Suchergebnisse

The protracted Palestine-Israel conflict has ignited widespread public protests in South Asia, revealing a growing anti-Semitic sentiment among certain segments of the population. This surge in anti-Semitism, coupled with covert radicalization efforts, underscores the complex interplay of visible solidarity and hidden extremist influences, raising concerns about the potential for a militant resurgence in the region.

A review essay on books by (1) Cynthia Cockburn, The Line: Women, Partition and the Gender Order in Cyprus (London: Zed, 2004); (2) Wenona Giles & Jennifer Hyndman (Eds), Sites of Violence: Gender and Conflict Zones (Berkeley, CA: U California Press, 2004); & (3) Adam Jones (Ed), Gendercide and Genocide (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt U Press, 2004). 15 References.

Conflicts can be identified in the process of enabling demand for fossil fuel-based transport to continue increasing whilst improving environmental quality. Governments have been attempting to strike the right balance between a strategy of investment to meet that demand and a strategy on minimizing the adverse consequences of doing so. Discusses the various policy options. (RSM)

La present tesi doctoral desenvolupa un anàlisi de la conjuntura actual després de la firma dels Acords de l'Havana entre el Govern de Colòmbia i les FARC-EP, al temps que analitza la tasca de les Organitzacions Internacionals en la implementació d'aquests Acords. Els criteris d'ordenació sistemàtica ens han portat a dividir aquesta tesi doctoral en quatre capítols. El primer capítol es destina a l'estudi del context social a Colòmbia, a través del qual es pretenen albirar els orígens i evolució de la violència i del conflicte armat intern que ha assotat al país durant més de mig segle. El segon capítol està dedicat a les negociacions de pau entre el Govern colombià, presidit per Juan Manuel Santos, i les FARC-EP per a posar fi al conflicte armat intern. Els capítols tercer i quart es dediquen a l'acció de les Organitzacions Internacionals en la construcció de pau a Colòmbia. Per aquest motiu, s'han elegit, en primer lloc, a la Organització de les Nacions Unides, per la seva clara vocació d'universalitat i el seu paper imperant a la cooperació internacional institucionalitzada, i, en segon lloc, Organitzacions Regionals com la Organització d'Estats Americans, l'Organització d'Estats Iberoamericans per a l'Educació, la Ciència i la Cultura, i la Unió Europea, per la seva activa participació a la implementació i seguiment dels Acords de l'Havana. ; La presente tesis doctoral desarrolla un análisis de la coyuntura actual tras la firma de los Acuerdos de La Habana entre el Gobierno de Colombia y las FARC-EP, al tiempo que analiza la labor de las Organizaciones Internacionales en la implementación de dichos Acuerdos. Los criterios de ordenación sistemática nos han llevado a dividir esta tesis doctoral en cuatro capítulos. El primer capítulo se destina al estudio del contexto social en Colombia, a través del cual se pretenden vislumbrar los orígenes y evolución de la violencia y del conflicto armado interno que ha azotado al país durante más de medio siglo. El segundo capítulo está dedicado a las negociaciones de paz entre el Gobierno colombiano, presidido por Juan Manuel Santos, y las FARC-EP para poner fin al conflicto armado interno. Los capítulos tercero y cuarto se dedican a la acción de las Organizaciones Internacionales en la construcción de paz en Colombia. Para ello se han elegido, en primer lugar, a la Organización de Naciones Unidas, por su clara vocación de universalidad y su papel imperante en la cooperación internacional institucionalizada, y, en segundo lugar, Organizaciones Regionales como la Organización de Estados Americanos, la Organización de Estados Iberoamericanos para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura y la Unión Europea, por su activa participación en la implementación y seguimiento de los Acuerdos de La Habana. ; The present doctoral thesis develops an analysis of the current conjunction after the signature of the Habana Agreements between de Government of Colombia and the FARC-EP, while it analyses the task carried out by International Organizations (IO) in the implementation of said Agreements. According to the criteria for systematic arrangement, this doctoral thesis has four chapters. The first chapter is dedicated to the study of the Colombian social context, which is used as a lens to try and discern the origins and evolution of the violence and of the internal armed conflict that afflicted the country for more than half a century. The second chapter is dedicated to the peace negotiations between the Colombian Government, headed by Juan Manuel Santos, and the FARC-EP to put an end to the internal armed conflict. The third and fourth chapters are dedicated to the actions of the International Organizations (IO) towards the development of peace in Colombia. For that, and in first place, the United Nations was chosen, for its clear universality vocation and its prevailing role in the institutionalized international cooperation. In second place, Regional Organizations were also chosen, such as the Organization of the American States (OAS), the Organization of Ibero-american States for the Education, Science and Culture (OEI) and the European Union (EU), for their active participation in the implementation and monitoring of the Habana Agreements.

