a way out? Iran considers the "matter concluded". The US Administration is also keen to put the incident behind us. President Joe Biden has told Netanyahu to "take the win" – namely, the almost total impermeability of Israel's defences. But he has also told the Israeli prime minister that the United States will not join any offensive operation against Iran. And it would not be surprising if Biden's alleged concern that Netanyahu might want to drag the United States into a war in the Middle East was deliberately leaked to the press. The question now is what the Israeli government plans to do. So far, the Netanyahu government has consistently frustrated Biden's plans to negotiate a ceasefire in Gaza in exchange for the freeing of the hostages still in Hamas' hands. It has also flatly rejected to embrace the notion of re-engaging with a re-legitimised Palestinian Authority with the view to establishing a Palestinian state. And it has ignored Biden's pleas to restrain from escalatory actions across the region, so much so that Netanyahu did not even feel compelled to inform the US Administration of the bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus. Netanyahu has powerful domestic incentives to continue acting along these lines. His position as prime minister relies on the goodwill of his extremist ruling coalition partners, who are already advocating a strong military response against Iran. A robust counter-retaliation would also be in line with a cornerstone of Israel's doctrine of deterrence: that is, that it has always to throw the last – and hardest – punch. The record of the Netanyahu government as well as Israel's established deterrence policy thus point to an Israel inclined to double down. Only strong, determined and public pressure from the United States and Europe can make Netanyahu think again and opt for restraint. The Western powers could do so by reiterating that their commitment to Israel does not extend beyond defensive measures. They could also make clear to the Israeli government that a regional escalation would make Israel even more isolated, as they would not just not support it, but would keep insisting that the focus remain on a ceasefire with Hamas, the liberation of hostages and the imperative to get much larger humanitarian aid into Gaza. The Iranian attack on Israel confronts the Western powers with the cost of their reluctance to weigh in more heavily on the Netanyahu government to prevent highly escalatory actions such as the bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus. It is a tragic irony that it has taken an Iranian attack on Israel to pinpoint the West's need for more autonomy from the Israeli government if they want to achieve de-escalation in the region.Riccardo Alcaro is JOINT Coordinator and Research Coordinator and Head of Global Actors programme at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI). This brief has first been published as IAI Commentaries No. 24|16 (April 2024), https://www.iai.it/en/node/18375.
Eine dauerhafte Verfügbarkeit ist nicht garantiert und liegt vollumfänglich in den Händen der Herausgeber:innen. Bitte erstellen Sie sich selbständig eine Kopie falls Sie diese Quelle zitieren möchten.
A few days after Iran's attack on Israel, it is too early for an overall assessment of the consequences. It is possible, though, to draw some preliminary reflections. Has Iran gained something, or has the attack rather been a strategic setback? And is there a way out?The attack is the culmination of a months-long escalation Iran has attacked Israel in retaliation against a series of military operations carried out by Israel since December 2023 against senior Iranian officials in Syria, culminating in the bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus, which killed seven people, among them the commander of operations in Syria of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), the paramilitary organisation in charge of Iran's regional security policy. These attacks, and especially the one in Damascus, have confronted the Iranian regime, now controlled by a clique of ultraconservative clerics and hard-line security officials (mostly from the IRGC), with two mutually exclusive, risky and costly options. Iran could have just taken the blow in order to continue benefitting indirectly from the growing isolation in which Israel finds itself because of the devastation it has inflicted on Gaza's 2.3 million population. The price tag was high, however. Iran's deterrence capacity would have diminished, resulting in an invitation to Israel to keep upping the ante. For a regime that prides itself of its unwavering "resistance" against Israel (and the United States), absorbing the enemy's punches without reacting was hardly a long-term option. The alternative was a robust military response in the attempt to recover part of its lost deterrence. The risks were high also in this case, as Israel's counter-retaliation could have dragged Iran into a war it does not want, not least because Israel's prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu would have gone the extra mile to get the United States involved too. In the end, Iran chose a kind of middle ground, a massive direct attack from its territory with drones (up to 170) as well as ballistic and cruise missiles (about 150 in total) designed to convey a powerful political message but seemingly not to inflict real harm: neither victims nor serious material damage has been recorded. Iran communicated that it would retaliate with so much publicity that Israel had sufficient time to coordinate a defence operation with the United States and its European allies (France and the United Kingdom) and Arab partners, notably Jordan. Even if Iran's gamble succeeds and the escalatory spiral is reversed, the question remains about what the consequences of its attack may be for Iran, Israel as well as the latter's Western allies.A strategic win or setback for Iran? Iran's calculated risk has allowed it to score some points. First, Iran has shown its military prowess. The display of capabilities was impressive enough to make entirely plausible the notion that a future surprise attack could be way more effective. Second, Iran's audacity in attacking a nuclear-armed military powerhouse such as Israel, even risking a retaliation by the United States, may have augmented its reputation in the public opinion across the region. Considering that the only other actors that have targeted Israel during the latter's brutal operation in Gaza, namely Hezbollah from Lebanon and the Houthis from Yemen, are allies of Iran, the regional status of the "Axis of resistance" – the network of Iranian allies across the region – has been reinforced. Third, Iran's attack has once again highlighted Western hypocrisy. The United States and Europe have promptly (and rightly) condemned Iran's attack, but prior to it had done little to nothing to dissuade Israel from triggering the escalatory spiral. Finally, the Iranian attack has revealed quite a degree of Western opportunism, a painful lesson for Ukraine in particular. The United States, France and the United Kingdom have not hesitated to use their air power to defend Israel's airspace and territory from a retaliation that Israel itself has actually provoked. However, they have been staunchly opposing the option of closing the airspace of Ukraine, a country unjustifiably attacked by an imperialist power (which by the way also uses Iranian-made drones). On the other hand, it is hard to escape the impression that Iran has also lost out. Israel's claim to have intercepted almost all of the drones and cruise and ballistic missiles lays bare the limits of Iranian military power. Furthermore, Iran's fear of a conflict it would have a hard time sustaining has shown through the limited character of its retaliation. The participation in the defence of the Israeli territory of Jordan has highlighted the limits of Iran's recently pursued rapprochement with its Arab rivals. But most important of all is that the attack has shifted the international focus away from Gaza, where Israel is on the defensive, to Iran, where Israel has easily regained US and European support.Is there a way out? Iran considers the "matter concluded". The US Administration is also keen to put the incident behind us. President Joe Biden has told Netanyahu to "take the win" – namely, the almost total impermeability of Israel's defences. But he has also told the Israeli prime minister that the United States will not join any offensive operation against Iran. And it would not be surprising if Biden's alleged concern that Netanyahu might want to drag the United States into a war in the Middle East was deliberately leaked to the press. The question now is what the Israeli government plans to do. So far, the Netanyahu government has consistently frustrated Biden's plans to negotiate a ceasefire in Gaza in exchange for the freeing of the hostages still in Hamas' hands. It has also flatly rejected to embrace the notion of re-engaging with a re-legitimised Palestinian Authority with the view to establishing a Palestinian state. And it has ignored Biden's pleas to restrain from escalatory actions across the region, so much so that Netanyahu did not even feel compelled to inform the US Administration of the bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus. Netanyahu has powerful domestic incentives to continue acting along these lines. His position as prime minister relies on the goodwill of his extremist ruling coalition partners, who are already advocating a strong military response against Iran. A robust counter-retaliation would also be in line with a cornerstone of Israel's doctrine of deterrence: that is, that it has always to throw the last – and hardest – punch. The record of the Netanyahu government as well as Israel's established deterrence policy thus point to an Israel inclined to double down. Only strong, determined and public pressure from the United States and Europe can make Netanyahu think again and opt for restraint. The Western powers could do so by reiterating that their commitment to Israel does not extend beyond defensive measures. They could also make clear to the Israeli government that a regional escalation would make Israel even more isolated, as they would not just not support it, but would keep insisting that the focus remain on a ceasefire with Hamas, the liberation of hostages and the imperative to get much larger humanitarian aid into Gaza. The Iranian attack on Israel confronts the Western powers with the cost of their reluctance to weigh in more heavily on the Netanyahu government to prevent highly escalatory actions such as the bombing of the Iranian consulate in Damascus. It is a tragic irony that it has taken an Iranian attack on Israel to pinpoint the West's need for more autonomy from the Israeli government if they want to achieve de-escalation in the region.Riccardo Alcaro is Research Coordinator and Head of Global Actors programme at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI).
Bildungsaspiration, Gesellschaftsbild, Selbstverortung bei Kindern bzw. Jugendlichen und deren Eltern.
Chancen I: Soziales Milieu der Herkunftsfamilie. Hintergründe der Schulwahl.
Chancen II. Jugendliche: Schullaufbahn, Aspiration, Einstellungen, Verkehrskreise, Klima im Elternhaus, Ausbildung. Eltern: Rückblick, Einstellungen, berufliche Pläne des Jugendlichen bzw. Einflussnahme auf die Berufswahl.
Themen: Chancen I Befragung des Haupternährers: Kinderzahl; für jedes Kind wurde erfragt: Geschlecht; Alter (klassiert); Schulausbildung (höchster Schulabschluss); Schulpflichtigkeit; Berufstätigkeit; Art der Berufsausbildung; Ausbildungssektor; besuchte Schulart desjenigen Kindes, das im August ins 5. Schuljahr gekommen ist; Zweigangebot des besuchten Gymnasiums; präferierter Schulzweig; Schulartpräferenz bei gleicher Entfernung; empfundene Entfernung des nächstgelegenen Gymnasiums; zumutbare Entfernung; Entfernung in Kilometern (Schulweg); schnellstes Verkehrsmittel für den Schulweg; Umsteigehäufigkeit; Zeitaufwand für den Schulweg; Standort des nächstgelegenen Gymnasiums; empfundene Entfernung zur nächsten Realschule und Hauptschule; zumutbare Entfernung, Entfernung, schnellstes Verkehrsmittel, Umsteigehäufigkeit und Zeitaufwand für den Schulweg zur Realschule bzw. Hauptschule sowie Standort der nächsten Realschule bzw. Hauptschule; detaillierte Angaben zum Schulweg: tatsächlicher Zeitaufwand für den Hinweg und den Rückweg sowie für alle genutzten Verkehrsmittel; für beide Großelternpaare sowie den Befragten und dessen Ehepartnerin wurde jeweils erfragt: berufliche Stellung, Schulbildung, Schulabschluss, Berufsausbildung, Berufsausbildungssektor; Berufstätigkeit der Frau und Arbeitsunterbrechung; Gründe für die Wiederaufnahme der Arbeit; weiterführende Schulbildung und höchster Schulabschluss der Verwandten und Bekannten; Bewertung von Aussagen über Arbeit, Gesellschaft, Demokratie, Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten und Mitbestimmung (Skala); für zwei Freunde (Freizeitpartner) wurde erfragt: berufliche Stellung, Schulausbildung und Schulabschluss, Art des Kennenlernens, Häufigkeit der Treffen, selber Wohnort, Entfernung in Kilometern; Vereinsmitgliedschaft; Vereinsart; Teilnahmehäufigkeit; Vereinsmitglieder Alteingesessene oder Zugezogene; Ortsbezogenheit der Vereinsaktivitäten; Funktionsträger im Verein; Parteimitgliedschaft; Parteiamt; Konfession; Kirchgangshäufigkeit; eigene Meinungsführerschaft bei Problemen im Beruf, in der Kindererziehung und bei Politik; Mitgliedschaft in einer Gewerkschaft oder einem Berufsverband und Funktion; Einschätzung des Prestiges des eigenen Berufs und des Berufsprestiges des Vaters; Berufsaspiration für das eigene Kind; persönliches Nettoeinkommen; Verdiensteinbußen; Mitverdiener; monatlicher Einkommensbeitrag der Mitverdiener; Wohnstatus; Erbe oder Kauf der Wohnung; regionale Mobilität; erster Wohnsitz; Ortsgröße des ersten Wohnsitzes; für bis zu 4 Umzüge wurde erfragt: Umzugsgründe, Umzugsjahr, Umzugsziel, Ortsgröße; Wohnungswechsel am derzeitigen Wohnort und Zeitpunkt; Vergleich des neuen und des letzten Wohnviertels anhand von Gegensatzpaaren hinsichtlich Nachbarn, Sauberkeit, Lärm, Zentralität, Landschaft, Verkehrsaufkommen, Urbanität, soziale Zusammensetzung, Modernität und Bebauungsdichte; Arbeiterviertel; Selbstidentifikation mit dem Wohnort bzw. als Westfale/Rheinländer; Charakterisierung des Wohnviertels anhand von Eigenschaftspaaren; Ortsverbundenheit; Art der Beteiligung am Ortsleben; Unterstützung durch Lehrer und Schulverwaltung bei der Entscheidung für die weiterführende Schule; Teilnahme an Elternveranstaltungen (z.B. Elternsprechtage bzw. Klassenpflegschaftsversammlungen) in der Grundschule; Teilnahme an diesen Veranstaltungen allein oder mit Ehepartner; Teilnahmehäufigkeit; Hausbesuch des Lehrers und Gesprächsthemen; Klassenpflegschaftsamt; Hinweis auf Nachteile der weiterführenden Schulform; Schulartalternativen; Gründe für die Wahl des Schultyps; Zeitpunkt der Entscheidung für den gewählten Schultyp; Kenntnis der schulischen Voraussetzungen für bestimmte Berufe; Einschätzung der Ausbildungskosten bei auswärtigem Wohnen; Tätigkeitsmerkmale ausgewählter Berufe; Unterschiede zwischen Realschule und Hauptschule bzw. Gymnasium und Realschule; Sinn und Zweck einer Universitätsausbildung; präferiertes Berufseintrittsalter für Jungen bzw. Mädchen allgemein sowie für das eigene Kind; Zusatzkosten und Höhe der monatlichen Kosten für die weiterführende Schule; Kenntnis der Stipendienmöglichkeiten; Kenntnis der Voraussetzungen für ein Stipendium; Höhe des Stipendiums; spätere Rückzahlung des Stipendiums; Verständnis des Begriffs Weiterkommen; Einschätzung der persönlichen Karrieremöglichkeiten im derzeitigen Beruf; Weg für berufliches Weiterkommen; Arbeitsplatzatmosphäre und Bewertung der Kollegen sowie des Vorgesetzten anhand von ausgewählten Eigenschaften und Aussagen; (Kollegen achten auf Arbeitsleistung des Befragten sowie Politikinteresse der Kollegen; persönliche Haltung hierzu; Vorgesetzter fragt um Rat und verlangt Gehorsam, persönliche Haltung hierzu); Automatisierungsgrad der persönlichen Tätigkeit; Arbeitszufriedenheit (Skala); Einschätzung der Aufstiegschancen im derzeitigen Betrieb; Bezahlung; Wahrscheinlichkeit des Arbeitsplatzverlustes und Gründe für Arbeitsplatzverlust; Arbeitsbelastung: Durchhaltevermögen bis zum Renteneintrittsalter; Alternativen zu hoher Arbeitsbelastung; erwartete Einkommensentwicklung; Einstellung zu Bildung und Weiterbildung; Selbsteinschätzung der Schichtzugehörigkeit; Differenzierungsmerkmale; Gesellschaftsbild: Anzahl der Differenzierungsgrade, Kategorien und Merkmale; Parteipräferenz; Parteibindung; Zeitpunkt der ersten Arbeitsaufnahme bzw. Eintrittszeitpunkt im derzeitigen Betrieb; jeweilige Betriebsgröße und Entgeltart; Betriebswechselhäufigkeit; Gründe für den ersten und letzten Betriebswechsel; Häufigkeit von Arbeitsbesprechungen mit Vorgesetzen, deren Inhalte und Initiator; Einstellung zu ausgewählten Aussagen zur Arbeitswelt und zum Gesellschaftsbild (Skala); vermutete soziale Zusammensetzung weiterführender Schulen; Weiterbildungspläne bei Schulerfolg des eigenen Kindes; geplantes Studium und Studienrichtung bei Schulerfolg; Berufspräferenz für das Kind aus der Sicht der Eltern sowie des Kindes (Traumberuf).
