Suchergebnisse

Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have become important instruments through which sovereign statesconduct international economic as well as foreign policies. This thesis analyses multidimensional and crosscuttingissues in PTAs. In the first chapter, we show that policy issues incorporated in PTAs, but outside themandate of World Trade Organization (WTO), have a positive effect on trade. More specifically, highlylegalistic dispute settlement mechanisms (DSM) promote trade liberalization while medium legalistic DSMfeatures do not. The second chapter turns to the political side of PTAs and identifies an important channelthrough which DSMs in PTAs may have profound impact on the prevention of military conflicts. We show thatPTAs with medium level of DSMs prevent the escalation of sanctions to military conflicts, whereas higher leveldoes not. Further, the states that are more politically, economically and socially connected are more prone toform highly legalistic framework in PTAs. The third chapter identifies PTAs according to the level of legalismof investment provisions. Further, we show that international investors face risk of expropriation related to thedomestic political regime of host country as well as the diplomatic relations between home and host countries.Our analysis shows that highly democratic regime as well as the good diplomatic relationship conditionpositively the effects of legally enforced investment provisions. Finally, the fourth chapter identifies PTAsaccording to different levels of legalism of environmental provisions. We show that North-North countries signhighly legalistic environmental provisions whereas North-South country-pairs are more prone to sign mediumlegalistic environmental provisions. ; Les accords de commerce préférentiels (ACP) sont devenus des instruments importants au travers desquels lesEtats souverains conduisent leurs politiques économiques et façonnent leurs relations politiques internationales.Cette thèse analyse les enjeux transversaux et multidimensionnels des ACP. Dans un premier chapitre, nousmontrons que les domaines de négociation abordés dans les ACP, qui ne relèvent pas du mandat del'organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), augmentent les échanges commerciaux. De plus, les mécanismesde règlement des différends (en anglais DSM) les plus contraignants favorisent le commerce alors que lesmécanismes moyennement contraignants ne sont pas efficaces. Le second chapitre se tourne vers le cotépolitique des ACP et identifie un canal important au travers duquel les DSM incorporés aux ACP peuvent avoirun impact profond sur la prévention des conflits militaires. Nous montrons que les ACP avec les DSMmoyennement contraignantes empêchent l'escalade des sanctions vers les conflits militaires, tandis que les pluscontraignants ne sont pas efficaces. En plus, les Etats qui sont proche politiquement, économiquement etsocialement, sont plus portés à conclure les DSM les plus contraignants. Le troisième chapitre identifie les ACPselon le niveau de légalisme des clauses d'investissement. Nous montrons que les investisseurs internationauxfont face aux risques d'expropriation liés au régime politique du pays hôte ainsi qu'aux relations diplomatiquesentre leur pays et le pays hôte. Notre analyse montre qu'un régime démocratique ainsi que les bonnes relationsdiplomatiques conditionnent positivement les effets des clauses d'investissement légalement contraignantes.Enfin, le quatrième chapitre se penche sur les clauses environnementales pouvant figurer dans les ACP. Ilidentifie les ACP selon le niveau de légalisme des clauses environnementales. Nous montons que les pays Nord-Nord concluent les clauses environnementales avec le niveau le plus contraignant alors que les paires Nord-Sudsont plus sujettes à adopter les clauses environnementales moyennement contraignantes.

"Bringing armed conflicts to an end is difficult; restoring a lasting peace can be considerably harder. Reclaiming Everyday Peace addresses the effectiveness and impact of local level interventions on communities affected by war. Using an innovative methodology to generate participatory numbers, Pamina Firchow finds that communities saturated with external interventions after war do not have substantive higher levels of peacefulness according to community-defined indicators of peace than those with lower levels of interventions. These findings suggest that current international peacebuilding efforts are not very effective at achieving peace by local standards because disproportionate attention is paid to reconstruction, governance and development assistance with little attention paid to community ties and healing. Firchow argues that a more bottom up approach to measuring the effectiveness of peacebuilding is required. By finding ways to effectively communicate local community needs and priorities to the international community, efforts to create an atmosphere for an enduring peace are possible"...