Domestic conflicts associated with the politics of economic stabilization; based on conference paper.

As the United States, Canada, and other Western and world allies attempt to devise workable policies vis-à-vis the Syrian crisis, a common thread links many if not most putative policy "solutions": the need to engage local coalitions of regional actors to provide the military muscle to defeat the Islamic State, thereby setting the stage for a workable political solution to restore stability to the country as a whole. Given the experiences of Iraq and Afghanistan, neither the US nor its allies are particularly keen on deep involvement in Syria. Unfortunately, cultivating and encouraging increased involvement from regional actors (including Sunni Arab nations with, ostensibly, a "vested interest" in defeating the Islamic State) risks promoting long-term instability and conflict as regional political rivals—in particular Iran and Saudi Arabia—exploit and exacerbate the conflict for their own purposes. In a worst-case scenario, this could even contribute to a broader regional war along sectarian (Sunni–Shia) lines.

Keeping the Peace explores the new multidimensional role that the United Nations has played in peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding over the past few years. By examining the paradigm-setting cases of Cambodia and El Salvador, and drawing lessons from these UN "success stories", the book identifies more effective ways for the international community to address conflict in the post-Cold War era. This book is especially timely given its focus on multidimensional peace operations, the most likely role for the UN in coming years. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1268/thumbnail.jpg

This thesis is a historical work on the relationship between ethnic groups in the Northern Part of Ghana. There have been several ethnic conflicts in Ghana since Ghana attained independence in 1957. My thesis focuses on the 1994 ethnic conflict between the Konkomba and the Nanumba which eventually attracted allies to both sides of the warring factions. The Konkombas have had a history of violent conflict with different ethnic groups since colonial times. Before the 1994 GFW, there was the 1981 Pito war between the Konkomba and the Nanumba which had claimed several hundreds of lives. A repeat of another war between same adversaries a little over a decade raises serious concerns about governments role in preventing and finding lasting solutions to these ethnic armed conflicts. Drawing on multiple sources of data such as newspaper reports, archival material, official documents from the Northern Region House of Chiefs and personal interviews, this thesis attempt to trace the causes of the 1994 GFW as perceived by both sides of the warring factions. These causes of the ethnic conflict which I discuss borders on chieftaincy, land ownership rights and access to a quasi-government institution. My thesis also examines the actions, inactions and peace initiative of government before, during and after the war and how the government's decisions have either contributed to the realization of peace or saw to the continuation of violence. This thesis analyses government's response in terms of the provision of security and their efforts at constituting a commission of enquiry to find lasting solutions to the root causes of the Guinea Fowl.

Contrary to most debates about state formation, this article outlines an alternative perspective on the shaping of political community – and the international peace architecture – based on the agency of actors engaged in peaceful forms of politics after war. Drawing on long-standing critical debates, it investigates the positive potential of 'peace formation', outlining the theoretical development of this new concept as a parallel process and often in opposition to modern state formation with which it is often bound up. It also examines the limits of peace formation and its engagement with old and new types of power and conflict. This perspective on the formation of political order has implications for the international peace architecture and its evolution, including in terms of a shift from analogue to digital form of peace.