Demographie: Alter; Familienstand; Verwandtschaftsverhältnis zum Kind; Berufe der Großeltern sowie von Vater und Mutter des Kindes; früher ausgeübter Beruf des Ehepartners; Ausbildung der Bekannten; besuchte Schule.
Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Geschlecht des Schülers (der Schülerin), Region, besuchte Schule, Klasse.
In Arbeiterfamilien wurde zusätzlich der Ehepartner des Haushaltsvorstands mit einem vergleichbaren Fragebogen befragt.
Chancen II 1. Befragung der Jugendlichen: Schulbiographie für bis zu drei Schulen: Schulart der weiterführenden Schule; Anzahl der wiederholten Klassen; Jahr des Schulabgangs; Abgangsklasse; Abgangsmotiv; Schulart bei Übergang auf eine andere Schule; Art der Schulschwierigkeiten; Stellenwert ausgewählter Faktoren für Schulerfolg (Skala); ausreichende Unterstützung der Eltern; Einschätzung der persönlichen Schulleistung im Vergleich zu den Klassenkameraden; Zeugnisnoten der drei Lieblingsfächer und der drei nicht-Lieblingsfächer; Anzahl der Umzüge nach der Grundschule und Entfernung; Ausbildungsstatus des Jugendlichen; Ausbildung in einer Lehrwerkstatt; Ausbildungsberuf; Ausbildungspersonal am Ausbildungsplatz; Ausbildungsdauer; Stellung im Betrieb nach Ausbildungsende; Zeitraum bis zum Stellenantritt nach Schulabschluss; Stellenart; Lehr- oder Anlernvertrag; Grund für aufgebene Stelle; gesuchte Stellenart (Arbeitslose); Anzahl der Bewerbungen; für bis zu drei Betriebe wurde erfragt: Beruf bzw. Tätigkeit; Ausbildungsart; Betriebsgröße; Informationsquelle für Bewerbung; Ablehnungsgründe; mehr Stellenbewerber als freie Plätze; Gründe für die Stellenannahme; Berufspläne: Tätigkeitswechsel (berufsfremd oder berufsaufbauend); Sicherheit der Durchführung dieser Berufspläne; Bewertung der jetzigen Tätigkeit und Gründe für Gefallen bzw. Nichtgefallen; Betriebsgröße; Auszubildende: theoretischer Unterricht neben der Berufsschule (Stunden pro Monat); ausbildungsfremde Arbeiten (Stunden pro Tag); Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft aus eigenem Antrieb oder geworben; nur Stelleninhaber: Einstellung zur Arbeit; Gründe für negative Arbeitseinstellung; persönlicher Beitrag zum Haushaltseinkommen; nur Schüler: Berufswunsch und Ausbildungsart; Sicherheit der Realisierung des Berufswunsches; Gründe für Sicherheit bzw. Unsicherheit; voraussichtliches Schulabschlussjahr; aktive Ausbildungsplatzsuche; Anzahl der Bewerbungen; Stellenzusage; Ausbildungsdauer; Status nach Ausbildungsabschluss; Einstellung zur Schule; Gründe für negative Einstellung; berufliche Wertorientierung (Skala); weitere Berufspräferenzen und deren Rangfolge; nur Schüler und Arbeitslose: für die genannten Berufspräferenzen wurde erfragt: aktive Ausbildungsplatzsuche; Grund für fehlende Aktivität; Berufsempfehlung der Berufsberatung; Gründe für fehlende Bewerbung; Anzahl der Bewerbungen; Zusage eines Ausbildungsplatzes und dessen Annahme bzw. Gründe für Nichtannahme; Ablehnungsgründe des Betriebs; benötigter Schulabschluss; Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten; Zukunftsaussichten; berufliche Anforderungen; Einschätzung des regionalen Ausbildungsplatzangebotes; Hilfe bei der Berufswahl durch die Eltern bzw. durch die Schule und Art dieser Hilfe; Beurteilung der Hilfe durch das Arbeitsamt; Wegezeiten, genutzte Verkehrsmittel, Umsteigehäufigkeit und Einschätzung der Entfernung zur Arbeit bzw. Schule; Skala: Kontrollüberzeugung; Parteipräferenz; Parteianhänger; Parteimitgliedschaft; Selbsteinschätzung der Schichtzugehörigkeit; Personengruppen der Freizeitkontakte; Cliquenzugehörigkeit; Trendsetter; Klassensprecher bzw. Vertrauensamt; fester Freund bzw. feste Freundin; Einverständnis des Partners mit den Berufsplänen; andere Berufsvorschläge des Partners; für den Partner und die engsten Bekannten wurde erfragt: Alter, Erwerbstätigkeit, Beruf bzw. angestrebter Beruf, berufliche Stellung des Partners und der engsten Bekannten sowie deren Eltern, abgeschlossene Schulausbildung; Kontakthäufigkeit mit dem Partner; Bezugsperson; Zustimmung der Eltern zu den Berufsplänen und Alternativvorschläge; Einstellung zu Politik, Demokratie, Gesellschaftsform, Klassengesellschaft, gesellschaftliche Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten, Arbeit und Mitbestimmung (Skala); Lebensziele; feste Regeln im Elternhaus; Bewertung der elterlichen Kontrolle; Freunde und Freundinnen sind den Eltern persönlich bekannt; Information der Eltern über Ausgehen und Freizeitpartner; Anzahl der Abende außerhalb des Elternhauses; frei verfügbares Geld pro Woche; Rechenschaftspflicht über eigenes Geld; Rezeptionshäufigkeit und Titel beruflicher Themen in den Medien; Selbsteinschätzung des Gesundheitszustands; Ablehnung bei Bewerbungen wegen der Gesundheit; Bekannte und Verwandte im eigenen Betrieb; Hilfe bei der Stellensuche aus dem sozialen Umfeld; fehlende Alternative bzw. Grund für zwangsweise Stellenannahme; Häufigkeit von Konflikten mit den Eltern; Übernahme des Erziehungsstils der Eltern für die eigenen Kinder; vermutete Gründe für negative Einstellung von Jugendlichen zu Schule bzw. Arbeit.
Demographie: Geschlecht; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft; Vereinsmitgliedschaft; Art des Vereins; Teilnahmehäufigkeit an den Vereinsaktivitäten; Konfession; Kirchgangshäufigkeit.
Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Anwesenheit Dritter während des Interviews.
2. Befragung der Eltern: Befragte Person; jeweils für Vater und Mutter wurde erfragt: Stellenwechsel seit 1971; derzeitige Arbeitslosigkeit; aktueller Beruf; Betriebsgröße; Branche; berufliche Stellung; vorbereitender Kurs oder Umschulung mit Zertifikat; Nettoeinkommen des Befragten und des Ehepartners; Haushaltsgröße; nur Berufstätige: Höhe des sonstigen Einkommens; retrospektive Beurteilung der Bildungsentscheidung für das Kind und Gründe; damalige Beratung; Ursachen für falsche Beratung; Beurteilung der weiterführenden Schule im Hinblick auf die Berufsvorbereitung; berufsbezogene Förderung in der Schule; Schülerstatus des Jugendlichen; Hilfestellung bei der Berufswahl und Art der Hilfe; Zufriedenheit mit der Stelle und Gründe für diese Zufriedenheit bzw. für Unzufriedenheit; alternative Tätigkeitsvorstellungen (berufsfremd oder auf den Beruf aufbauend); Sicherheit der Pläne und Gründe für Sicherheit bzw. Unsicherheit; nur Schülereltern: Kenntnis des Berufswunsches des Jugendlichen; Einstellung zu diesem Berufswunsch und Gründe für diese Einstellung; Überlegungen zum Beruf des Jugendlichen und Berufswunsch für den Jugendlichen; Sicherheit der Pläne und Gründe für Sicherheit bzw. Unsicherheit; wichtigste Aufgaben des Staates; Einstellung zu Politik, Demokratie, Gesellschaftsform, Arbeit, Klassengesellschaft, gesellschaftlicher Aufstieg und Mitbestimmung (Skala).
Chancen III 1. Befragung der Jugendlichen: Interviewte Person; Schülerstatus; zuletzt besuchte Schulart; bisheriger und angestrebter Schulabschluss; Aufnahme eines Studiums; Studienfach; Gründe gegen ein Studium; Einschätzung der Arbeitsmöglichkeiten nach dem Studium; Ausbildungs- oder Berufsstand; spätere Berufstätigkeit geplant; berufliche Pläne; angestrebter Beruf; Zukunftssicherheit des angestrebten Berufs; Sicherheit der Berufsausübung; derzeit ausgeübter Beruf; Branche; Betriebsgröße; berufliche Stellung; Häufigkeit von Betriebswechseln; Arbeitslosigkeit und Arbeitslosigkeitsdauer; Berufsausbildung und Ausbildungsdauer; Weiterbeschäftigung im Ausbildungsbetrieb; berufliche Stellung nach der Ausbildung; retrospektive Beurteilung der Berufsausbildung; Note der Abschlussprüfung; Dauer anderer Aktivitäten vor der jetzigen Berufstätigkeit bzw. Schulausbildung; Besuch einer Abendschule; berufsbezogene Kurse; Umzugshäufigkeit seit 1977/78; Homogenität des sozialen Wohnumfelds; Einstellung zu Politik, Demokratie, Gesellschaftsform, Arbeit, gesellschaftliche Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten und Mitbestimmung (Skala); Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft; Vertrauensamt; Parteipräferenz; Parteibindung; Parteimitgliedschaft; Selbsteinschätzung der Schichtzugehörigkeit; Vereinsmitgliedschaft; Vereinsart; Teilnahmehäufigkeit; Cliquenzugehörigkeit; Zusammensetzung der Clique; berufliche Wertorientierung (Skala); retrospektive Beurteilung des Schulabschlusses; Wegezeit zur Arbeit; Umsteigehäufigkeit; Einschätzung des Arbeitsweges; Einschätzung der Zukunftssicherheit der Tätigkeit; Gedanken an andere berufliche Pläne (berufsfremd bzw. berufsaufbauend); Berufswunsch; Sicherheit der anderen Berufspläne; monatliches Nettoeinkommen des Befragten und seines Partners; Familienstand; Zusammenleben mit den Eltern, dem Partner oder in einer Wohngemeinschaft; Kinder; Höhe der monatlichen Nebeneinkünfte; Lebensziel.
2. Der Elternfragebogen wurde an die Fragenbatterie des Jugendlichenfragebogens angepasst.
Chancen IV: detaillierte und lückenlose Erhebung aller Tätigkeiten des Lebenslaufs (u.a. Aus- und Weiterbildung, Erwerbstätigkeit, Arbeitslosigkeit, Hausfrau, Erziehungsurlaub, Wehr- oder Zivildienst, Warteschleifen, Beurlaubungen, Erwerbsunfähigkeit, Privatisieren); Wohnort; Gründe für Wohnortwechsel; Anfangs- und Endzeitpunkt der Phasen seit dem 16. Lebensjahr; darin eingebettet umfangreiche Frageblöcke zur Bildungsbiographie, Erwerbsbiographie, Arbeitslosigkeit und Nebentätigkeiten; Freizeit bzw. Berufsorientierung, Berufsbilanz, Gründe für Erwerbswechsel; Chancengleichheit; Partnerschaften: länger als ein Jahr oder mit besonderem Einfluss auf die berufliche Entwicklung; Fragen zur Art der Beziehung, deren Beginn und Ende, Bildung, Beruf und berufliche Stellung des Partners; Kinderzahl, für jedes Kind wurde erfragt: Alter, Geschlecht, Fragen zur Ausbildung; Haushaltsgröße; Haushaltseinkommen; soziale Selbstidentifikation, Parteipräferenz; Parteibindung; Gewerkschaftsmitgliedschaft, Funktion in einer Gewerkschaft; Konfession und Kirchenbindung, Vereinsmitgliedschaften; Kontrollerwartungen (Skala interne externe Kontrolle); Alter (Geburtsdatum).
