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THE CHOICE OF WORDS, TRANSITIVITY, AND IDEOLOGY OF THE HEADLINES IN THE JAKARTA POST REPORTING APEC IN INDONESIA 2013 Lydia Anggar Wati Language and Literature Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University lydia82012@gmail.com Lisetyo Ariyanti, S.S., M.Pd Language and Literature Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University lisetyo.a@yahoo.com ABSTRAK Penelitian ini fokus dalam menganalisa headlines mengenai berita APEC karena headlines menyimpan informasi penting dari peristiwa di dunia. Rumusan masalah diantaranya (1) apa saja word choice dalam headlines di Koran The Jakarta Post pemberitaan APEC di Indonesia 2013, (2) apa saja transitivity yang ditemukan di headlines The Jakarta Post pemberitaan APEC di Indonesia 2013, (3) sikap ideologis apa pada word choices dan transitivity di headlines The Jakarta Post pemberitaan APEC di Indonesia 2013. Penelitian ini menggunakan deskriptif kualitatif. Data dikumpulkan dari koran harian The Jakarta Post mengenai APEC tanggal 9 September 2013 sampai 9 Oktober 2013 (31 hari). Hasil penelitian ini: 1) word choice yang ditemukan dalam headlines ditulis dalam bentuk simple present tense menunjukkan peristiwa yang baru saja terjadi. Headlines ditulis dalam bentuk klausa penuh yang terdiri dari sedikitnya subjek dan kata kerja. Pada headlines terdapat bentuk omisi dari verba bantu be agar penulisan berita lebih efektif, 2) proses verba sebagian besar menggunakan material process. Sirkumtansi dalam headlines ditulis oleh frase nomina dan frase kata kerja. APEC sering disebutkan sebagai aktor atau pelaku dalam headlines yang memiliki verba positif seperti vows, talks, hopes, changers. Dari kata kerja tersebut terlihat kekuatan dominasi aktor pada tujuan. Kata Kunci: headlines, word choice, transitivity, ideology ABSTRACT This study focuses on the analysis of the headlines newspaper in APEC news event because headlines provide the main important information of the events in the world. The research questions are (1) what the word choice is found in the headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013, (2) what the transitivity is found in the headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013, (3) what ideological in word choice and transitivity found in the headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013. The study is descriptive qualitative. The data was collected The Jakarta Post daily newspaper about APEC news event from September 9th, 2013 until October 9th, 2013 (31 days). The study found: 1) word choice is found in headlines is written in simple present tense form to show the immediate past happening. The headlines are written by full clause form which consist of minimal a subject and a verb. There is omission in headlines as the aim of the effectiveness headlines writing, 2) the process of the verbs are mostly material process. The circumstances of the headlines are written by noun phrase and verb phrases. APEC is mostly mentioned as the actor or the doer in the headlines that has positive verbs such as vows, talks, hopes, changers. From those verbs that is seen dominance power in actor for the goal. Keywords: headlines, word choice, transitivity, ideology INTRODUCTION Language is very important in human life to make good interaction, people need language to communicate with other. The language in use for communication is called discourse (Cook, 1989:6). It means that all of the language to use for communicating with other people is named "discourse". In the recently times, Linguists' interest in discourse focus on the linguistic structure of the text into how texts draw in the social process. The reason is linguists' want to get satisfied more than analyzing linguistic text which focused in linguistic features only. The knowledge of understanding in grammar, syntax, morphology, semantic and phonology of the text have not need of understanding in a text. The rhetoric intent, the coherence, and the worldview that the author and receptor convey the similarity essential of the text (Kaplan, 1990) as cited in Taiwo (2007:218). Texts always produce and read in real world with all the complexity, not in the isolation area. Consequently, language can show the reality. Language delivers from word by word in written or oral a broad sense of meanings and the meaning delivers with those words in social, political, and historical condition. Language can bring the power that shows in written or spoken. Mass media, it means that delivery message. It has two types of mass media. There are printed mass media and electronic mass media. Printed media are newspaper, tabloids, and magazines. Electronic mass media includes radio, smart-phone, and television. It is used to communicate with other political as the instrument to convey idea, message, and political work program. It has hidden of power relation. As one of the printed mass media, newspaper become as one of the most popular mass media. It occurs because newspapers contain many variant of news every day. By using actions of outstanding figures and statement, newspapers have formed. Opinion leaders, government, newspaper editors, etc, play crucial role in shaping the issue in the society and setting the boundaries of what is talked about, how is talked about (Taiwo, 2007: 218). However, the critical reader frequently takes the