Chapter 1: Theorising Crimmigration -- Chapter 2: Australia's long history of immigration, policing, and the criminal law -- Chapter 3: Crimmigration, 'race' and settler colonialism in Australia -- Chapter 4: Smugglers and Samaritans - criminalising smuggling of migrants in international and Australian Law -- Chapter 5: In whose interests and security? Balancing norms and rights in Australia's character visa cancellation regime -- Chapter 6: Precarity of Place and (Obiter) Punishment: Examining the Law, Process and Effects of Mandatory Visa Cancellation -- Chapter 7: Punitive processes in the foyers of Australia's Immigration Detention Centres -- Chapter 8: Turning the detention centre inside out: Counterveillance of state-organised crimmigration in Australia -- Chapter 9: Ending Mandatory Detention: Can Crimmigration Explain New Technologies of Refugee Exclusion and Control in Australia? -- Chapter 10: Crimmigration and Humanitarianism -- Chapter 11: Monitoring movement: Surveillance technologies at, within, beyond, borders -- Chapter 12: Sexing the Leviathan: The Possibilities for Feminist Analyses of Crimmigration -- Chapter 13: The 'naked' border: strip-searching the truth – -- Chapter 14: Marriage, Migration and Gender: A Site for Crimmigation – the Australian Example

In "stürmischen Zeiten" (Frank-Walter Steinmeier) hat Deutschland 2016 den OSZE-Vorsitz übernommen. Das OSCE Yearbook 2016 trägt dem Rechnung mit aktuellen Analysen und Berichten renommierter Wissenschaftler und erfahrener OSZE-Insider zu wichtigen Ereignissen und Entwicklungen in der OSZE und ihren 57 Teilnehmerstaaten sowie mit Blick auf die europäische Sicherheit.Marcel Peško, Direktor des OSZE-Konfliktverhütungszentrums, skizziert zunächst neue Lösungsansätze für die noch immer im Zentrum der Aufmerksamkeit stehende Ukrainekrise; im selben Zusammenhang stellt der Projektkoordinator der OSZE in der Ukraine seine Arbeit vor. Experten erörtern die Eckpunkte einer zukunftsorientierten Sicherheitsstrategie der OSZE, widmen sich der Wiederbelebung der konventionellen Rüstungskontrolle als eine der Prioritäten des deutschen OSZE-Vorsitzes und diskutieren die zukünftige Rolle der OSZE im Konfliktmanagement. Mit einem Bericht über den Friedensprozess in Nordirland bietet das Jahrbuch 2016 eine Lehrstunde für eine gelungene Konfliktlösung.Im diesjährigen Themenschwerpunkt "Flüchtlinge und Migration im OSZE-Gebiet" befassen sich internationale Experten und hochrangige OSZE-Mitarbeiter mit der Krise der europäischen Flüchtlings- und Migrationspolitik, dem möglichen zukünftigen Beitrag der OSZE zur Migrationssteuerung sowie der bisherigen Reaktion der OSZE und ihrer Institutionen auf die mit der Flüchtlingskrise verbundenen Herausforderungen.Weitere Beiträge gegeben Einblick in die Haltung Großbritanniens zur kooperativen Sicherheit im Jahr des "Brexit"-Votums sowie dessen innenpolitische Folgen, befassen sich mit dem Viertagekrieg um Berg-Karabach, Peacekeeping als Option der OSZE, der Entwicklung der Wirtschafts- und Umweltdimension der OSZE sowie den Beziehungen Chinas zu den zentralasiatischen Staaten. Ein eindringliches Plädoyer für die längst überfällige Ausstattung der OSZE mit eigener Völkerrechtspersönlichkeit rundet das breite Themenspektrum ab.Das Jahrbuch enthält wie stets einen umfassenden Anhang mit Daten und Fakten zu den 57 Teilnehmerstaaten, einem Überblick über wichtige Veranstaltungen sowie einer aktuellen Literaturauswahl.