"How do armies fight and what makes them victorious on the modern battlefield? In Divided Armies, Jason Lyall challenges long-standing answers to this classic question by linking the fate of armies to their levels of inequality. Introducing the concept of military inequality, Lyall demonstrates how a state's prewar choices about the citizenship status of ethnic groups within its population determine subsequent battlefield performance. Treating certain ethnic groups as second-class citizens, either by subjecting them to state-sanctioned discrimination or, worse, violence, undermines interethnic trust, fuels grievances, and leads victimized soldiers to subvert military authorities once war begins. The higher an army's inequality, Lyall finds, the greater its rates of desertion, side-switching, casualties, and use of coercion to force these soldiers to fight. In a sweeping historical investigation, Lyall draws on Project Mars, a new dataset of 250 conventional wars fought since 1800, to test this argument. Project Mars breaks with prior efforts by including overlooked non-Western wars while cataloguing new patterns of inequality and wartime conduct across hundreds of belligerents. Combining historical comparisons and statistical analysis, Lyall also marshals evidence from nine wars, ranging from the Eastern Fronts of World War I and II to less familiar wars in Africa and Central Asia, to illustrate inequality's effects. Sounding the alarm on the dangers of inequality, Divided Armies offers important lessons about battlefield performance over two centuries--and for wars still to come"--
학위논문 (박사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 법학전문대학원 법학과, 2020. 8. 전종익. ; 우리나라의 제9차 개정헌법인 현행 헌법으로의 개정이 이루어진 지 만 32년이 지난 지금, 당시 헌법개정을 둘러싼 논의가 어떠한 과정을 통해 이루어지고 그것이 어떻게 지금 우리에게 적용되고 있는 헌법규정들을 낳았는지를 구체적으로 확인하는 일은, 그 해석을 위한 자료를 제공할 수 있을 뿐 아니라 그 양상에 대한 평가를 통해 현행 헌법 그 자체에 대한 평가를 보충할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 그리하여 이 연구는 최근까지 나온 사료들을 가급적 망라하여 개별 헌법규정들의 개정논의 과정을 재구성하고 그 부문별 양상을 고찰함으로써 개정의 의미내용에 대한 평가를 시도한다. 새로운 헌법에 대한 필요는 유신헌법에 이어 국민의 의사와 국가권력의 성립·유지가 괴리되어 있었던 1980년 헌정체제의 성격으로부터 제기되었다. 그러나 기존 헌법상의 절차에 따른 개헌은 종전 집권세력과의 공존을 수반하는 것이었기 때문에, 헌법문제의 해결을 위한 대안으로 처음부터 대통령직선제 개헌이라는 방편에 대한 사회적 합의가 이루어지지는 못하였다. 직선제를 향한 요구와 그에 대한 수용으로 그에 대해 여야뿐만 아니라 범사회적인 합의가 이루어지는 것은, 전두환 정권과 그에 대한 저항세력 모두 기본적인 정치체제에 대한 여타의 대안을 각자 제시하고 그 모두를 서로 받아들일 수 없음이 분명해진 뒤에 비로소 가능했다. 여야 정당들과 기타의 사회주체들 모두 개헌시안을 마련함에 있어서 시민사회의 요구를 광범위하게 반영하는 구체적인 구상을 제시하지 못하였고, 그보다는 종전의 구상들을 답습하거나 임시방편적으로 수용하는 경향을 보였다는 점을 확인한다. 이는 양대 정당의 경우 정권의 획득이나 유지가 보다 중요했기 때문이라고 볼 수도 있다. 하지만 보다 근본적인 관점에서 이는 강력한 물리력을 배경으로 정부가 국민의 자유의사에 따른 개헌을 가로막는 한 아무리 구체적으로 개헌구상을 입안하더라도 그것이 현실화할 전망이 없기 떄문이기도 하였다. 연구의 후반부를 이루는 각 헌법 부문별 논의 과정은 1987년 초반부터 야당뿐 아니라 저항세력 전반에까지 수렴된 대통령직선제 개헌이라는 대안이 정부와의 극한대립 끝에 6. 29 선언을 통한 수용으로써 합의로 넘어간 당시의 상황을 반영한다. 헌법의 기본성격, 그리고 헌법을 통해 보호해야 할 영역을 획정하는 것으로서 정치제도 못지않은 중요성을 지니는 전문과 기본권에 대하여는 양대 정당의 의견이 서로 과정과 내용의 면에서 모두 대체로 대등한 수준에서 반영되었다. 특히 전문에 관한 양대 정당의 논의는 양자의 어느 쪽도 정치적 우위를 점하지 못하고 중립적인 타협을 이룬 새 헌법의 성격을 잘 보여준다. 한편 정치제도에 관하여는 국회해산권의 폐지나 국회의 일부 권한에 관하여 치열한 논쟁이 벌어지기도 하였지만, 결국 국회의 국정감사권과 헌법소원제도가 헌법상 규정된 등의 몇몇 성과를 논외로 하면 전반적인 수준에서 국회나 정부의 지위에 대한 변혁이 이루어졌다고 보기는 어려운 것으로 평가된다. 이와 같은 개헌논의의 결과에 대하여는 기성의 양대 정당이 정권획득을 둘러싼 경쟁질서에만 관심을 가졌기 때문에 급속하고 불충분한 타협만이 이루어졌다는 평가도 가능할 것이나 다른 한편 현행 헌법은 이로써 이후의 정권교체에 불구하고 안정성을 확보할 수 있었다. 이는 국민의 선택에 따라 정치적 책임을 지는 집권세력이 국민의 기본권으로부터 통제되는 헌법으로서의 규범력이 강화된 만큼, 종전의 헌정체제들과 달리 현행의 체제에서는 국민의 책임성 또한 강화되었음을 간과해서는 안 될 것이다. ; 32 years have passed since the 9th revision to the current Constitution in 1987. The author deems the time ripe enough to say that now we give a careful look into how this Constitution was deliberated in what process, and how it led to the provisions that apply to our lives today. Hopefully it can provide new grounds for interpretation thereof, as well as tools to supplement previous evaluations on the Constitution at large, with retrospect to the general trends of the discussion. As no small amount of historical records have been disclosed recently, this study attempts to make as extensive use of them as available, so to reconstruct the discussions pertaining to each provisions amended, and to set forth a reevaluation of the implications to the revision itself, based on contemplations on the tendencies of discussions on each constitutional sphere. A successor to the Yushin system, the 1980 constitutional system formulated and buttressed the Chun Doo Hwan regime which was divored from the will and support of the people, and that was the main source of the necessity to found a new constitutional regime. However, in which way to achieve this was the question unsolved up to 1986. A revision following the existing constitutional procedures leaving the current ruling clique intact was not readily accepted by the resisting social groups as an alternative, whether or not it provided for direct presidential election. It was acknowledged as the only choice only after both the Chun regime and resisting groups had exhausted all other alternatives and it became mutually clear that neither of them could accept any other option. In the course of the struggle before constitutional revision with direct election was mutually accepted, the dynamics among and inside each of the major political actors including the leading parties and other social movements show that they had failed to incorporate the various social needs into their designs, and rather chose to follow previous lines or adopt a new one only as an expedient measure. It should be admitted that, at least for the political parties, taking or retaining power was the primary issue at hand. But we would also have to admit that as long as the strong military government denied the possibility of constitutional change based on the will of people, the more 'realistic' vision that a constitutional plan could give was a prospect of political change, which could only then realize other more pluralistic needs. After the June Uprisings had exhausted all other alternatives for Chun regime, time left for deliberation on the content of Constitution was no longer than a month and a half. A detailed retrospect and a phased-in induction on the tendency shows that the negotiation, in its process and content as well, was tailored to make a roughly equal balance between the two major participants. The pattern of constitutional provisions largely attests to this. The preamble, initially a symbolic battlefield of political powers, was diluted to signify more neutral values. Discussion on fundamental rights was, with a few exceptions where major political interests were involved, a relatively smooth interchange of mutual suggestions, which led to an accommodation at least to the most urgent needs raised in the Chun regime. As for political institutions, the most urgent questions were tacitly solved as the plans of both parties accorded to each other. Thus relatively residual needs were answered in the course of negotiation, which led to a few institutional progress including parliamentary power to inspect the government and the newly devised jurisdiction for constitutional complaint. But aside from those, neither legislative or administrative power can be said to have been subject to thorough change. Some might, with good reason, conclude from the results of the negotiation that the existing major parties were concerned only for their upcoming struggle for power and thus made haste for an insufficient outcome. But on the other side, this course of revision led the Constitution to become stable in spite of periodic interchange of power between the political factions. This enabled people to compare the performances between the factions under largely static insitutional settings, and then choose between them to hold the worse one politically responsible. Unlike previous constitutional regimes, this feature enhanced the actual normativity of the Constitution. ; 제1장 서 론 1 제1절 연구의 필요성과 목적 1 제2절 연구의 방법과 범위 5 제2장 1987년 헌법개정의 정치적 과정 10 제1절 1980년 헌정체제의 성립과 초기 운영 10 1. 1980년 헌법의 개정과정과 내용 10 2. 헌정체제의 구체적 형성과 초기 운영 18 3. 1980년 헌정체제의 성격에 대한 평가 28 제2절 헌법개정 방향에 관한 여야 대립 31 1. 위성정당 체제의 붕괴 31 2. 정부·여당의 개헌노선 수정 40 3. 1986년 개헌논의 정국에서의 여야 대립 59 4. 1986년 말까지의 개헌논의 과정에 대한 평가 71 제3절 1987년 합의개헌으로의 이행 74 1. 박종철 고문치사 사건과 대치국면의 전환 74 2. 개헌논의 국면으로의 이행 77 3. 8인 정치회담 81 4. 1987년 개헌논의 과정에 대한 평가 92 제4절 소 결 95 제3장 헌법개정 시안의 변천과 성격 98 제1절 서설 및 관련 사료 98 제2절 민정당 개헌시안의 형성과 변천 102 1. 1986년의 민정당 개헌시안 형성 102 2. 1987년 민정당 개헌시안으로의 변천 120 3. 민정당 시안에 대한 평가 125 제3절 신한민주당·통일민주당 개헌시안의 형성과 변천 127 1. 제1야당 개헌구상의 효시인 '헌법개정대강' 127 2. 1980년 신민당 개헌시안 130 3. 1985년 신한민주당 시안 139 4. 1986년 신한민주당 시안 144 5. 통일민주당 시안으로의 변천 145 6. 제1야당 개헌시안들에 관한 평가 148 제4절 재야 사회단체 등의 시안 기타 개헌구상 150 1. 대한변호사협회 시안 151 2. 한국노동조합총연맹의 개헌요구 10개항 154 3. 민주헌법쟁취국민운동본부의 헌법개정요강 158 4. 한국여성단체연합의 '민주헌법에 대한 견해' 162 5. 헌법·행정법 교수단체의 의견 164 제5절 소 결 167 제4장 헌법 총론 및 기본권·경제제도 규정의 개정과정 171 제1절 헌법 전문·총강의 개정 171 1. 전문의 개정 171 2. 총강의 개정 189 3. 전문·총강의 개정에 대한 평가 191 제2절 기본권 및 경제질서 규정의 개정 193 1. 기본권 규정의 개정 193 2. 경제질서에 관한 규정의 개정 246 3. 기본권 및 경제관련 규정의 개정에 대한 평가 273 제3절 소 결 275 제5장 헌법상 정치제도 규정의 개정 278 제1절 국회와 정부 관련 규정의 개정 278 1. 국회 관련 규정 278 2. 정부 관련 규정 301 제2절 법원과 헌법재판소 관련 규정의 개정 335 1. 법원 관련 규정 335 2. 헌법재판소 관련 규정 342 3. 법원·헌법재판소 관련 규정의 개정에 대한 평가 354 제3절 기타 정치제도 관련 규정 356 1. 국민투표 및 선거관리 356 2. 지방자치단체장의 "선임" 359 3. 헌법개정절차 360 4. 함의에 대한 평가 362 제4절 소 결 364 제6장 결 론 368 참고문헌 373 Abstract 505 ; Doctor
학위논문 (박사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 법학전문대학원 법학과, 2020. 8. 전종익. ; 우리나라의 제9차 개정헌법인 현행 헌법으로의 개정이 이루어진 지 만 32년이 지난 지금, 당시 헌법개정을 둘러싼 논의가 어떠한 과정을 통해 이루어지고 그것이 어떻게 지금 우리에게 적용되고 있는 헌법규정들을 낳았는지를 구체적으로 확인하는 일은, 그 해석을 위한 자료를 제공할 수 있을 뿐 아니라 그 양상에 대한 평가를 통해 현행 헌법 그 자체에 대한 평가를 보충할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. 그리하여 이 연구는 최근까지 나온 사료들을 가급적 망라하여 개별 헌법규정들의 개정논의 과정을 재구성하고 그 부문별 양상을 고찰함으로써 개정의 의미내용에 대한 평가를 시도한다. 새로운 헌법에 대한 필요는 유신헌법에 이어 국민의 의사와 국가권력의 성립·유지가 괴리되어 있었던 1980년 헌정체제의 성격으로부터 제기되었다. 그러나 기존 헌법상의 절차에 따른 개헌은 종전 집권세력과의 공존을 수반하는 것이었기 때문에, 헌법문제의 해결을 위한 대안으로 처음부터 대통령직선제 개헌이라는 방편에 대한 사회적 합의가 이루어지지는 못하였다. 직선제를 향한 요구와 그에 대한 수용으로 그에 대해 여야뿐만 아니라 범사회적인 합의가 이루어지는 것은, 전두환 정권과 그에 대한 저항세력 모두 기본적인 정치체제에 대한 여타의 대안을 각자 제시하고 그 모두를 서로 받아들일 수 없음이 분명해진 뒤에 비로소 가능했다. 여야 정당들과 기타의 사회주체들 모두 개헌시안을 마련함에 있어서 시민사회의 요구를 광범위하게 반영하는 구체적인 구상을 제시하지 못하였고, 그보다는 종전의 구상들을 답습하거나 임시방편적으로 수용하는 경향을 보였다는 점을 확인한다. 이는 양대 정당의 경우 정권의 획득이나 유지가 보다 중요했기 때문이라고 볼 수도 있다. 하지만 보다 근본적인 관점에서 이는 강력한 물리력을 배경으로 정부가 국민의 자유의사에 따른 개헌을 가로막는 한 아무리 구체적으로 개헌구상을 입안하더라도 그것이 현실화할 전망이 없기 떄문이기도 하였다. 연구의 후반부를 이루는 각 헌법 부문별 논의 과정은 1987년 초반부터 야당뿐 아니라 저항세력 전반에까지 수렴된 대통령직선제 개헌이라는 대안이 정부와의 극한대립 끝에 6. 29 선언을 통한 수용으로써 합의로 넘어간 당시의 상황을 반영한다. 헌법의 기본성격, 그리고 헌법을 통해 보호해야 할 영역을 획정하는 것으로서 정치제도 못지않은 중요성을 지니는 전문과 기본권에 대하여는 양대 정당의 의견이 서로 과정과 내용의 면에서 모두 대체로 대등한 수준에서 반영되었다. 특히 전문에 관한 양대 정당의 논의는 양자의 어느 쪽도 정치적 우위를 점하지 못하고 중립적인 타협을 이룬 새 헌법의 성격을 잘 보여준다. 한편 정치제도에 관하여는 국회해산권의 폐지나 국회의 일부 권한에 관하여 치열한 논쟁이 벌어지기도 하였지만, 결국 국회의 국정감사권과 헌법소원제도가 헌법상 규정된 등의 몇몇 성과를 논외로 하면 전반적인 수준에서 국회나 정부의 지위에 대한 변혁이 이루어졌다고 보기는 어려운 것으로 평가된다. 이와 같은 개헌논의의 결과에 대하여는 기성의 양대 정당이 정권획득을 둘러싼 경쟁질서에만 관심을 가졌기 때문에 급속하고 불충분한 타협만이 이루어졌다는 평가도 가능할 것이나 다른 한편 현행 헌법은 이로써 이후의 정권교체에 불구하고 안정성을 확보할 수 있었다. 이는 국민의 선택에 따라 정치적 책임을 지는 집권세력이 국민의 기본권으로부터 통제되는 헌법으로서의 규범력이 강화된 만큼, 종전의 헌정체제들과 달리 현행의 체제에서는 국민의 책임성 또한 강화되었음을 간과해서는 안 될 것이다. ; 32 years have passed since the 9th revision to the current Constitution in 1987. The author deems the time ripe enough to say that now we give a careful look into how this Constitution was deliberated in what process, and how it led to the provisions that apply to our lives today. Hopefully it can provide new grounds for interpretation thereof, as well as tools to supplement previous evaluations on the Constitution at large, with retrospect to the general trends of the discussion. As no small amount of historical records have been disclosed recently, this study attempts to make as extensive use of them as available, so to reconstruct the discussions pertaining to each provisions amended, and to set forth a reevaluation of the implications to the revision itself, based on contemplations on the tendencies of discussions on each constitutional sphere. A successor to the Yushin system, the 1980 constitutional system formulated and buttressed the Chun Doo Hwan regime which was divored from the will and support of the people, and that was the main source of the necessity to found a new constitutional regime. However, in which way to achieve this was the question unsolved up to 1986. A revision following the existing constitutional procedures leaving the current ruling clique intact was not readily accepted by the resisting social groups as an alternative, whether or not it provided for direct presidential election. It was acknowledged as the only choice only after both the Chun regime and resisting groups had exhausted all other alternatives and it became mutually clear that neither of them could accept any other option. In the course of the struggle before constitutional revision with direct election was mutually accepted, the dynamics among and inside each of the major political actors including the leading parties and other social movements show that they had failed to incorporate the various social needs into their designs, and rather chose to follow previous lines or adopt a new one only as an expedient measure. It should be admitted that, at least for the political parties, taking or retaining power was the primary issue at hand. But we would also have to admit that as long as the strong military government denied the possibility of constitutional change based on the will of people, the more 'realistic' vision that a constitutional plan could give was a prospect of political change, which could only then realize other more pluralistic needs. After the June Uprisings had exhausted all other alternatives for Chun regime, time left for deliberation on the content of Constitution was no longer than a month and a half. A detailed retrospect and a phased-in induction on the tendency shows that the negotiation, in its process and content as well, was tailored to make a roughly equal balance between the two major participants. The pattern of constitutional provisions largely attests to this. The preamble, initially a symbolic battlefield of political powers, was diluted to signify more neutral values. Discussion on fundamental rights was, with a few exceptions where major political interests were involved, a relatively smooth interchange of mutual suggestions, which led to an accommodation at least to the most urgent needs raised in the Chun regime. As for political institutions, the most urgent questions were tacitly solved as the plans of both parties accorded to each other. Thus relatively residual needs were answered in the course of negotiation, which led to a few institutional progress including parliamentary power to inspect the government and the newly devised jurisdiction for constitutional complaint. But aside from those, neither legislative or administrative power can be said to have been subject to thorough change. Some might, with good reason, conclude from the results of the negotiation that the existing major parties were concerned only for their upcoming struggle for power and thus made haste for an insufficient outcome. But on the other side, this course of revision led the Constitution to become stable in spite of periodic interchange of power between the political factions. This enabled people to compare the performances between the factions under largely static insitutional settings, and then choose between them to hold the worse one politically responsible. Unlike previous constitutional regimes, this feature enhanced the actual normativity of the Constitution. ; 제1장 서 론 1 제1절 연구의 필요성과 목적 1 제2절 연구의 방법과 범위 5 제2장 1987년 헌법개정의 정치적 과정 10 제1절 1980년 헌정체제의 성립과 초기 운영 10 1. 