new granted. The analysis focused on the analysis of the headline newspaper because the headline summarize the content of the news, and attract the reader to read the article. The writer of newspaper always makes the headline short but in a headline can describe the core of the complicated new story in a few words. In Richardson (2007), Van Dijk (1988) says that news headlines are particularly key for the way readers understand of news text, they stakes that monitor attention, perception and reading process. The study concerned on headlines since daily newspaper provides the main important information of events in the world. Nevertheless, it is difficult for readers to read all of the news articles in the daily newspapers because all the variant news are very interesting and the time restraint. Therefore, they have to be selective by looking on the headline. The main function of news headline is to make the readers easily to know the main content of the news and the general picture of the news stories although they do not read all news stories. The study chooses The Jakarta Post daily newspaper as the sources of data since The Jakarta Post is the leading daily English language newspaper in Indonesia that published since 1983. The newspaper was launched on April 25th 1983. The paper is owned by PT Bina Media Tenggara, and the head office is in the nation's capital, Jakarta. It is the largest English language newspaper in Indonesia with an average circulation of around 50,000 copies. (www.wikipedia.com/jakarta-post). The analysis of headlines reporting APEC (Asia-Pacific Economy Cooperation) 2013 in Bali, Indonesia was the focus of the research since the news in September 2nd 2013 until October 14th 2013. In that day, Indonesia prepare everything what is needed to annual meeting of APEC in this year held in Nusa Dua, Bali, Indonesia. APEC is established in 1989 which has the aim to strengthen economic growth and strengthen the community of nations in the Asia Pacific. In the annual meeting in this year, APEC generate seven agreement. APEC have the important role in economic global. In that meeting, there are delegates 21 state leader who are important people in their country as presidents and a hundreds business people from whole the world. However, there are many particular world of economy-politic that they used. (http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kerja_Sama_Ekonomi_Asia_Pasifik) The study has There are two similar studies. First, a similar studies was conducted by Kirana (2009). She conducted a study entitled "Critical Discourse Analysis of Headlines in The Jakarta Post Reporting Invasion in Gaza". Kirana's study and this study are quite similar on the analysis of headlines. The difference is sited of the data. She uses the data of the event of conflict in Gaza. However, this study analyzes headlines in story event of APEC 2013 that held in Indonesia. Second, a study was conducted by Yunianti (2010). She conducted a study entitled "Critical Discourse Analysis in The Jakarta Post Reporting Ruhut's Behavior During Parliament Inquiry Session On The Bank Century". The difference between this study and Yunianti's study, we have the same case (power and ideology), but this study analysis newspaper headlines while her study analyses newspaper's article. In the end of her study, she found ideological value that is showed by kinds of syntactical and word choice features utilized by articles The Jakarta Post newspaper. Furthermore, this study analyzes the headlines as the aim was attempt to look at how the language is used headlines to show particular social ideologies and power relations. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as the method of Discourse Analysis was used as the approach to show development of linguistics features which is used in the headlines focused in studying and analyzing the linking between linguistics analysis and social analysis, the ideology, and power relations. The analysis headlines are produced by actual and social matters. CDA was considerably useful to show the source of power, dominance, abuse, inequality and bias and how these sources are initiated, maintained, reproduced and transformed within specific social, economic, political and historical context. More specifically, the study focused on the analysis of ideological representation in the headline present in examining the word choice and transitivity, particularly transitivity of the headlines. Therefore, this study is written to know the ideological distance underlying the linguistics forms existed in the headlines in The Jakarta Post newspaper reporting APEC in Indonesia. Hence, the study wants to analyze the word choice and transitivity of the headlines in The Jakarta Post newspaper reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013 so that the research questions are as follows: 1)What word choice is found in the headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013?, 2)What transitivity is found in headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013?, 3)What ideological stance in the word choice and transitivity found in headlines of The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013?. Moreover, the purposes of the study are: 1)To describe the word choice found of headlines in The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013. 