In the large body of literature on the granting of regional autonomy to end insurgency, an important related question has received little attention: what happens to other ethnic groups within the autonomous region? The new arrangement may end violence between the state and the guerrillas but will the latter simply turn their guns on other groups in the area? This article begins to fill this gap in the literature through a close examination of two mass killings conducted by rebels awarded an autonomous region in western Assam, Northeast India. Why would these militants-having won such far-reaching political and economic rewards after a decade of civil war-continue violence and risk these hard-won gains? I propose that violence against other ethnic communities in the new region is more likely in the presence of two main conditions. First, when the community receiving autonomy is a minority in the new region, and second, when only one militant faction is awarded power. (Pac Aff/GIGA)

Abstract
Does war deepen gender inequalities in politicians' behavior or help erase them? We draw from the terror management theory developed in psychology to argue that the onset of a violent conflict is likely to push politicians to conform more strongly with traditional gender stereotypes because it helps individuals cope with existential fears. To test our argument, we use data on Ukrainian politicians' engagement on social media (136,455 Facebook posts by 469 politicians) in the three months before and after the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, and interrupted time series analysis, to assess the effect of conflict on politicians' behavior. We find that conflict onset deepens gender-stereotypical behavior among politicians in their public engagement. We also show that, consistent with our argument, gender biases among the public are magnified during war.

Recent developments in the availability of spatial data and the growing trend of spatial analysis in political science has given scholars the ability to account for local-level factors in the study of political violence and conflict management. In this paper, the authors contribute to this growing body of literature by employing geo-coded data to empirically explore a question central to the study of peacekeeping – when peacekeepers are authorized to enter a conflict, where do they go? In other words, what types of violence are peacekeeping forces most concerned with, and what geographic features might prevent or allow for the deployment of peacekeepers? Using the un mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the authors find that peacekeeping forces were less concerned with non-state violence (rebels fighting rebels) and instead focused on government-rebel confrontations and those instances in which government or rebels attacked unarmed civilians. In addition, peacekeepers are shown to cluster around transportation networks, densely populated areas, surface-based resources, and international borders.

This article explores strategies in consensus-making processes in international climate diplomacy. Specifically, it examines the consensus-making politics, in the case of negotiating historical responsibility within the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. In doing so, analytical concepts from the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe are utilized to look for rationales that underpin discursive structures as well as agreement. To conclude, three rationales have dealt with conflicts over historical responsibility. While the first rationale hid conflict behind interpretative flexibility, the second reverted to "reasoned consensus," excluding perspectives commonly understood as political rather than scientific. The third rationale has enabled equivocal use of the concept of historical responsibility in several parallel discourses, yet negotiators still stumble on how to synthesize these with a potential to foster future, more policy-detailed, consensuses with higher legitimacy. Understanding the history and current situation of negotiations on historical responsibility from this perspective can help guide policy makers toward decisions that avoid old pitfalls and construct new rationales that generate a higher sense of legitimacy.

THE DEVIATION BY VARIOUS NATIONAL COMMUNIST PARTIES FROM STRICT IDEOLOGICAL CONFORMITY IN SEARCHING FOR SOLUTIONS TO PROBLEMS AFFECTING THEIR NATIONS WAS INEVITABLE CONFLICTS WITH MOSCOW DUE TO THIS WAS JUST AS INEVITABLE THIS POLYCENTRISM IS SEEN AS BOTH AN OUTGROWTH AND STRUCTURAL DEFECT OF THE SOVIET UNION'S MODEL OF PROLETARIAW NATIONALISM.

AbstractAs part of the roundtable, "Moral Injury, Trauma, and War," this essay explores the relationship between revisionist just war theory and moral injury. It proceeds in four sections. First, it offers a brief overview of the just war tradition, focusing on traditionalist and revisionist accounts, respectively. Next, it explores the relationship between moral injury and armed conflict. Then, it explores the links between moral injury and revisionist accounts of just war theory. Finally, by way of conclusion, the essay signals two potential complementary paths forward that future research could use to clarify the revisionist position and its link with moral injury.

Cover; Copyright; Contents; Preface and Acknowledgments; Part One; 1 Into the World of Open Conflict; 2 Into the 1990s; 3 Ressam and the Eve of 9/11; 4 The War on Terror Begins; 5 Afghanistan, "Black Sites," and the Abyss of Guantanamo Bay; 6 Rendition, Extraordinary Rendition, and Security Certificates; Part Two; 7 Ahmad Abou-Elmaati; 8 Abdullah Almalki; 9 Maher Arar; 10 Abdullah Khadr; 11 Abousfian Abdelrazik; Conclusion The Heritage of the War on Terror; Notes; Bibliography; Index.