1980년 헌법의 개정과정과 내용 10 2. 헌정체제의 구체적 형성과 초기 운영 18 3. 1980년 헌정체제의 성격에 대한 평가 28 제2절 헌법개정 방향에 관한 여야 대립 31 1. 위성정당 체제의 붕괴 31 2. 정부·여당의 개헌노선 수정 40 3. 1986년 개헌논의 정국에서의 여야 대립 59 4. 1986년 말까지의 개헌논의 과정에 대한 평가 71 제3절 1987년 합의개헌으로의 이행 74 1. 박종철 고문치사 사건과 대치국면의 전환 74 2. 개헌논의 국면으로의 이행 77 3. 8인 정치회담 81 4. 1987년 개헌논의 과정에 대한 평가 92 제4절 소 결 95 제3장 헌법개정 시안의 변천과 성격 98 제1절 서설 및 관련 사료 98 제2절 민정당 개헌시안의 형성과 변천 102 1. 1986년의 민정당 개헌시안 형성 102 2. 1987년 민정당 개헌시안으로의 변천 120 3. 민정당 시안에 대한 평가 125 제3절 신한민주당·통일민주당 개헌시안의 형성과 변천 127 1. 제1야당 개헌구상의 효시인 '헌법개정대강' 127 2. 1980년 신민당 개헌시안 130 3. 1985년 신한민주당 시안 139 4. 1986년 신한민주당 시안 144 5. 통일민주당 시안으로의 변천 145 6. 제1야당 개헌시안들에 관한 평가 148 제4절 재야 사회단체 등의 시안 기타 개헌구상 150 1. 대한변호사협회 시안 151 2. 한국노동조합총연맹의 개헌요구 10개항 154 3. 민주헌법쟁취국민운동본부의 헌법개정요강 158 4. 한국여성단체연합의 '민주헌법에 대한 견해' 162 5. 헌법·행정법 교수단체의 의견 164 제5절 소 결 167 제4장 헌법 총론 및 기본권·경제제도 규정의 개정과정 171 제1절 헌법 전문·총강의 개정 171 1. 전문의 개정 171 2. 총강의 개정 189 3. 전문·총강의 개정에 대한 평가 191 제2절 기본권 및 경제질서 규정의 개정 193 1. 기본권 규정의 개정 193 2. 경제질서에 관한 규정의 개정 246 3. 기본권 및 경제관련 규정의 개정에 대한 평가 273 제3절 소 결 275 제5장 헌법상 정치제도 규정의 개정 278 제1절 국회와 정부 관련 규정의 개정 278 1. 국회 관련 규정 278 2. 정부 관련 규정 301 제2절 법원과 헌법재판소 관련 규정의 개정 335 1. 법원 관련 규정 335 2. 헌법재판소 관련 규정 342 3. 법원·헌법재판소 관련 규정의 개정에 대한 평가 354 제3절 기타 정치제도 관련 규정 356 1. 국민투표 및 선거관리 356 2. 지방자치단체장의 "선임" 359 3. 헌법개정절차 360 4. 함의에 대한 평가 362 제4절 소 결 364 제6장 결 론 368 참고문헌 373 Abstract 505 ; Doctor
Упродовж усіх років від часу створення СРСР комуно-більшовицька кліка Сталіна брехала світові про так звані успіхи комуністичного будівництва в країні нібито найсправедливішого на земній кулі суспільства.У 20–30-х роках знакових представників першої хвилі політичної еміграції заманювали різними обіцянками повернутися додому. В европейських столицях агенти Кремля підшукували й підкуповували низку продажних журналістів, влаштовували їм показові поїздки, стимулюючи цим появу в провідних газетах Заходу фальшивих публікацій про «радянський рай» на одній шостій земної кулі. Особливо послідовно влада взялася за непокірних українців: знищувала інтелігенцію, трудове селянство, національну церкву, і, як і в царські часи, насильно русифікувала.По завершенні Другої світової війни, коли втікачів-українців із того «раю» виявилося в рази більше, Москва насилала в численні табори Ді-Пі так звані репатріаційні комісії, які промивали мізки радянським збігцям, прагнули повернути їх в СРСР із тим, щоб згодом у нелюдський спосіб позбиткуватися над їхнім свободолюбством у сибірських таборах ГУЛАГу.Здавалося, той щедро оплачуваний потік цинічної російської брехні нікому й ніколи не вдасться ні заглушити, ні нейтралізувати, ні зупинити. Та ось у середовищі української еміграції виявився один сміливець, який голосно, на весь світ заявив, чому він не хоче повертатися в СРСР. Це був Іван Багряний. Народжений в Україні 1907 року, будучи поетом за талантом і громадським трибуном за покликанням, він сповна відчув на собі переваги «радянського способу життя». 1932 року репресований за безвинні з політичної точки зору вірші. На еміграції в Німеччині відновив літературну працю. 1947 року обраний заступником голови Української Національної Ради, став лідером Української революційно-демократичної партії.Вихід у світ книжки Багряного «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?» друком і накладом Українського центрального Бюро в Лондоні 1946 року стало своєрідною «бомбою». Передусім для офіційної Москви. Також для політиків, журналістів та інтелектуалів Заходу. Текст брошури складався з 13-ти коротких параграфів. Кожен із них слугує окремим прикладом-аргументом відповіді на поставлене в назві твору запитання.Через трохи більше як шість років у рідкісній на сьогодні газеті «Українські Вісті» (Новий Ульм, Німеччина) з'являється публіцистична стаття цього ж автора «Про свободу слова, совісті і преси за залізною заслоною». Її можна назвати своєрідним продовженням вищезгаданої брошури.На відміну від «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?», яка неодноразово перевидавалася за кордоном, у тім числі і в перекладах англійською, німецькою, французькою мовами, ця стаття полум'яного публіциста в українському журналістикознавстві є, на жаль, призабутою. І хоч написана вона понад 70 років тому, актуальність порушеної автором проблеми (гуманітарна катастрофа, яку зазнала українська нація від колоніальної політики російського «старшого брата») ще більше загострилася натепер, за умов неоголошеної Росією гібридної війни проти українців, зосібно й на інформаційному полі. * * *Драматичною є доля наступного тексту, який «Український Інформаційний Простір» оприлюднює в Україні вперше.Йдеться про розвідку відомого члена Української Центральної Ради, журналіста і вченого Аркадія Животка, життєвий шлях якого передчасно обірвався на еміграції, «Девятьдесять років української студентської преси». Вона мала скласти окремий розділ написаної в еміграції найголовнішої праці цього діяча – «Історія української преси».Видана 1946 року в Регенсбурзі циклостильовим способом (по-нинішньому – ксероксна відбитка машинописного варіанту) «Історія української преси» Аркадія Животка мала урізаний вигляд. Через брак коштів за умов безпросвітної еміграційної дійсності Аркадій Животко змушений був зняти з оригіналу підручника третину тексту. Як вважав, до кращих часів. Однак для цього автора вони так і не прийшли. Хворе й виснажене випробуваннями долі серце зупинилося на 58 році життя – 14 червня 1948 року. Сталося це в таборі скитальників зі Східної Європи Лягарде неподалік німецького Ашафенбурга.Утім, цю свою статтю автор встиг побачити надрукованою. Її було вміщено в спареному числі (1–2) журналу «Студентський Шлях», який на правах рукопису видавав машинописним способом у Мюнхені Центральний Еміґраційний Союз Українського Студентства (ЦЕСУС). Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яких тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику.«Історія української преси А. Животка перевидавалася двічі: 1990 року у Мюнхені заходами Українського Вільного Університету з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Присяжного та 1999 року в Києві заходами видавництва «Наша культура і наука» з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Тимошика. Не опублікований у цій книзі розділ про історію української студентської преси так і залишився в машинописному варіанті рідкісної на сьогодні підшивки машинописного «Студентського Шляху».Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яку тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику – вони розгубилися повоєнними дорогами еміграції бездержавної нації…Текст подається за оригіналом підшивки журналу, який в Україні практично невідомий. Комплект цього раритету подарував авторові цих рядків у канадському Вінніпезі покійний нині викладач Колегії Св. Андрея при Манітобському університеті Тимофій Міненко. ; For all the years since the creation of the USSR, Stalin's communist-Bolshevik clique lied to the world about the so-called successes of communist construction in the country of the supposedly fairest society on the Earth.In the 1920s and 1930s, iconic representatives of the first wave of political emigration were lured by various promises to return home. In European capitals, Kremlin agents searched for and bribed a number of corrupt journalists, arranged for them demonstration trips, and encouraged the false publications' appearance in the leading newspapers of the West about the «Soviet Paradise». Especially consistently, the authorities took on disobedient Ukrainians: they destroyed the intelligentsia, the working peasantry, the national church, and, as in tsarist times, forcibly Russified them.At the end of World War II, when there were too many Ukrainian refugees from that «Paradise,«Moscow sent so-called repatriation commissions to numerous DP camps, which brainwashed Soviet fugitives and sought to return them to the USSR to harm their love of freedom in the Siberian GULAG camps.It seemed that no one would ever be able to silence, neutralize, or stop that generously paid flow of cynical Russian lies. But among the Ukrainian emigrants, there was a brave man who loudly declared to the whole world why he did not want to return to theUSSR. It was Ivan Bahrianyi. Born in Ukraine in 1907, as a poet by talent and a public tribune by vocation, he fully experienced the benefits of the «Soviet way of life.» In 1932 he was repressed, from a political point of view, for innocent poems. During his emigration toGermany, he resumed his literary work. In 1947 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council and became the leader of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party.The publication of Bahrianyi's book «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?» printed by the Ukrainian Central Bureau in London in 1946 became a kind of a «bomb». First of all, for official Moscow. Also, for Western politicians, journalists, and intellectuals. The text of the brochure consisted of 13 short paragraphs. Each of them serves as a separate example-argument of the answer to the question posed in the title of the work.A little more than six years later, a journalistic article by the same author, «On Freedom of Speech, Conscience, and the Press Behind the Iron Curtain», appeared in the now-rare newspaper «Ukrainian News» (New Ulm, Germany). It can be called a kind of the above brochure continuation.Unlike «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?», which had been repeatedly republished abroad, including in English, German, and French translations, this article by an ardent publicist in Ukrainian journalism is, unfortunately, forgotten. And although it was written more than 70 years ago, the urgency of the problem raised by the author (the humanitarian catastrophe suffered by the Ukrainian nation from the colonial policy of Russia's «older brother») has become even more acute now, under the conditions of Russia's undeclared hybrid war against Ukrainians, especially in the information field.* * *The fate of the next text, which «Ukrainian Information Space» publishes in Ukraine for the first time, is dramatic.It is about the activity of a well-known member of the Central Council of Ukraine, journalist and scientist Arkadii Zhyvotko, whose life path ended prematurely in exile, «Ninety years of the Ukrainian student press.«It was to compose a separate section of the most important work of this figure written in exile – «History of the Ukrainian press.»Published in1946 inRegensburgin a cyclostyle way (now a photocopy of a typewritten version), Arkadii Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» had a truncated appearance. Due to the lack of funds in the conditions of a hopeless emigration reality, Arkadii Zhyvotko was forced to remove a third of the text from the original textbook. As he believed, until better times. However, they never came for this author. Sick and exhausted by the trials of fate heart stopped at the age of 58 on June 14, 1948. It happened in the camp of wanderers from Eastern Europe Lagarde near Aschaffenburg,Germany.However, the author managed to see this article published. It was published in a paired number (1–2) by the magazine «Student Way», which was published as a manuscript by typewriting in Munich by the Central Emigration Union of Ukrainian Students (CESUS). The value of this article is that most of the printed materials that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy. A. Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» was republished twice: in 1990 in Munich, in Ukrainian Free University with a foreword and arrangement by M. Prysiazhnyi and1999 in Kyiv, by the publishing house «Nasha Kultura i Nauka» with a foreword and arrangement by M. Tymoshyk. The section on the history of the Ukrainian student press, which was not published in this book, remained in the typewritten version of the currently rare typewritten folder of the «Student Way».The value of this article is that most of the publications that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy – they were lost on the post-war roads of a stateless nation emigration…The text is submitted according to the original folder of the magazine, which is practically unknown in Ukraine. The set of this rarity was presented to the author of these lines in Winnipeg, Canada by the now-deceased professor of St. Andrew's College at the University of Manitoba Tymofii Minenko.