2)To describe the transitivity found of the headlines in The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013. 4)To reveal the ideological stance in the word choice and transitivity found of headlines in The Jakarta Post reporting APEC in Indonesia 2013. The study intends to analyze word choice items and transitivity of the headlines APEC in The Jakarta Post by using CDA theory. The study is expected to be able to give theoretical and practical contribution to the area of applied linguistics and CDA. By conducting this study, the study greatly expects that the finding will be useful to enrich the awareness of how language assists especially through mass media in the particular social ideology and power relations. METHODE The study will be conducted by using qualitative research. The study approaches to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Furthermore, Fairclough (1989:26) states that CDA has three dimension, or stages, of critical discourse analysis: which include the relationship between texts, interactions, and contexts. Thus, there are three steps in analyzing discourse are through description, interpretation, and explanation. Data analysis in this study was also done in three steps which then results in three forms of analysis: first, the analysis of the text; second the analysis of the discourse practice which refers to the process of text production, text distribution and text consumption as commonly happen in the culture in which the writer and the participants live; third, the analysis of the social practice of the society in which the writer and participants live. The source of data in this study is taken from The Jakarta Post newspaper on alternate days from September 9th, 2013 until October 9th, 2013 (31 days). The data are the headlines which taken from The Jakarta Post newspaper. The study chooses the story event of APEC 2013 which held gathering in Indonesia. The data consist of 10 headlines. The data analysis technique in this research was applied descriptive analysis. The aim of the study was to describe certain phenomena occurred in this research setting. The certain phenomena probably occurred in terms of linguistic features. The stages of CDA are proposed by Fairclough (1989:26) was used in this research in the following procedure: 1)Description, In this stage which is concerned with formal properties of the text. There are several steps to describe the texts: Analyzing the word choice: the choices meaning of words used in the headlines, including all types of words, but particularly nouns, adjectives, verbs, and adverbs which carry connoted and denoted meanings. Analyzing the transitivity: sentence construction. There are three components to discuss in transitivity, they are the participant, the process, and the circumstance; 2)Interpretation, It is focused in relationship between text and interaction by seeing of the text as the product of a process of interpretation, notice that is used as the term interpretation for both the interactional process and a stage of analysis; 3)Explanation, It is focused in relationship between interaction and social context by determination of social process of production and interpretation, and their social effects. Then, the data collect based on the focus of this research. After that the data are analyzed based on word choice and transitivity. Thus, the data are interpreted descriptively and argumentatively by using critical discourse analysis devices in order to reveal the ideological stance of headlines of The Jakarta Post newspaper reporting APEC 2013 in Indonesia. DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION In line with study, the research question one, two, and three will be answered in this section. The data consist of 10 headlines which are displayed by three parts. In part A, the data will be analyzed by word choice, then part B analyzes transitivity and the last is part C that the data will be investigated by the ideological stance. Data 1: Protest in motion amid poor security (The Jakarta Post, Monday, September 30, 2013) In data 1, the situation is three days before APEC summit. APEC was held in Bali that got negative response from the activists and students Hundreds of activists and students came together on Sunday to plan protests against the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Bali amid signs of heightened security at the venues that will host the powwow of 21 Pacific-rim leaders this week. Activist Ni Luh Gede Yastini from the Bali Legal Aid Foundation, confirmed that hundreds of activists from more than 30 local and international non-governmental organizations under the Indonesian People's Alliance would carry out protests against the summit. They had not been determined because they were aware that security forces could possibly block the moves as they could be considered a disturbance to the summit. In addition, the alliance will probably raise issues such as the environment, migrant workers, human rights and fair trade. Other issues will also include religious intolerance, unsolved killings of activists, alleged human rights abuses in Papua and foreign occupations of domestic natural resources. Activists reject "the liberalization of investments" which would provide red carpets to foreign businesses to easily exploit Indonesia's natural resources. Dozens of students had already staged a small "anti-APEC" rally outside the Ketapang