Упродовж усіх років від часу створення СРСР комуно-більшовицька кліка Сталіна брехала світові про так звані успіхи комуністичного будівництва в країні нібито найсправедливішого на земній кулі суспільства.У 20–30-х роках знакових представників першої хвилі політичної еміграції заманювали різними обіцянками повернутися додому. В европейських столицях агенти Кремля підшукували й підкуповували низку продажних журналістів, влаштовували їм показові поїздки, стимулюючи цим появу в провідних газетах Заходу фальшивих публікацій про «радянський рай» на одній шостій земної кулі. Особливо послідовно влада взялася за непокірних українців: знищувала інтелігенцію, трудове селянство, національну церкву, і, як і в царські часи, насильно русифікувала.По завершенні Другої світової війни, коли втікачів-українців із того «раю» виявилося в рази більше, Москва насилала в численні табори Ді-Пі так звані репатріаційні комісії, які промивали мізки радянським збігцям, прагнули повернути їх в СРСР із тим, щоб згодом у нелюдський спосіб позбиткуватися над їхнім свободолюбством у сибірських таборах ГУЛАГу.Здавалося, той щедро оплачуваний потік цинічної російської брехні нікому й ніколи не вдасться ні заглушити, ні нейтралізувати, ні зупинити. Та ось у середовищі української еміграції виявився один сміливець, який голосно, на весь світ заявив, чому він не хоче повертатися в СРСР. Це був Іван Багряний. Народжений в Україні 1907 року, будучи поетом за талантом і громадським трибуном за покликанням, він сповна відчув на собі переваги «радянського способу життя». 1932 року репресований за безвинні з політичної точки зору вірші. На еміграції в Німеччині відновив літературну працю. 1947 року обраний заступником голови Української Національної Ради, став лідером Української революційно-демократичної партії.Вихід у світ книжки Багряного «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?» друком і накладом Українського центрального Бюро в Лондоні 1946 року стало своєрідною «бомбою». Передусім для офіційної Москви. Також для політиків, журналістів та інтелектуалів Заходу. Текст брошури складався з 13-ти коротких параграфів. Кожен із них слугує окремим прикладом-аргументом відповіді на поставлене в назві твору запитання.Через трохи більше як шість років у рідкісній на сьогодні газеті «Українські Вісті» (Новий Ульм, Німеччина) з'являється публіцистична стаття цього ж автора «Про свободу слова, совісті і преси за залізною заслоною». Її можна назвати своєрідним продовженням вищезгаданої брошури.На відміну від «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?», яка неодноразово перевидавалася за кордоном, у тім числі і в перекладах англійською, німецькою, французькою мовами, ця стаття полум'яного публіциста в українському журналістикознавстві є, на жаль, призабутою. І хоч написана вона понад 70 років тому, актуальність порушеної автором проблеми (гуманітарна катастрофа, яку зазнала українська нація від колоніальної політики російського «старшого брата») ще більше загострилася натепер, за умов неоголошеної Росією гібридної війни проти українців, зосібно й на інформаційному полі. * * *Драматичною є доля наступного тексту, який «Український Інформаційний Простір» оприлюднює в Україні вперше.Йдеться про розвідку відомого члена Української Центральної Ради, журналіста і вченого Аркадія Животка, життєвий шлях якого передчасно обірвався на еміграції, «Девятьдесять років української студентської преси». Вона мала скласти окремий розділ написаної в еміграції найголовнішої праці цього діяча – «Історія української преси».Видана 1946 року в Регенсбурзі циклостильовим способом (по-нинішньому – ксероксна відбитка машинописного варіанту) «Історія української преси» Аркадія Животка мала урізаний вигляд. Через брак коштів за умов безпросвітної еміграційної дійсності Аркадій Животко змушений був зняти з оригіналу підручника третину тексту. Як вважав, до кращих часів. Однак для цього автора вони так і не прийшли. Хворе й виснажене випробуваннями долі серце зупинилося на 58 році життя – 14 червня 1948 року. Сталося це в таборі скитальників зі Східної Європи Лягарде неподалік німецького Ашафенбурга.Утім, цю свою статтю автор встиг побачити надрукованою. Її було вміщено в спареному числі (1–2) журналу «Студентський Шлях», який на правах рукопису видавав машинописним способом у Мюнхені Центральний Еміґраційний Союз Українського Студентства (ЦЕСУС). Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яких тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику.«Історія української преси А. Животка перевидавалася двічі: 1990 року у Мюнхені заходами Українського Вільного Університету з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Присяжного та 1999 року в Києві заходами видавництва «Наша культура і наука» з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Тимошика. Не опублікований у цій книзі розділ про історію української студентської преси так і залишився в машинописному варіанті рідкісної на сьогодні підшивки машинописного «Студентського Шляху».Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яку тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику – вони розгубилися повоєнними дорогами еміграції бездержавної нації…Текст подається за оригіналом підшивки журналу, який в Україні практично невідомий. Комплект цього раритету подарував авторові цих рядків у канадському Вінніпезі покійний нині викладач Колегії Св. Андрея при Манітобському університеті Тимофій Міненко. ; For all the years since the creation of the USSR, Stalin's communist-Bolshevik clique lied to the world about the so-called successes of communist construction in the country of the supposedly fairest society on the Earth.In the 1920s and 1930s, iconic representatives of the first wave of political emigration were lured by various promises to return home. In European capitals, Kremlin agents searched for and bribed a number of corrupt journalists, arranged for them demonstration trips, and encouraged the false publications' appearance in the leading newspapers of the West about the «Soviet Paradise». Especially consistently, the authorities took on disobedient Ukrainians: they destroyed the intelligentsia, the working peasantry, the national church, and, as in tsarist times, forcibly Russified them.At the end of World War II, when there were too many Ukrainian refugees from that «Paradise,«Moscow sent so-called repatriation commissions to numerous DP camps, which brainwashed Soviet fugitives and sought to return them to the USSR to harm their love of freedom in the Siberian GULAG camps.It seemed that no one would ever be able to silence, neutralize, or stop that generously paid flow of cynical Russian lies. But among the Ukrainian emigrants, there was a brave man who loudly declared to the whole world why he did not want to return to theUSSR. It was Ivan Bahrianyi. Born in Ukraine in 1907, as a poet by talent and a public tribune by vocation, he fully experienced the benefits of the «Soviet way of life.» In 1932 he was repressed, from a political point of view, for innocent poems. During his emigration toGermany, he resumed his literary work. In 1947 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council and became the leader of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party.The publication of Bahrianyi's book «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?» printed by the Ukrainian Central Bureau in London in 1946 became a kind of a «bomb». First of all, for official Moscow. Also, for Western politicians, journalists, and intellectuals. The text of the brochure consisted of 13 short paragraphs. Each of them serves as a separate example-argument of the answer to the question posed in the title of the work.A little more than six years later, a journalistic article by the same author, «On Freedom of Speech, Conscience, and the Press Behind the Iron Curtain», appeared in the now-rare newspaper «Ukrainian News» (New Ulm, Germany). It can be called a kind of the above brochure continuation.Unlike «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?», which had been repeatedly republished abroad, including in English, German, and French translations, this article by an ardent publicist in Ukrainian journalism is, unfortunately, forgotten. And although it was written more than 70 years ago, the urgency of the problem raised by the author (the humanitarian catastrophe suffered by the Ukrainian nation from the colonial policy of Russia's «older brother») has become even more acute now, under the conditions of Russia's undeclared hybrid war against Ukrainians, especially in the information field.* * *The fate of the next text, which «Ukrainian Information Space» publishes in Ukraine for the first time, is dramatic.It is about the activity of a well-known member of the Central Council of Ukraine, journalist and scientist Arkadii Zhyvotko, whose life path ended prematurely in exile, «Ninety years of the Ukrainian student press.«It was to compose a separate section of the most important work of this figure written in exile – «History of the Ukrainian press.»Published in1946 inRegensburgin a cyclostyle way (now a photocopy of a typewritten version), Arkadii Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» had a truncated appearance. Due to the lack of funds in the conditions of a hopeless emigration reality, Arkadii Zhyvotko was forced to remove a third of the text from the original textbook. As he believed, until better times. However, they never came for this author. Sick and exhausted by the trials of fate heart stopped at the age of 58 on June 14, 1948. It happened in the camp of wanderers from Eastern Europe Lagarde near Aschaffenburg,Germany.However, the author managed to see this article published. It was published in a paired number (1–2) by the magazine «Student Way», which was published as a manuscript by typewriting in Munich by the Central Emigration Union of Ukrainian Students (CESUS). The value of this article is that most of the printed materials that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy. A. Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» was republished twice: in 1990 in Munich, in Ukrainian Free University with a foreword and arrangement by M. Prysiazhnyi and1999 in Kyiv, by the publishing house «Nasha Kultura i Nauka» with a foreword and arrangement by M. Tymoshyk. The section on the history of the Ukrainian student press, which was not published in this book, remained in the typewritten version of the currently rare typewritten folder of the «Student Way».The value of this article is that most of the publications that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy – they were lost on the post-war roads of a stateless nation emigration…The text is submitted according to the original folder of the magazine, which is practically unknown in Ukraine. The set of this rarity was presented to the author of these lines in Winnipeg, Canada by the now-deceased professor of St. Andrew's College at the University of Manitoba Tymofii Minenko.
For all the years since the creation of the USSR, Stalin's communist-Bolshevik clique lied to the world about the so-called successes of communist construction in the country of the supposedly fairest society on the Earth.In the 1920s and 1930s, iconic representatives of the first wave of political emigration were lured by various promises to return home. In European capitals, Kremlin agents searched for and bribed a number of corrupt journalists, arranged for them demonstration trips, and encouraged the false publications' appearance in the leading newspapers of the West about the «Soviet Paradise». Especially consistently, the authorities took on disobedient Ukrainians: they destroyed the intelligentsia, the working peasantry, the national church, and, as in tsarist times, forcibly Russified them.At the end of World War II, when there were too many Ukrainian refugees from that «Paradise,«Moscow sent so-called repatriation commissions to numerous DP camps, which brainwashed Soviet fugitives and sought to return them to the USSR to harm their love of freedom in the Siberian GULAG camps.It seemed that no one would ever be able to silence, neutralize, or stop that generously paid flow of cynical Russian lies. But among the Ukrainian emigrants, there was a brave man who loudly declared to the whole world why he did not want to return to theUSSR. It was Ivan Bahrianyi. Born in Ukraine in 1907, as a poet by talent and a public tribune by vocation, he fully experienced the benefits of the «Soviet way of life.» In 1932 he was repressed, from a political point of view, for innocent poems. During his emigration toGermany, he resumed his literary work. In 1947 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council and became the leader of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party.The publication of Bahrianyi's book «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?» printed by the Ukrainian Central Bureau in London in 1946 became a kind of a «bomb». First of all, for official Moscow. Also, for Western politicians, journalists, and intellectuals. The text of the brochure consisted of 13 short paragraphs. Each of them serves as a separate example-argument of the answer to the question posed in the title of the work.A little more than six years later, a journalistic article by the same author, «On Freedom of Speech, Conscience, and the Press Behind the Iron Curtain», appeared in the now-rare newspaper «Ukrainian News» (New Ulm, Germany). It can be called a kind of the above brochure continuation.Unlike «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?», which had been repeatedly republished abroad, including in English, German, and French translations, this article by an ardent publicist in Ukrainian journalism is, unfortunately, forgotten. And although it was written more than 70 years ago, the urgency of the problem raised by the author (the humanitarian catastrophe suffered by the Ukrainian nation from the colonial policy of Russia's «older brother») has become even more acute now, under the conditions of Russia's undeclared hybrid war against Ukrainians, especially in the information field.* * *The fate of the next text, which «Ukrainian Information Space» publishes in Ukraine for the first time, is dramatic.It is about the activity of a well-known member of the Central Council of Ukraine, journalist and scientist Arkadii Zhyvotko, whose life path ended prematurely in exile, «Ninety years of the Ukrainian student press.«It was to compose a separate section of the most important work of this figure written in exile – «History of the Ukrainian press.»Published in1946 inRegensburgin a cyclostyle way (now a photocopy of a typewritten version), Arkadii Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» had a truncated appearance. Due to the lack of funds in the conditions of a hopeless emigration reality, Arkadii Zhyvotko was forced to remove a third of the text from the original textbook. As he believed, until better times. However, they never came for this author. Sick and exhausted by the trials of fate heart stopped at the age of 58 on June 14, 1948. It happened in the camp of wanderers from Eastern Europe Lagarde near Aschaffenburg,Germany.However, the author managed to see this article published. It was published in a paired number (1–2) by the magazine «Student Way», which was published as a manuscript by typewriting in Munich by the Central Emigration Union of Ukrainian Students (CESUS). The value of this article is that most of the printed materials that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy. A. Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» was republished twice: in 1990 in Munich, in Ukrainian Free University with a foreword and arrangement by M. Prysiazhnyi and1999 in Kyiv, by the publishing house «Nasha Kultura i Nauka» with a foreword and arrangement by M. Tymoshyk. The section on the history of the Ukrainian student press, which was not published in this book, remained in the typewritten version of the currently rare typewritten folder of the «Student Way».The value of this article is that most of the publications that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy – they were lost on the post-war roads of a stateless nation emigration…The text is submitted according to the original folder of the magazine, which is practically unknown in Ukraine. The set of this rarity was presented to the author of these lines in Winnipeg, Canada by the now-deceased professor of St. Andrew's College at the University of Manitoba Tymofii Minenko. ; Упродовж усіх років від часу створення СРСР комуно-більшовицька кліка Сталіна брехала світові про так звані успіхи комуністичного будівництва в країні нібито найсправедливішого на земній кулі суспільства.У 20–30-х роках знакових представників першої хвилі політичної еміграції заманювали різними обіцянками повернутися додому. В европейських столицях агенти Кремля підшукували й підкуповували низку продажних журналістів, влаштовували їм показові поїздки, стимулюючи цим появу в провідних газетах Заходу фальшивих публікацій про «радянський рай» на одній шостій земної кулі. Особливо послідовно влада взялася за непокірних українців: знищувала інтелігенцію, трудове селянство, національну церкву, і, як і в царські часи, насильно русифікувала.По завершенні Другої світової війни, коли втікачів-українців із того «раю» виявилося в рази більше, Москва насилала в численні табори Ді-Пі так звані репатріаційні комісії, які промивали мізки радянським збігцям, прагнули повернути їх в СРСР із тим, щоб згодом у нелюдський спосіб позбиткуватися над їхнім свободолюбством у сибірських таборах ГУЛАГу.Здавалося, той щедро оплачуваний потік цинічної російської брехні нікому й ніколи не вдасться ні заглушити, ні нейтралізувати, ні зупинити. Та ось у середовищі української еміграції виявився один сміливець, який голосно, на весь світ заявив, чому він не хоче повертатися в СРСР. Це був Іван Багряний. Народжений в Україні 1907 року, будучи поетом за талантом і громадським трибуном за покликанням, він сповна відчув на собі переваги «радянського способу життя». 1932 року репресований за безвинні з політичної точки зору вірші. На еміграції в Німеччині відновив літературну працю. 1947 року обраний заступником голови Української Національної Ради, став лідером Української революційно-демократичної партії.Вихід у світ книжки Багряного «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?» друком і накладом Українського центрального Бюро в Лондоні 1946 року стало своєрідною «бомбою». Передусім для офіційної Москви. Також для політиків, журналістів та інтелектуалів Заходу. Текст брошури складався з 13-ти коротких параграфів. Кожен із них слугує окремим прикладом-аргументом відповіді на поставлене в назві твору запитання.Через трохи більше як шість років у рідкісній на сьогодні газеті «Українські Вісті» (Новий Ульм, Німеччина) з'являється публіцистична стаття цього ж автора «Про свободу слова, совісті і преси за залізною заслоною». Її можна назвати своєрідним продовженням вищезгаданої брошури.На відміну від «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?», яка неодноразово перевидавалася за кордоном, у тім числі і в перекладах англійською, німецькою, французькою мовами, ця стаття полум'яного публіциста в українському журналістикознавстві є, на жаль, призабутою. І хоч написана вона понад 70 років тому, актуальність порушеної автором проблеми (гуманітарна катастрофа, яку зазнала українська нація від колоніальної політики російського «старшого брата») ще більше загострилася натепер, за умов неоголошеної Росією гібридної війни проти українців, зосібно й на інформаційному полі. * * *Драматичною є доля наступного тексту, який «Український Інформаційний Простір» оприлюднює в Україні вперше.Йдеться про розвідку відомого члена Української Центральної Ради, журналіста і вченого Аркадія Животка, життєвий шлях якого передчасно обірвався на еміграції, «Девятьдесять років української студентської преси». Вона мала скласти окремий розділ написаної в еміграції найголовнішої праці цього діяча – «Історія української преси».Видана 1946 року в Регенсбурзі циклостильовим способом (по-нинішньому – ксероксна відбитка машинописного варіанту) «Історія української преси» Аркадія Животка мала урізаний вигляд. Через брак коштів за умов безпросвітної еміграційної дійсності Аркадій Животко змушений був зняти з оригіналу підручника третину тексту. Як вважав, до кращих часів. Однак для цього автора вони так і не прийшли. Хворе й виснажене випробуваннями долі серце зупинилося на 58 році життя – 14 червня 1948 року. Сталося це в таборі скитальників зі Східної Європи Лягарде неподалік німецького Ашафенбурга.Утім, цю свою статтю автор встиг побачити надрукованою. Її було вміщено в спареному числі (1–2) журналу «Студентський Шлях», який на правах рукопису видавав машинописним способом у Мюнхені Центральний Еміґраційний Союз Українського Студентства (ЦЕСУС). Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яких тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику.«Історія української преси А. Животка перевидавалася двічі: 1990 року у Мюнхені заходами Українського Вільного Університету з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Присяжного та 1999 року в Києві заходами видавництва «Наша культура і наука» з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Тимошика. Не опублікований у цій книзі розділ про історію української студентської преси так і залишився в машинописному варіанті рідкісної на сьогодні підшивки машинописного «Студентського Шляху».Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яку тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику – вони розгубилися повоєнними дорогами еміграції бездержавної нації…Текст подається за оригіналом підшивки журналу, який в Україні практично невідомий. Комплект цього раритету подарував авторові цих рядків у канадському Вінніпезі покійний нині викладач Колегії Св. Андрея при Манітобському університеті Тимофій Міненко.