Port in Banyuwangi, East Java, on Sunday. The port is the gateway for those who travel by land from Java to Bali. (The Jakarta Post) a. Word choice The headline in data 1 is written in simple present tense which omits being of the verb. The headline (3) may read: Protests in motion [is] amid poor security. The omitting being of the verb (is) as the aim to make the headline writing more effective so that it can shows clear, short, and interesting. The headline (3) consists of a subject protest in motion as noun phrase and the complement object amid poor security as prepositional phrase. The word protest means that to the expression strong disagreement with or opposition to something. Protest refers to the act that doing by hundreds activists and students who against APEC summit 2013 in Bali. b. Transitivity The headline in data 1 is written in active sentence which uses relational process. The headline (3) consist of a carrier protest in motion (noun phrase) and attributive amid poor security (prepositional phrase). The omission (is) is classified into relational processes, process of being abstract relations such as have, seem, and be (is), which involve an agent and attributive (e.g. 'You are x'; I have y'). The carrier is protest in motion and the attributive amid poor security. In the other written, it can be said that protest in motion is among poor security. Look at the fraction below: Protest in motion [is] Amid poor security Carrier Process: relational Attributive c. Ideological stance The headline in data 1 is negative side for delegates of APEC, 21 state leaders. In this case, it can unsafe for them. The summit is crucial to discuss economy growth. The headline tries to show protest motion that is done by hundreds activist and student to against APEC summit. Dozens of students had already staged a small "anti-APEC" rally outside the Ketapang Port in Banyuwangi, East Java, on Sunday. The port is the gateway for those who travel by land from Java to Bali. In the text tells who is the doer, the one who against APEC summit. Data 2: No game changers at APEC summit (The Jakarta Post, Wednesday, October 02, 2013) In data 2, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) officials may drive a hard bargain to produce new tangible trade policies as the bloc's prestigious annual summit kicked off on Tuesday amid perturbing signs in the US economy that, once again, sent jitters across the globe. For the duration of the concluding senior officials meeting (CSOM), which will run from Oct. 1 to 2, officials from the 21 Pacific-rim economies would have to show their commitment to the "Bogor Goals" of free, open trade and investment. Officials expect no "big surprises" in the attempt to progress on the liberalization of trade, but are aware of several contentious issues that have the potential to hurt Indonesia and other emerging economies, if not addressed properly during the negotiations. According to documents obtained by The Jakarta Post, there are five deliverables to be discussed as first priorities of the summit. These include Indonesia's initiative to include crude palm oil (CPO) and natural rubber on the list of environmental goods subject for liberalization. Indonesia, which holds the rotating APEC chairmanship, has several requirements for businesses to use local products for certain industries, such as oil and gas. Economist Sri Adiningsih of Gadjah Mada University's APEC study center said Indonesia should focus on taking advantage of existing commitments rather than trying to push for a new agenda. While the summit is likely to produce few benefits for domestic interest, it is crucial to help facilitate other APEC priorities such as commitments to help avoid another round of impasse in the upcoming World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial conference in December in Bali. APEC accounts for about 55 percent of the world's gross domestic product (GDP), some 44 percent of global trade and 40 percent of the world's population (The Jakarta Post). a. Word choice The headline in data 1 is written in full clause, consists of a subject no game (noun phrase), a verb changers (infinitive +s) and an complement at APEC summit. No classified in adverb, it means that used with a following adjective to imply a meaning expressed by the opposite positive statement, game (common noun) means a physical or mental activity or contest that has rules and that people do for pleasure, the verb changers means to replace with another. The verb summit means international meeting; a meeting or series of meetings between the leaders of two or more governments, so that the complement at APEC summit means that International organization meeting. b. Transitivity The headline in data 1 is written in active sentence. According to SFL: Transitivity, the process of the sentence is intransitive action which consists of only one participant no game, the actional verb changers which is intransitive verb which does not need object and circumstance at APEC summit, an additional information of the purpose of the action. The processes of doing in the physical world are shown in material processes that show the power of the doer of doing something to the real world, unlike mental processes which are abstract. Look at fraction below: No game Changers At APEC summit Actor Process: material Circumstance: purpose c. Ideological Stance The headline in data 6 is positive toward APEC. the word no as the negation of the verb game. APEC is the International organization. In this case no game can be changers in this International meeting. Indonesia no longer pushes for green goods. Another summit priority, is the US initiative to discuss barriers to trade, which includes opposition against local-content requirements implemented by several APEC members, including Indonesia. Indonesia, which holds the rotating APEC chairmanship, has several requirements for businesses to use local products for certain industries, such as oil and gas. While the summit is likely to produce few benefits for domestic interest, it is crucial to help facilitate other APEC priorities such as commitments to help avoid another round of impasse in the upcoming World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial conference in December in Bali. The headline is definitely positive toward APEC. To know furthermore of the information, the study classified the analysis of the headline in the table below. No Headlines Word Choice NP FC Process Ideology 1. Competitive SMEs 'crucial' to APEC's growth Compe-titive SMEs - P Relational process Positive 2. Nusa Dua closed for tourists during APEC Nusa dua - P Relational process Positive 3. Protest in motion amid poor security Protests - P Relational process Negative 4. SBY to have bilateral talks with Obama in Bali SBY - P Verbal process Positive 5. APEC agrees to joint efforts to develop renewable energy APEC - P Material process Negative 6. No game changers at APEC summit No game - P Material process Positive 7. RI hopes for deal on rubber shattered RI - P Mental process Negative 8. Challengers force APEC to adjust Challen-gers - P Material process Positive 9 Giants exert clout at APEC Giants - Material process Negative 10 APEC vows to avoid mishaps APEC - Material process Positive Table 1. Word Choice, Transitivity, and Ideology *Note: NP= (Noun Phrase); FC= (Full Clause) Discussions Table 1 the word choice, transitivity and ideology of the headlines into who is the actor or doer, writing headlines, involving in which process, in the end of the analysis it can conclude that what the ideology inside of headlines. First is classified into who is the doer in that event which can show the subject or the doer regularly appear in headline newspaper. Here are the headlines which actors are APEC, it shows in headline in data 5 and data 10. Data 5: APEC agrees to joint efforts to develop renewable energy Data 6: APEC vows to avoid mishap APEC is classified in proper noun which is abbreviation from Asia Pacific Economy Cooperation. Proper noun is a word which is the name of person (e.g. Lisa, John, Marry, etc), a place (e.g. Surabaya, California, Sydney, etc.), an institution (State University of Surabaya, Oxford University, etc.), etc. And it is written with a Capital Letter wherever its located in a sentence. In these headline, the proper noun APEC refers to the International economy meeting summit. The member of APEC consist of Australia, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, United States, Chinese Taipei, Hongkong, China, Mexico, Papua New Guinea, Chile, Peru, Russia, Vietnam. Meanwhile, APEC as the doer or participants above, it is essentially useful to quantify the types of clause and verb processes used and their distribution across sampled newspaper. The table above is clearly that shows the principle difference between the headline: the ratio of noun phrase (NP) headlines to choose containing full clause (FC). All the headlines APEC summit 2013 in Bali are written in full clause, no one of the headline is written in noun phrase. Full clause consist of minimal one subject and one verb. The headline is written in full clause as the aim to give emphasize the actor or the doer who does the action towards the goal, not only states the noun phrase of the doer, the goal or the result that the doer does. Furthermore, classifying into processes that the processes which have four main verb processes across the headline. The process has four type which consist of material process, verbal process, mental process, and relational process. Look at the headlines below: Data 1: Competitive smes 'crucial' to APEC Data 2: Nusa dua closed for tourists during APEC Data 3: Protest in motion amid poor security The example of headlines above is classified in relational process which can show the typically retain the source responsible for the statement. The headlines is written in shorter, punchier headlines, and the omission of be (is, am, are) as the aim to make effectiveness in headline writing is classifies into relational process, process of being in the world abstract relations. According SFL: Transitivity, the abstract relationships generally finds between two participants associated with the process is regarded, however it is different from material process, a participant does not influence the other participant in a physical sense. The omission (is) is classified into relational processes, process of being abstract relations such as have, seem, and be (is), which involve an agent and attributive (e.g. 