Author's introductionAlthough criminologists have long dominated the field of school violence research, there has been a growing body of research by cultural sociologists in this area as well. In many ways, a cultural approach to understanding school violence has taken school violence beyond the realm of just criminal and physical acts of violence. These scholars have begun to examine verbal, emotional, sexual, and racial expressions violence, as well as violence that is perpetuated by institutions, what Bourdieu has called symbolic violence. Courses that take this perspective explore how cultural concepts, or what Swidler calls a 'cultural toolkit', can be used as a lens for analyzing the experiences and practices of school violence. This can include, for example, an examination of how the dominant American ideology of meritocracy and competition can foster fights between middle school students, or how a feminine identity might push girls to be relationally aggressive towards each other rather than physically aggressive. In this regard, cultural sociology broadens our understanding of what constitutes school violence to uncover a wide spectrum of behaviors, attitudes and beliefs that may indeed lead to more overt expressions of violence. In doing so, a cultural approach can also help educators rethink discipline policies that have been created to resolve this social problem.Author recommendsSwidler, Ann 1986. 'Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.'American Sociological Review51: 273–86.Swidler's concept of a cultural toolkit provides a strong foundation for any cultural sociology course. Swidler defines a cultural toolkit as the symbols, stories, rituals, beliefs, ideologies and practices of daily life through which people use to shape their behavior. This paper presents a broad understanding of culture, which Swidler argues is not a unified system, but rather a set of complex and changing concepts from which we select different pieces from in order to construct different strategies of actions. When considering cultural approaches to school violence, it is useful to consider this broad definition of culture.Henry, Stuart 2000. 'What is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.'Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science567: 16–30.Henry provides a definition of school violence that transcends physical violence and interpersonal violence between students to include psychological, emotional, ethical and moral violence that occurs not only between students, but also includes harm committed by teachers and organizations against students. This latter form of harm can include tracking, school security, sexual harassment, or essentially anything that hinders the creativity, learning and academic success of a student. Henry argues that school violence must include symbolic violence, which he defines as the use of authority, power, and coercion to dominate an individual or group of people.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.Ferguson builds on Bourdieu's concept of symbolic violence and Foucault's theory of disciplinary power to examine an intervention program for 'at‐risk' students, which was comprised of mainly 5th and 6th grade African‐American males. Her ethnography provides a great example of the benefit of using a cultural approach to studying violence, discipline and punishment in schools. For example, Ferguson argues that fighting among boys should be seen as a symbolic expression of masculinity and a space for boys to do emotional work, as well as a site for the production of power and a form of resistance to authority. Her work also explores how teachers and administrators can enact a form of symbolic violence onto students. She observed how the cultural behaviors of African‐American boys, for example, their use of Black English, was often translated by the teachers as 'problem behavior' and resulted in their label of 'Troublemaker'. Such labels often condemned the boys to the bottom rung of the social order and negatively impacted their academic success.Spina, Stephanie Urso, ed. 2000. Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.This edited collection examines school violence as a complicated and multi‐faceted phenomenon, exploring how political, economic, ideological and discursive practices contribute to school violence. This interdisciplinary book includes chapters from Donna Gaines, Henry Giroux, Peter McLaren, Stanley Aronowitz, and Paulo Freire and Donald Macedo. The authors expand the definition of violence by arguing that youth violence, adult violence and societal violence are all intricately connected, and therefore prevention of school violence would requires educators to move beyond reform that only takes place in the school system. Instead, violence prevention needs to implore a broader strategy for change that includes schools, families, communities, and beyond.Brown, Lyn Mikel 2003. Girlfighting: Betrayal and Rejection among Girls. New York, NY: New York University Press.Mikel Brown conducted qualitative interviews with more than 400 girls from first grade through high school who were from different economic, racial and geographic backgrounds. She begins the book by analyzing the cultural messages that girls receive in the media; messages and images that she argues provide girls with a context for fighting among their peers. She draws on Paulo Freire's notion of horizontal violence to look at how girls' meanness to other girls is a result of their struggle to make sense of gender‐saturated images of beauty and heterosexuality that often reinforce their subordinate status in the world. Girlfighting then becomes an avenue to power for young girls in a culture that is rife with sexism. Unlike many other recent books on relational aggression among girls, Mikel Brown interrogates the complicated intersections of race, ethnicity, and class as it relates to girlfighting.Casella, Ronnie 2001. 'Being Down': Challenging Violence in Urban Schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.Casella's ethnography of Brandon High School, a small city school in a diverse neighborhood in upstate New York, takes a cultural‐ecological approach to school violence, capturing systemic, interpersonal and hidden forms of violence. He provides a thoughtful critique of intervention strategies that have been created to deal with school violence, such as peer mediation programs, the use of police officers in the hallways, and D.A.R.E. programs, because these programs only address individual acts of violence and do not account for the realities of urban environments, prejudice, economic injustice and poverty that underlie and contribute to school violence.Merten, Don E. 1994. 'The Cultural Context of Aggression: The Transition to Junior High School.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly25(1): 29–43.Don Merten has published several articles that provide a useful framework for examining aggressive behavior from a cultural standpoint. The data from this article come from a larger ethnographic project of predominantly middle class students in a suburban area who recently transitioned from elementary to junior high school. Merten argues that middle class culture promotes and celebrates individualism, success and hierarchy, which in turn creates a culture that promotes aggressive behavior among students, because students learn that meanness can be an easy avenue for gaining power and status in the hierarchy of cliques in schools.Morris, Edward 2005. '"Tuck in that Shirt!" Race, Class, Gender and Discipline in an Urban School.'Sociological Perspectives48(1): 25–48.Morris draws on Bourdieu's classic reproduction theory to look at the relationship between cultural capital and bodily discipline as it relates specifically to clothing styles and manners. This article is based on an ethnographic study of an urban middle school in Texas that recently enlisted a 'Standard Mode of Dress' uniform policy. The regulation of dress became a constant source of conflict between the students and staff at the school, but had the most punitive effect on poor and racially ethnic minority students, whose cultural styles tended to be negatively stereotyped by the teachers. These students were more likely to punished for violating the policy, even though all social class and racial groups, to some degree, violated the policy. This harsher punishment engendered resistance and alienation among the minority students, which Morris argues had the potential of pushing these students away from school, further reproducing the very inequalities that the school was trying to change.Online materials http://nces.ed.gov/programs/crimeindicators/crimeindicators2008/ The National Center for Education Statistics puts out an annual report on indicators of School Crime and Safety. The indicators in this report are based on information drawn from a variety of data sources, including national surveys of students, teachers, and principals. The report covers not just overt forms of school violence, such as bringing a weapon to school, fighting, and teacher injuries, but also covers bullying, victimization, student perceptions of school safety, and availability and use of drugs and alcohol. http://www.cdc.gov/HealthyYouth/yrbs/index.htm The Youth Risk Behavioral Surveillance System is a school‐based survey conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The survey is conducted every 2 years and provides a representative sample of 9th through 12th graders in public and private schools in the United States. The YRBSS asks a wide variety of questions, but most relevant to school violence include self‐reported responses about behaviors that might lead to unintentional injuries and violence, such as carrying a weapon to school, being threatened by a weapon or being in a fight on school grounds. These data serve a useful comparison between student self‐reporting of violent behavior and school reporting of incidents of school violence. http://www.sshs.samhsa.gov/default.aspx The Safe Schools/Healthy Students website is a federal initiative by the U.S. Departments of Education, Justice, and Health and Human Services. It provides many useful resources, including links federal reports on school safety, a list of related websites, and video podcast discussions of school violence that can be used in the classroom. http://www.hrw.org/legacy/reports/2001/uslgbt/toc.htm 'Hatred in the Hallways: Violence and Discrimination against Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Students in U.S. Schools' is a report conducted by the Human Rights Watch. Data consists of interviews with 140 students, ages 12–21, and 130 parents, teachers, administrators and counselors across seven states, in every region of the U.S. The findings discuss a broad spectrum of violent behavior, including verbal harassment, homophobia, and physical violence. It can be useful for classroom discussion because each finding section of the report includes a 'case study' of one of the participants with direct quotes from their interview. http://www.aauw.org/research/hostile.cfm 'Hostile Hallways: Bullying, Teasing and Sexual Harassment in School' is a national report conducted by American Association of University Women on 8th to 11th grade students. The study found that 8 in 10 students experienced some form of harassment during their time in school. Both the executive summary and entire report are available to download on the website.Sample syllabusCourse outline and selected reading assignmentsSection 1: Introduction to cultural sociologyDefining CultureSwidler, Ann 1986. 'Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.'American Sociological Review 51: 273–86.Jepperson, Ronald and Ann Swidler 1994. 'What Properties of Culture Should We Measure?'Poetics 22: 359–71.Cultural Capital and Symbolic ViolenceBourdieu, Pierre and Jean‐Claude Passeron 1977. Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage.Lareau, Annette, and Elliott B. Weininger 2003. 'Cultural Capital in Educational Research: A Critical Assessment.'Theory and Society 32: 567–606.Reproduction TheoryMacLeod, Jay 1987. Ain't No Makin' It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low Income Neighborhood. Oxford: Westview Press. Read Chapter 2, 'Social Reproduction in Theoretical Perspective.' Pp. 11–24 and Chapter 8, 'Reproduction Theory Reconsidered,' pp. 135–54.Cultural PedagogyGiroux, Henry 2000. 'Representations of Violence, Popular Culture and Demonization of Youth.' Pp. 93–105 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. Edited by Stephanie Urso Spina. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 2: Broadening the definition of school violenceHenry, Stuart 2000. 'What is School Violence? An Integrated Definition.' Annals of the American Academy of Political and social Science 567: 16–30.Watkinson, Ailsa 1997. 'Administrative Complicity and Systemic Violence in Education.' Pp. 3–24 in Systemic Violence in Education: Promise Broken. Edited by Juanita Ross Epp and Ailsa M. Watkinson. Albany, NY: State University of NY Press.Urso Spina, Stephanie 2000. 'Violence in Schools: Expanding the Dialogue.' Pp. 1–40 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and LittlefieldCasella, Ronnie 2001. 'What is Violent about School Violence? The Nature of Violence in a City School.' Pp. 15–46 in Preventing Violence in Schools: A Challenge to American Democracy. Edited by Joan Burstyn. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Elliott, Delbert S., Beatrix Hamburg, and Kirk R. Williams 1998. 'Violence in American Schools: An Overview.' Pp. 3–30 in Violence in American Schools. Edited by Delbert S. Elliott, Beatrix A. Hamburg, and Kirk R. Williams. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. NY: Basic Books. Read Part I, Chapters 1–3, pp. 3–76.Section 3: Ideology and aggressionMerten, Don 1994. 'The Cultural Context of Aggression: The Transition to Junior High School.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly, v. 25 (1): 29–43.Willis, Paul 1977. Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs. Farnborough, England: Saxon House.Newman, Katherine 2004. Rampage: The Social Roots of School Shootings. NY: Basic Books. Read Part II, Chapters 4–7, pp. 77–178.MacLeod, Jay 1987. Ain't No Makin' It: Aspirations and Attainment in a Low Income Neighborhood. Oxford: Westview Press. Read Chapter 6, 'School: Preparing for Competition,' pp. 83–111.Devine, John 1997. Maximum Security: The Culture of Violence in Inner‐City Schools. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Read Chapter 1, 'Schools or 'Schools'? Competing Discourses on Violence,' pp. 19–46.Section 4: Cultural scripts – masculinityKimmel, Michael S. and Matthew Mahler 2003. 'Adolescent Masculinity, Homophobia, and Violence.'The American Behavioral Scientist 46(10): 1439–58.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 4, 'Naughty by Nature,' pp. 77–99 and Chapter 6, 'Getting into Trouble,' pp. 163–96.Bender, Geoff 2001. 'Resisting Dominance? The Study of a Marginalized Masculinity and its Construction within High School Walls.' Pp. 61–78 in Preventing Violence in Schools: A Challenge to American Democracy. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.Klein, Jessi and Lynn S. Chancer 2000. 'Masculinity Matters: The Omission of Gender from High‐Profile School Violence Cases.' Pp. 129–62 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 5: Cultural scripts – femininityEder, Donna 1985. 'The Cycle of Popularity: Interpersonal Relations among Female Adolescents.'Sociology of Education 58(3): 154–65.Merten, Don 1997. 'The Meaning of Meanness: Popularity, Competition, and Conflict Among Junior High School Girls.'Sociology of Education 70(3): 175–91.Merten, Don 2005. 'Transitions and 'Trouble': Rites of Passage for Suburban Girls.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly 36(2): 132–48.Artz, Sibylle 2004. 'Violence in the Schoolyard: School Girls' Use of Violence.' Pp. 167–90 in Girls' Violence: Myths and Realities, edited by Christine Alder and Anne Worrall. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Morris, Edward W. 2007. ''Ladies' or 'Loudies'? Perceptions and Experiences of Black Girls in Classrooms.'Youth & Society 38: 490–515.Mikel Brown, Lyn 2003. Girlfighting: Betrayal and Rejection among Girls. NY: New York University Press.Section 6: Culture resources and school violence – languageLanguage and Symbolic ViolenceFerguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 7, 'Unreasonable Circumstances,' pp. 197–226.Youth Talk about ViolenceDiket, Read M. and Linda G. Mucha 2002. 'Talking about Violent Images.'Art Education March: 11–7.Morrill, Calvin, Christine Yalds, Madelaine Adelman, Michael Musheno, and Cindy Bejarano 2000. 'Telling Tales in School: Youth Culture and Conflict Narratives.'Law & Society Review 34(3): 521–65.Burman, Michele 2004. 'Turbulent Talk: Girls Making Sense of Violence.' Pp. 81–103 in Girls' Violence: Myths and Realities. Edited by Christine Alder and Anne Worrall. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.Obidah, Jennifer 2000. 'On Living (and Dying) with Violence: Entering Young Voices in the Discourse.' Pp. 49–66 in Smoke and Mirrors: The Hidden Context of Violence in Schools and Society. New York, NY: Rowan and Littlefield.Section 7: Culture resources and school violence – clothingClothing and School Safety DebatesHolloman, Lillian and Velma LaPoint, Sylvan I. Alleyne, Ruth J. Palmer, and Kathy Sanders‐Phillips 1996. 'Dress‐Related Behavioral Problems and Violence in Public School Settings: Prevention, Intervention, and Policy—A Holistic Approach.'The Journal of Negro Education 65(3): 267–281.Stanley, M. Sue 1996. 'School Uniforms and Safety.'Education and Urban Society 28(4): 424–35.Gereluk, Dianne 2008. 'Limiting Free Speech in the United States.' Pp. 41–64 in Symbolic Clothing in Schools: What Should Be Worn and Why. New York, NY: Continuum.Brunsma, David L., ed. 2006. Uniforms in Public Schools: A Decade of Research and Debate. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Education.Clothing, School Policies and Symbolic ViolenceHorvat, Erin McNamara 1999. '"Hey, Those Shoes are Out of Uniform": African American Girls in an Elite High School and the Importance of Habitus.'Anthropology and Education Quarterly 30(3): 317–42.Morris, Edward 2005. '"Tuck in that Shirt!" Race, Class, Gender and Discipline in an Urban School.'Sociological Perspectives 48(1): 25–48.Ferguson, Ann Arnett 2000. Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Read Chapter 3, 'School Rules,' pp. 49–73.FilmsTough guise: violence, media, and the crisis in masculinity (2002)This Media Education Foundation film explores the relationship between popular culture and the construction of violent masculinity. Of particular relevance to this class, the film examines how the construction of masculinity relates to school shootings. The film is directed by Sut Jhally and narrated by Jackson Katz. This film could be used in the section Cultural Scripts – Masculinity.Wrestling with manhood: boys, bullying and battering (2004)This Media Education Foundation film, written and directed by Sut Jhally, examines the relationship between professional wrestling and the construction of masculinity. The film looks at how wrestling contributes to homophobia, violence against women and bullying in school. This film could be used in the section Cultural Scripts – Masculinity.School violence: answers from the inside (2000)This film originally aired on PBS''In the Mix,' a television series created by and for teens. The film examines stereotyping and conflict in schools through the eyes and voices of teenagers attending a diverse suburban high school. This film could be used in the section Cultural Resources – Language.The killer at Thurston high (2000)This PBS Frontline film focuses on Kip Kinkel, who in 1998, at the age of 15, shot his mother and father, and then opened fire at his school in Springfield, Oregon, killing two and injuring 25. He is currently serving 111 years in prison. The film provides an understanding of the tragedy through multiple viewpoints, including interviews with Kip's sister, teachers and psychiatrists. This film could be used in the section Broadening the Definition of School Violence.Mean girls (2004)Written by Tina Fey and based on Rosalind Wiseman's book, Queen Bees and Wannabes: Helping Your Daughter Survive Cliques, Gossip, Boyfriends, and Other Realities of Adolescence, this fictional account of 'mean girls' is a film that most college students will be familiar with. Clips from the film can be used in the section Cultural Scripts—Femininity to begin a discussion about relational aggression between girls in schools. It can also be used to examine the role that racism and classism play in our public perception of violent behavior, particularly since 'mean girls' in this film tend to be constructed as white and upper class, whereas in contrast, 'violent girls' in film have historically been constructed as poor, young women of color.Project ideas1. Social Policy and Intervention. This assignment is intended to get students critically thinking about how educators approach school violence. Have students pick either a national intervention program, such as D.A.R.E., or a local school policy created to deal with school violence. Begin by analyzing how school violence is defined and what type of intervention/prevention is being proposed. Require students to use a cultural approach to understand and critique the policy. In writing the paper, students should consider the following questions. How would a cultural sociologist define violence? What types of violence are missing from this policy? How would this policy be different if it took into account a cultural approach? The book, 'Being Down': Challenging Violence in Urban Schools (2001) by Ronnie Casella provides a good background resource for completing this assignment.2. Observation Project: Clothing and School Safety. Students will begin by gaining permission to observe at a local middle school or high school. Begin by analyzing the school policy towards clothing. Some schools might have an official uniform policy, whereas others might have policies regarding certain types of clothing (i.e. gang clothing, clothing with profanity, etc.) Next, spend several days observing students in non‐classroom settings, like the hallways, cafeteria, bus or playground. Take detailed fieldnotes. Pay particular attention to the clothing that students wear, any discussion made about clothing by either students or teachers, the relationship between clothing and identity, how clothes are used as a site of resistance, and how clothes might cause conflict between students, or between students and teachers. (You may also want to informally interview students about their perception of the school's policy on clothing, how they negotiate rules about clothing, and how they see clothing policies as contributing to conflict and violence, as well as school safety.) As a class, develop a coding scheme for the fieldnotes. Each student will then individually write an analysis paper on the relationship between clothing, conflict, discipline policies, and school violence.3. Mean Girls: Examining Relational Aggression in Schools. There has been much public attention in recent years to 'mean girls.' As a class, view the film Mean Girls during the course section, Cultural Scripts – Femininity. As a class, develop an interview guide with about six open‐ended questions (i.e. What were your experiences with 'mean girls' in high school? How did you or a close friend deal with being the victim of relational aggression? To what extent did you ever participate in being a 'mean girl'? How did teachers at your school respond to relational aggression between girls?) Next, have students interview six female students using the class interview guide. Students can work individually or in groups to write a paper that compares and contrasts the social construction of mean girls in the film with the actual perceptions of mean girls from their research participants. The analysis should be grounded in the social science research that students are reading on relational aggression.