'You are x'; I have y'). The verbal process is used in this headline: Data 4: SBY to have bilateral talks with Obama in Bali The word talks is classified in verbal processes, a process of saying such as speaking, shouting, or singing. The word "talk" support of (Halliday 1994: 107) that the verbal process expresses the relationship between ideas constructed in human consciousness and the ideas enacted in the form of language. A verbal process is the process of saying, and it exists on the borderline between mental and relational processes. The participants roles associated with verbalization processes are the sayer, the individual who is speaking and that of the target, the addressee to whom the process is directed. This may be added with verbiage, that which is said. The mental process is used in this headline: Data 7: RI hopes for deal on CPO rubber shattered. From the headline in data 7, it can be shown that the headline includes Mental processes. That is the fact that theory from (Halliday, 1994: 117) that Mental processes are "internalized" processes which exists in processes of doing and speaking. The example are such as thinking, dreaming, and deciding. Mental process by encode the meaning of feeling or thinking. Mental process verbs can be subcategorized into three types; Cognition (verbs of thinking, knowing, understanding), Affection (verbs of liking, loving, fearing, heating), and Perception (verbs of seeing, hearing). The word "hopes" includes in dreaming as the article of the text tells that RI has dream or hopes to lift barriers to the trade in Crude Palm Oil (CPO). The material process is used in this headline below: Data 5: APEC agrees to joint efforts to develop renewable energy Data 6: No game changers at APEC summit Data 8: Challenges force APEC to adjust Data 9: Giants exert clout at APEC Data 10: APEC vows to avoid mishap According SFL: Transitivity, the headlines above belongs to the material process, processes of doing in the physical world. Material processes have two inherent participants involved in them. The first of these Actors, which is an obligatory element and expresses the doer of the process. The second is the Goal, which is an optional element and expresses the doer of the process. In addition to these two inherent participant roles, there is an extra element called Circumstance, which provides additional information on the "when, where, how, and why" of the process. Furthermore, the circumstance associated with the process also contribute to an ideological representation of the APEC summit. In the sampled headlines, the circumstance regularly exists in prepositional phrase which can be used to modify both noun and verb phrases, providing extra details on the time, place or the manner in which the action described in the process. They are identified by a preposition (e.g. 'in', 'of', 'on', 'for', 'to', 'with', 'as' etc). The use of preposition in each of these headlines is highly ideological. In each case, the prepositional phrase is underlined: Competitive smes 'crucial' to APEC Challenges force APEC to adjust The reporters or the publication is most often positive toward APEC. The headlines state APEC as the doer which has dominate power which does the actions towards the goal. It can be shown of 10 headline that the headlines writer does not want to cover or hide the subjects or the doers or the actions even the circumstances of the events. Actually, it is the fact that the way of reporting is very ideological since wants the readers to be clear on who is the doer is, the action and the effected entity. The writer wants the readers have the same thinks. Thus, most of the sample headlines have positive ideology towards APEC. Besides APEC, to increase the economy of 21 economies in Asia Pacific, there is Small and Medium Enterprises to unleash economic potential and drive growth. Smes is very useful to the advancement of the ASEAN community and the global community in 2020. Most of all the 21 APEC leaders had proposed bilateral meetings with Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the president of Indonesia. APEC was held in Indonesia has positive towards Indonesia so that's way the ideological stance is shown of the headline writer, in this case the editor of The Jakarta Post who represents the ideological stance of the institution. The Jakarta Post newspaper is daily English newspaper in Indonesia has budget of selection news which is showed for world so that people in the world will know Indonesia actually with reading The Jakarta Post newspaper. It is built in 1982 as the collaboration between four Indonesian media under the demanding of minister of information Ali Moertopo and politician Mr. Jusuf Wanandi, who represented the government-backed Golkar newspaper Suara Karya. Minister Moertopo mentioned the possibility of publishing an English-language newspaper of the highest editorial quality. The Jakarta Post newspaper is more than a decade of opening up the economy to the global community but more importantly one that would be able to provide an Indonesian perspective to counter the highly unbalanced Western-dominated global traffic of news and views. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION Conclusion The data consist of 10 headlines about news event of APEC. The study finds word choice in headlines that the headlines are written in simple present tense that is shown the immediately past event. The headlines that consist of 10 headlines are written by full clause (FC) form which consist of minimal a subject and a verb. The subject or the doer of the headlines are mostly APEC which can be seen that the focus of news reporting is APEC. From the subject or the doer of headlines, APEC is shown as active doer that has dominance power in APEC news event that APEC summit 2013 in Nusa dua, Bali. The most dominance verbs are mostly infinitive+s with singular subject that consist of such as the verbs talks, efforts, changers, hopes, vows. From the verbs are describe the active action for the power relation in the doer and the goal. Furthermore, the process of the verbs are mostly material process which have two inherent participant involved in them. According SFL: Transitivity material process is process of doing in the physical world. There are some omission in headlines as the aim of the writing of headlines more effective. The circumstance in the headlines are written by noun phrase and verb phrases, supplying extra details on the time, place or the manner in which the action described in the process. They are identified by a preposition (e.g. 'in', 'of', 'on', 'for', 'to', 'with', 'as' etc). The use of preposition in each of these headlines is highly ideological which concluded of the analysis in headlines that the study has positive appreciation, feeling, and judgment with APEC summit 2013 in Bali. APEC is mostly mentioned as the actor or the doer in the headlines that has positive verbs such as vows, talks, hopes, changers. From those verb that is seen dominance power in actor for the goal. Suggestion The study analyzes the headlines in The Jakarta Post newspaper which is as the object of study. The headlines are elaborated based on the word choice features, transitivity, and the end of the analysis can be investigated the ideological distance. It can be shown by the object of sentence in headlines. For the future, the study hopes the deeper investigation to have a more critical analysis and useful for studying critical analysis to be better. REFERENCES Brown, Gillian and Yule, George. 1983. Discourse Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Cook, Guy. 1992. 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Over the past couple of decades, global financing for development has changed dramatically. The biggest shifts have been the rapid increase of net private financing flows to developing countries, in particular to middle-income countries (MICs); the sustained growth of official development assistance (ODA) from Development Assistance Committee (DAC) members, even excluding debt relief; the emergence of MICs as growth poles and sources of ODA with different approaches to aid delivery than those of DAC donors; and the expanded role of private aid. In addition, past trends of proliferation, fragmentation and earmarking of aid have continued. This paper reviews broad trends in global financing for development, with a focus on ODA and the growing importance of new development partners such as the so-called BRICS. In this context, it discusses the implications of this changing landscape for aid effectiveness and the role of ODA going forward.

Russian President Vladimir Putin is currently in Pyongyang for a summit with the North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, marking their second visit in just nine months and Putin's first trip to North Korea in 24 years. Not just symbolic, the summit is anticipated to bring noteworthy advancements in Russia-North Korea strategic cooperation. According to various reports, Putin and Kim will be seeking to elevate their bilateral relationship to a "comprehensive strategic partnership," enhancing the overall military, economic, and diplomatic ties between their two countries. While the details of the summit's agenda and outcomes remain unclear, both sides' situational needs and interests provide some hints. Ever since its negotiations with the United States fell through at the Hanoi summit in 2019, North Korea has prioritized meeting the necessary conditions to endure a prolonged confrontation with the United States. Pyongyang has viewed the ruptured relations between Washington and Moscow following the latter's invasion of Ukraine, alongside the heightened geopolitical rivalry between Washington and Beijing, as opportunities to pull Moscow and Beijing closer to its side and to resist U.S.-mobilized containment. Indeed, Pyongyang has frequently framed the current state of international relations as a "new Cold War," emphasizing greater cooperation with Moscow and Beijing to resist Washington. Besides attaining more Russian food and energy aid to alleviate his country's chronic resource shortages, Kim would be particularly interested in gaining substantially greater military support from Putin. Since Beijing remains reluctant to cooperate with Pyongyang militarily — perhaps wanting to avoid provoking the U.S. and its regional allies — Kim may be especially determined to make progress with Putin in the military dimension. As some observers have suggested, it would be ideal for Kim to get Putin to agree on a mutual defense treaty with an automatic military intervention clause. Kim would also surely want Putin's commitment to assisting North Korea's development of advanced military capabilities, such as reconnaissance satellites and tactical nuclear submarines. However, it is uncertain to what extent Putin would be willing to accommodate Kim's demands. Moscow has an interest in forging closer military ties with Pyongyang, but there are limits. Russia is entering