Until recently, child development was accepted as the perspective through which children were understood and socialization the primary way in which sociologists thought about children. An increasing number of scholars now view childhood as socially constructed and children as actors in their own social worlds rather than simply as incomplete persons who are in the process of becoming adults. Courses using this perspective explore social constructions of childhood held by adults and embodied in institutions through time and across places, and how biology, gender, social class, and social location affect the everyday lives of children in families, schools, and other social contexts.Author recommendsJohnson, Heather Beth 2001. 'From the Chicago School to the New Sociology of Children: The Sociology of Children and Childhood in the United States, 1900–1999.'Advances in Life Course Research (Children in the Millennium: Where Have We Come From, Where Are We Going?) 6: 53–93.This article reviews the place of children in sociological research during the 20th century. Children were of interest as objects of socialization and when they engaged in deviant behavior, although they were largely ignored as unworthy of serious sociological attention until the last two decades of the century. Debates among recent scholars about what stance should be taken toward children in the 'new' sociology of childhood are outlined.Waksler, Frances Chaput (Ed.) 1991. Studying the Social Worlds of Children: Sociological Readings New York, NY: Falmer Press.In this classic collection, including several chapters by the editor, Waksler pulled together articles that provides evidence that sociologists' underestimate the capacity of children to make sense of their worlds and to act on them. Both theoretical statements and empirical research are included, as is a chapter that is the precursor to Waksler's book, The Hard Times of Childhood and Children's Strategies for Dealing with Them (1996, New York, NY: Falmer Press).Small, Meredith F. 2001. Kids: How Biology and Culture Shape the Way We Raise Our Children. New York, NY: Doubleday.Small, an anthropologist intrigued with 'ethnopediatrics', brings together scientific research on the capacities of infants and children and evidence of the way childhood is organized in various societies.Zelizer, Viviana A. 1985. Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children. New York, NY: Basic Books.This classic work in economic sociology provides a wealth of detail about how children's lives in the USA were affected by their changing value/social construction, especially in the early 20th century. Many current institutions and beliefs, which are now taken for granted, were developed during this period, for better or worse.Lareau, Annette 2003. Unequal Childhoods: Class, Race, and Family Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Findings from Lareau's extensive, ethnographic research on differences between the everyday family lives of middle‐class and working‐class children are reported in this book. The results of her analysis make clear that adults' social constructions of children shape the experience of childhood and that even within one society there can be systematic variation in the social construction of children that results in marked differences in children's everyday lives.Corsaro, William A. 2005. The Sociology of Childhood, 2nd edn. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press.Corsaro has been conducting ethnographic research with preschool children in various forms of care and reporting on it for more than 25 years. His textbook focuses primarily on preschool children and how they interact with one another to form their own peer cultures. The book includes many episodes of interaction among children that ground his arguments.Adler, Patricia and Peter Adler 1998. Peer Power: Preadolescent Culture and Identity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.This book presents findings from the Adlers' study of peer culture among elementary school‐aged children in a Colorado community. The importance of friendship and popularity to the children is examined, particularly in school, as well as the significance for children of extracurricular activities.Mayall, Berry 2002. Towards a Sociology for Childhood: Thinking from Children's Lives. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press.Mayall brings together data from the four research projects she conducted with colleagues in Great Britain in the 1990s to write an overview of what she learned about doing research with children and from listening to their points of view. The book includes children's assessments of their lives and relationships.Lee, Nick 2001. Childhood and Society: Growing up in an Age of Uncertainty. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press.Lee focuses on childhood as an institution in the late 20th century and explores the ambiguity of contrasting the social construction of adults as 'human beings' with the social construction of children as 'human becomings'. His perspective is both macro and global and includes information about how decisions made by such institutions as the United Nations and the World Bank affect children in various countries.Online materials http://www.childtrends.org/ Child Trends is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that collects and analyzes data; conducts, synthesizes, and disseminates research; designs and evaluates programs; and develops and tests promising approaches to research in the field. For researchers and educators, this Web site includes a link to research that provides the latest data and information for developing, evaluating, and guiding effective programs and research relevant to the overall health and well‐being of children and youth (http://www.childtrendsdatabank.org/) and includes key indicators of child well‐being. http://www.aecf.org/MajorInitiatives/KIDSCOUNT.aspx Kids Count is a national and state‐by‐state effort to track the status of children in the USA by providing policy‐makers and citizens with benchmarks of child well‐being. The Social Science Data Analysis Network (SSDAN) is working with professors to introduce Kids Count data into social science courses through course modules, exercises, and access to other data available on their Web site (http://www.ssdan.net/kidscount/). http://www.hull.ac.uk/children5to16programme/intro.htm The Economic and Social Research Council Research Programme on Children 5–16: Growing into the 21st century, under the direction of Alan Prout from 1995–2000, funded 22 different research projects that examined children's lives by treating children as social actors. The Web site includes a description of the programme, research findings, and an extensive bibliography. http://www.childstats.gov/ The Federal Interagency Forum on Child and Family Statistics is a working group of federal agencies that collects, analyzes, and reports data on issues related to children and families. The forum's annual report, America's Children: Key National Indicators of Well‐Being, provides a summary of national indicators of child well‐being and monitors changes in these indicators over time. http://www.unicef.org/ The UNICEF Web site focuses on the well‐being of children in countries around the world, particularly on their health and their mothers' ability to provide for them.Sample syllabus Course Outline and Reading Assignments 1 Recognizing the capacities of newborn children Meredith F. Small, Chapter 1, Kids' World, and Chapter 2, The Evolution of Childhood, in Kids: How Biology and Culture Shape the Way We Raise Our Kids. 2 Social construction of childhood in different times and places a Children's place in the past Coldrey, Barry M. 1999. '"... a Place to Which Idle Vagrants May Be Sent": The First Phase of Child Migration during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.'Childhood and Society 13: 32–47.deMause, Lloyd 1974. 'Infanticide and the Death Wishes toward Children;''Abandonment, Nursing, and Swaddling.' Pp. 25–39 in The History of Childhood. New York, NY: Harper and Row. b Children's place in other societies Schildkrout, Enid 2002 [1978]. 'Age and Gender in Hausa Society: Socio‐Economic Roles of Children in Urban Kano.'Childhood 9 (3): 344–68. c Changing value of children in American society in the 20th century Zelizer, Viviana 1985. Selected chapters from Pricing the Priceless Child. d Children's place in American society in the 21st century Zelizer, Viviana 2002. 'Kids and Commerce.'Childhood 9 (4): 375–96.Cook, Daniel Thomas 2000. 'Childhood is Killing "Our" Children: Some Thoughts on the Columbine High School Shootings and the Agentive Child.'Childhood 7: 107–17. 3 The 'new' sociology of childhood: Agency and competence Waksler, Frances Chaput 1986. 'Studying Children: Phenomenological Insights.'Human Studies 9 (1): 71–82.Alanen, Leena 1988. 'Rethinking Childhood.'Acta Sociologica 31 (1): 53– 67.Matthews, Sarah H, 2007. 'A Window on the "New" Sociology of Childhood.' Sociology Compass: http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/sociology/section_home?section=soco‐social‐psychology (doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00001.x) 4 Collecting data from and about children Christensen, Pia Haudrup 2004. 'Children's Participation in Ethnographic Research: Issues of Power and Representation.'Children and Society 18: 165–76.Davis, John M. 1998. 'Understanding the Meanings of Children: A Reflexive Process.'Childhood and Society 12: 325–35. 5 Inside the black box of early childhood socialization Clawson, Dan and Naomi Gerstel 2002. 'Caring for our Young: Child Care in Europe and the United States.'Contexts 1 (4): 28–35.Corsaro, William 1979. '"We're Friends, Right?" Children's Use of Access Rituals in a Nursery School.'Language in Society 8: 315–36.Corsaro, William and L. Molinari 1990. 'From seggiolini to discussione: The Generation and Extension of Peer Culture among Italian Preschool Children.'International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 3: 213–30. 6 Children's participation in everyday life a FamilyLareau, Annette 2002. 'Invisible Inequality: Social Class and Childrearing in Black and White Families.'American Sociological Review 67: 747–76.Dodson, Lisa and Jillian Dickert 2004. 'Girls' Family Labor in Low‐Income Households: A Decade of Qualitative Research.'Journal of Marriage and Family 66: 318–32.Nettleton, Sarah 2001. 'Losing a Home through Mortgage Repossession: The Views of Children.'Children and Society 15: 82–94. b School Sherman, Ann 1997. 'Five‐year‐olds' Perceptions of Why We Go to School.'Childhood and Society 11: 117–27.Adler, Patricia A., Steven J. Kless, and Peter Adler 1992. 'Socialization to Gender Roles: Popularity among Elementary School Boys and Girls.'Sociology of Education 65: 169–87.Adler, Patricia A. and Peter Adler 1995. 'Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion in Preadolescent Cliques.'Social Psychology Quarterly 58 (3): 145–62. c 'Free' time Lareau, Annette 2000. 'Social Class and the Daily Lives of Children: A Study from the United States.'Childhood 7 (2): 155–71.Rasmussen, Kim 2004 'Places for Children – Children's Places.'Childhood 2004: 155–73. 7 Children's rights/parental rights Smith, Anne B. and Nicola J. Taylor 2003. 'Rethinking Children's Involvement in Decision‐Making After Parental Separation.'Childhood 10 (2): 201–16.Van Krieken, Robert 1999. 'The "Stolen Generations" and Cultural Genocide: The Forced Removal of Australian Indigenous Children form Their Families and Its Implications for the Sociology of Childhood.'Childhood 6 (3): 297–311. 8 Current global issues a UN rights of the child Jans, Marc 2004. 'Children as Citizens: Towards a Contemporary Notion of Child Participation.'Childhood 11 (1): 27–44.Roche, Jeremy 1999. 'Children: Rights, Participation and Citizenship.'Childhood 6 (4): 475–93. b Children's place in the 21st century Penn, Helen 2002. 'The World Bank's View of Early Childhood.'Childhood 9 (1): 118–32.Bey, Marguerite 2003. 'The Mexican Child: From Work with the Family to Paid Employment.'Childhood 10 (3): 287–99.Aptekar, Lewis and Behailu Abebe 1997. 'Conflict in the Neighborhood: Street and Working Children in the Public Space.'Childhood 4: 477–90.Films and videosA Baby's World A Whole New World (ages newborn to 1 year) The Language of Being (ages 1–2 years) Reason and Relationships (ages 2–3 years)This series of videos, each approximately 1‐hour in length, summarizes and illustrates evidence of the remarkable and often misinterpreted capacities of infants and toddlers.The Orphan TrainsThis video is a good companion to Viviana Zelizer's book Pricing the Priceless Child. In addition to depicting conditions for some urban children in US cities in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, interviews in old age with the last children who were shipped West in the 1920s highlight the vulnerability of children in societies that are unprepared to take responsibility for them when their parents are unable to provide care.Michael Apted's 7 Up through 49 UpThis documentary film series, which began in 1964 with 14 7‐year‐olds whom Apted has since revisited every 7 years to produce a new film, raises questions about the relationship between childhood and adulthood.Project ideas1. This assignment is intended to make students aware of the presence (or absence) of children in their daily rounds – when, where and under what conditions they share space with children.Choose two days on which your daily schedule is different (e.g., a weekday and a weekend day) and record every instance in which you come in contact with children. Do not go out of your way to encounter children. Just go about your daily rounds. Record the time, place (including who is present if it is not obvious), age of children, your relationship to the children, and what you and the children are doing. Include children whom you know well, children with whom you are acquainted, and children who are strangers. Concentrate especially on the last category because it is the one that you probably attend to least in your daily rounds. Also be sure to indicate what your role in each setting is. Once you have collected these data, write a summary of your contact with children in your daily life. What children do you encounter, how often, under what conditions? What is your relationship to the children in your life?2. This assignment is intended to explore how children are constrained by adult rules and power.Observe children in an 'adult' setting and identify adults' rules for children in that setting. Justify the choice of setting as 'adult', e.g., children are not 'supposed' to be there (a bar/pub), children are a disturbance (an exclusive expensive restaurant). Consider both adults' rules for children's behavior in the setting and children's options and resources. Address the questions: Where do children fit in adult worlds? What roles are they expected to play?3. This assignment is used in conjunction with Annette Lareau's work on differences in the way working and middle class children are treated by adults.Students choose two school districts whose borders correspond to a community and that have widely different percentages of children who passed the fourth‐grade proficiency test in a specified year. In Ohio, this information is available on the website of the Department of Education. Students then retrieve demographic data from the Web site of the US Census about the two school districts/communities, including but not limited to:
Proportion of School Age Children = Percentage of population age 5–17 Community Stability = Percent of rental occupied housing units Community Education Level = Percentage of population aged 25 and over with Bachelor's Degree or higher Community Income Level = Median family income Poverty Level = Percent of families below poverty level
In a paper, students summarize and interpret the findings. In addition, put the data from all the districts/communities into one table with the percentages of students who passed the exam in the first column in descending order.
Reality shows cast relatively diverse groups with the intention of seeing whether conflict or harmony will result. Success in reality competitions is often achieved through the development of alliances and strategic relationships and the process by which these unions form can be sociologically fascinating to watch. Yet, sociology, in method and theory, has rarely been applied to the analysis of reality television. This is not to say that reality television has not been examined academically. In fact, there is a growing body of research, primarily conducted by communication studies scholars, that takes this type of television seriously. Thus, there is a foundation for teaching the sociology of reality television and excellent resources for doing so.Author recommendsAndrejevic, Mark 2004. Reality TV: The Work of Being Watched. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.This book was one of the first monographs on reality television. Andrejevic looks at the significance of the 'digital era' and the idea of how genres like reality television encourage interactivity. He was able to interview cast members of reality programs and analyze their experiences, a body of data not available elsewhere. Also, Andrejevic discusses multiple shows including Survivor, The Real World, and Big Brother.Brenton, Sam and Reuben Cohen 2003. Shooting People: Adventures in Reality TV. London, UK: Verso.Although not a piece of scholarly research, this book would be useful in a course on reality television or new media as it raises questions regarding ethics in the genre and it is also very readable and engaging. Brenton and Cohen discuss underpublicized controversial episodes in reality television production and ask at what cost to society and participants are these shows made. They ponder the future of reality television and where and when lines will be drawn as to what is too invasive or private or inhumane to be broadcast.Dubrofsky, Rachel 2006. 'The Bachelor: Whiteness in the Harem.'Critical Studies in Media Communication 23: 39–56.Dubrofsky looks at depictions of race and gender on the reality dating show The Bachelor. She notes how shows like this privilege whiteness through casting and editing. The Bachelor occasionally makes use of racial and ethnic minorities as exotic others when it serves the show to contrast such contestants. This is a good example of how racial, ethnic, and gender stereotypes can be reinforced by media.Hill, Annette 2005. Reality TV: Audiences and Popular Factual Television. London, UK: Routledge.Hill is one of few researchers who has conducted detailed audience analysis. Using survey research and ethnographic methods, Hill looks at the ways viewers watch and interpret reality shows. She discusses motivations for watching, what appealed to viewers and what did not, and the degree to which viewers take what they see as real.Jones, Janet Megan 2003. 'Show Your Real Face: A Fan Study of the UK Big Brother Transmission (2000, 2001, 2002). Investigating the Boundaries between Notions of Consumers and Producers of Factual Television.'New Media & Society 5: 400–21.Janet Megan Jones conducted a three‐wave survey of 8,000 viewers of Big Brother UK in order to determine what audiences respond to on the program, particularly which characters and characteristics are most appealing. She argues that viewers enter into a 'personalized reality contract' with the show and the contestants in which they suspend their disbelief regarding the constructed nature of the show. Fans search for the truth or reality within the unreal environment; even though they know the show and its premise are contrived. This is one of the most comprehensive pieces of audience research and its interesting findings should generate class discussion.Misra, Joya 2000. 'Integrating The Real World into Introduction to Sociology: Making Sociological Concepts Real.'Teaching Sociology 28: 346–363.A guide to using clips from the reality program, The Real World, to teach sociology. The principles suggested in this article may be useful in stimulating use of clips from reality programs generally and specifically.Escoffrey, David S. 2006. How Real Is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Holmes, Su and Deborah Jermyn (eds) 2004. Understanding Reality Television. London, UK: Routledge.Murray, Susan and Laurie Ouellette (eds) 2004. Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture. New York, NY: New York University Press.These three edited volumes are excellent collections of articles about reality television. All deal with production, content, and consumption. Any would be suitable as a text for class as they all contain interesting chapters that cover themes like defining the genre, the reality television industry, political culture, and representations of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality.Online materialsTo my knowledge, there are no online resources specifically dealing with academic analysis of reality television. However, there are some Web sites that would be useful for exploration and incorporation in a course and in course projects. http://www.nielsen.com/ The Nielsen media group, who conduct the Nielsen ratings of television viewing, provides a limited amount of free information regarding viewing patterns on its Web site. There is some material regarding ratings and some reports that can be accessed here. Information about grants and internships and other resources for students are also available on this site. http://www.realitytvworld.com This Web site contains comprehensive listings and information about reality shows, past and present. If you are unfamiliar with a particular reality show or students are unfamiliar, this Web site could be consulted for background information. Links to news articles about reality shows and contestants are also listed here. http://www.televisionwithoutpity.com Television Without Pity provides very detailed recaps and discussion forums for selected television programs, including many reality shows (including America's Next Top Model, Survivor, Big Brother, The Biggest Loser, Project Runway, and Top Chef). If you are studying a show in depth or analyzing a particular show and miss an episode or want detailed summaries to use in class, this site is quite useful.Sample syllabus Course Outline and Selected Reading Assignments 1. Studying television from a sociological perspective Ang, Ien 1985. Watching Dallas: Soap Opera and the Melodramatic Imagination. New York, NY: Routledge.Gamson, Joshua 1998. Freaks Talk Back: Tabloid Talk Shows and Sexual Nonconformity. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Grindstaff, Laura and Joseph Turow 2006. 'Video Cultures: Television Sociology in the "New TV" Age.'Annual Review of Sociology 32:103–25. 2. Foundations of reality television Baker, Sean 2003. 'From Dragnet to Survivor: Historical and Cultural Perspectives on Reality Television.' Pp. 57–72 in Survivor Lessons: Essays on Communication and Reality Television, edited by Matthew J. Smith and Andrew F. Wood. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Biressi, Anita and Heather Nunn 2005. Reality TV: Realism and Revelation. London, UK: Wallflower Press.Cavender, Gray and Mark Fishman 1998. 'Television Reality Crime Programs: Context and History.' Pp. 1–18 in Entertaining Crime: Television Reality Programs, edited by Mark Fishman and Gray Cavender. New York, NY: Aldine de Gruyter.Clissold, Bradley D. 2004. 'Candid Camera and the Origins of Reality TV: Contextualising a Historical Precedent.' Pp. 33–53 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.Corner, John 2002. 'Performing the Real: Documentary Diversions.'Television & New Media 3: 255–269.Gillan, Jennifer 2004. 'From Ozzie Nelson to Ozzy Osbourne: the Genesis and Development of the Reality (Star) Sitcom.' Pp. 54–70 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.McCarthy, Anna 2004. '"Stanley Milgram, Allen Funt, and Me": Postwar Social Science and the "First Wave" of Reality Television.' Pp. 19–39 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, UK: New York University Press. 3. Defining a genre Biressi, Anita and Heather Nunn 2005. Reality TV: Realism and Revelation. London, UK: Wallflower Press.Bignell, Jonathan 2005. Big Brother: Reality TV in the Twenty‐First Century. New York, NY: Palgrave.Fetveit, Arild 1999. 'Reality TV in the Digital Era: A Paradox in Visual Culture?'Media, Culture & Society 21: 787–804.Holmes, Su and Deborah Jermyn 2004b. 'Introduction: Understanding Reality TV.' Pp. 1–32 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.Kilborn, Richard 1994. '"How Real Can You Get?" Recent Developments in "Reality" Television.'European Journal of Communication 9: 421–39.Murray, Susan 2004. '"I Think We Need a New Name For It": The Meeting of Documentary and Reality TV.' Pp. 40–56 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press. 4. Production of reality Andrejevic, Mark 2004. Reality TV: The Work of Being Watched. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.Brenton, Sam and Reuben Cohen 2003. Shooting People: Adventures in Reality TV. London, UK: Verso.Couldry, Nick 2004. 'Teaching Us to Fake It: The Ritualized Norms of Television's Reality Games.' Pp. 57–74 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette, 57–74. New York, NY: New York University Press. 5. Images, stereotypes, and issues of content a. Representation and stereotypes Andrejevic, Mark and Dean Colby 2006. Racism and Reality TV: The Case of MTV's Road Rules. Pp. 195–211 in How Real is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Callais, Todd M. and Melissa Szozda 2006. 'Female Police Officers and Reality Television: Analyzing the Presentation of Police Work in Popular Culture.' Pp. 133–48 in How Real Is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Dubrofsky, Rachel 2006. 'The Bachelor: Whiteness in the Harem.'Critical Studies in Media Communication 23: 39–56.Heinricy, Shana 2006. 'The Cutting Room: Gendered American Dreams on Plastic Surgery TV.' Pp. 149–64 in How Real is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Johnston, Elizabeth 2006. 'How Women Really Are: Disturbing Parallels between Reality Television and 18th Century Fiction.' Pp. 115–32 in How Real Is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Kraszewski, Jon 2004. 'Country Hicks and Urban Cliques: Mediating Race, Reality, and Liberalism on MTV's The Real World.' Pp. 179–196 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.LeBesco, Kathleen 2004. 'Got to be Real: Mediating Gayness on Survivor.' Pp. 271–87 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Rapping, Elaine 2004. 'Aliens, Nomads, Mad Dogs, and Road Warriors: The Changing Face of Criminal Violence on TV.' Pp. 214–230 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Stephens, Rebecca L. 2004. 'Socially Soothing Stories? Gender, Race and Class in TLC's a Wedding Story and a Baby Story.' Pp. 191–210 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, NY: Routledge. b. Other analyses of content Cavender, Gray 2004. 'In Search of Community on Reality TV: America's Most Wanted and Survivor.' Pp. 154–72 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.Propp, Kathleen M. 2003. 'Metaphors of Survival: A Textual Analysis of the Decision‐Making Strategies of the Survivor Contestants.' Pp. 111–31 in Survivor Lessons: Essays on Communication and Reality Television, edited by Matthew J. Smith and Andrew F. Wood. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Wingenbach, Ed 2003. 'Survivor, Social Choice, and the Impediments to Political Rationality: Reality TV as Social Science Experiment.' Pp. 132–152 in Survivor Lessons: Essays on Communication and Reality Television, edited by. Matthew J. Smith and Andrew F. Wood. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co. 6. Audience response and analysis Crew, Richard E. 2006. 'Viewer Interpretations of Reality Television: How Real Is Survivor for Its Viewers?' Pp. 61–77 in How Real Is Reality TV? Essays on Representation and Truth, edited by David S. Escoffrey. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co.Hill, Annette 2005. Reality TV: Audiences and Popular Factual Television. London, UK: Routledge.Jones, Janet Megan 2003. 'Show Your Real Face: A Fan Study of the UK Big Brother Transmission (2000, 2001, 2002). Investigating the Boundaries between Notions of Consumers and Producers of Factual Television.'New Media & Society 5: 400–21.Ticknell, Estella and Parvati Raghuram 2004. 'Big Brother: Reconfiguring the "Active" Audience of cultural studies?' Pp. 252–69 in Understanding Reality Television, edited by Su Holmes and Deborah Jermyn. London, UK: Routledge.Wilson, Pamela 2004. 'Jamming Big Brother: Webcasting, Audience Intervention, and Narrative Activism.' Pp. 323–43 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Zurbriggen, Eileen L. and Elizabeth M. Morgan 2006. 'Who Wants to Marry a Millionaire? Reality Dating Television Programs, Attitudes Toward Sex, and Sexual Behaviors.'Sex Roles 54: 1–17. 7. The business of reality television Brenton, Sam and Reuben Cohen 2003. Shooting People: Adventures in Reality TV. London, UK: Verso.Madger, Ted. 2004. 'The End of TV 101: Reality Programs, Formats, and the New Business of Television.' Pp. 119–36 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Raphael, Chad 2004. 'The Political Origins of Reali‐TV.' Pp. 119–36 in Reality TV: Remaking Television Culture, edited by Susan Murray and Laurie Ouellette. New York, NY: New York University Press.Films and videosSurvivorOne of the earlier and more influential (in the USA) reality television series; some seasons are available in their entirety on DVD. Survivor is a show where 16 people live in a remote area with no modern conveniences. Every 3 days, participants compete in challenges and the outcome of these challenges determines which contestants are subject to being voted out of the game. At the end of the approximate 40 days, ousted players vote for who they believe should be the winner of the game. There are many in class analyses that can be done in conjunction with readings. Most reality shows would work in this manner (Big Brother, The Bachelor, The Amazing Race, Top Chef, etc.). Stereotyping, group dynamics, ethics, representations of reality are all themes that can be explored using episodes of Survivor. 1900 House (or any other PBS reality show). http://www.pbs.org/wnet/1900house/In this show, a family volunteered to live in a house that was set up to replicate the conditions of 1900. It is a good contrast to reality programs that air on network television, in terms of production values, editing, casting, etc. A professor might show clips from 1900 House and clips from Survivor and compare and contrast in a discussion of audience, entertainment, the reality of reality television, etc. The Reality of Reality TV (produced by Bravo, September 2003). http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0381797/This six episode miniseries featured an analysis of reality television production. It is likely to be difficult to find; however, if one is able to access it, it would be useful in to show in class. I mention it because there are no other comparable programs that I am aware of.Project ideasRepresentations of race, class, gender, and/or sexuality This assignment is intended to have students measure representations of race, gender, sexuality, and social class on reality shows. Students should watch a particular series throughout the semester or for several weeks. They should be given coding sheets (which can be designed in class) where they take note of representations of things like race, class, gender, sexuality, etc. For example, if they were assigned or chose to focus on representations of gender and sexuality, they might note the way men and women are dressed, emphasis on different body parts and body images, the amount of attention directed to appearance both by the contestants/participants and the editors, terms used to refer to women and men, activities that men and women are shown participating in, skills or tactics women and men are shown using to make alliances and/or win challenges. Students should write a paper where they describe these representations of gender and discuss whether or not they feel this is reflective of actual reality, with supporting evidence from academic articles on gender and sexuality. They should also discuss the implications of these images and whether or not such representations matter.Fan discussion of reality television This assignment is intended to expose fans to the ways in which viewers make meaning of and interact with reality shows. Direct students to a Web site for fans of reality television that allows nonmembers to browse or 'lurk' in forums (e.g. http://community.realitytvworld.com/boards/cgi‐bin/dcboard.cgi; http://forum.realityfanforum.com/)Have the students review topics on message boards and several pages (10–12) of message board dialogue in order to determine the ways in which fans use message boards, the subjects they discuss, whether or not they accept the dominant reading offered by the shows, their awareness of editing and production, popular and unpopular contestants, etc.Students should write a paper in which they discuss the ways in which viewers make meaning of and interact with reality shows, noting specifically how technology can change the relationship between viewers and producers and television programs.