its third year of prosecuting what is largely an attritional war in Ukraine, characterized by heavy artillery expendage rates. Though its domestic munitions industry is outproducing the West by a considerable degree — Russian troops fire around 10,000 shells per day, which is roughly five times more than Ukraine's shell usage — Russia's military finds itself in constant need of rounds to maintain and potentially grow its current firepower advantage over Ukrainian forces. It is therefore unsurprising that Moscow seeks to accompany its domestic production ramp with concerted efforts to procure munitions from willing foreign partners. According to estimates by the South Korean Defense Ministry, North Korea has provided Russia with an estimated 7,000 containers of munitions and other military equipment to date. Putin stressed ahead of the trip that Moscow and Pyongyang are committed to fighting Western sanctions that he described as "illegal, unilateral restrictions" and to develop commercial systems "that are not controlled by the West." These joint efforts complement Russia's earlier efforts to degrade the international sanctions regime on North Korea, coming on the heels of Moscow's decision to veto the renewal of a UN Panel of Experts (PoE) responsible for monitoring the enforcement of sanctions and to block the imposition of additional sanctions on North Korea over its previous ballistic missile tests. Russia's burgeoning relations with North Korea also provide Moscow with an opportunity to make good on Putin's earlier threat to retaliate against the West for aiding Ukraine by supplying third parties with weapons that can be used to strike Western targets. But such a move risks upsetting Russia's stable relationship with South Korea, which would see its core security interests suffer in the event of a North Korean strike on U.S. assets in South Korea. Russia supplying North Korea with advanced missile and nuclear technologies, which would pose consequential threats to South Korean security, would also be considered crossing a red line for Seoul, prompting it to take actions that would undermine Russian security interests, such as providing lethal weapons to Ukraine. Provoking Seoul in this way contradicts what has so far been the Kremlin's approach of deepening the Russia-North Korea relationship without pushing Moscow into an overtly hostile footing with South Korea, which has refrained from directly supplying Ukraine with weapons despite Western pressure. "Just like in our relations with Italy, we do not see any Russophobic stance when working with the South Korean government. Neither are there any weapons supplies to the conflict zone. We highly appreciate that," Putin said earlier this month. China is North Korea's largest economic and geopolitical partner, and does not necessarily want to see North Korea diversify its trade, diplomatic, and security portfolio in ways that reduce its influence over Pyongyang. Moscow, which has become increasingly dependent on China in the face of continued Western sanctions and attempts at diplomatic isolation, has an interest in signaling its diplomatic clout to Beijing by engaging a traditional Chinese partner without China's explicit approval.But there are clear limits to this kind of posturing. Moscow is keenly aware it is in no position to overtly antagonize China, which poses an additional reason why Russia, as noted by South Korea's Defense Minister earlier this week, is unlikely to take the step of transferring its more advanced military technologies to North Korea. Putin's visit to Pyongyang will presumably serve to reinforce Russia and North Korea's comprehensive strategic ties, potentially introducing new joint efforts by the two countries to cooperate on navigating their strategic challenges, including overcoming U.S.-mobilized sanctions and filling each other's military deficiencies to some extent. It remains to be seen if Moscow will bear the risks and costs associated with pursuing a deeper form of Russia-North Korea security cooperation, which notably include drawing Beijing's ire. If the Kremlin goes down this path, it could pose a new regional challenge for Washington and its allies that is distinct from the China-U.S. rivalry in the Asia-Pacific and may spark calls for additional American reassurances to South Korea.

Explosive assassination claims made over seven weeks ago by Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau have thrust India-Canada relations into crisis. Despite the two countries' shared position on the Israel-Hamas war and caution by Canada's key allies, the downward spiral between Ottawa and New Delhi has continued unabated.Trudeau accused the Indian government in September of complicity in the killing of prominent Sikh leader Hardeep Singh Nijjar on Canadian soil. Nijjar, an outspoken proponent of the Khalistan separatist movement for the establishment of an independent state in India's northern Punjab region, was previously labeled a "terrorist" by Indian authorities. The government of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi denounced Trudeau's allegations as "absurd and motivated," reiterating its long-standing grievances over what it describes as Canada's continued sheltering of Khalistani terrorists and extremists.The bombshell allegations have brought the India-Canada relationship to what experts have described as its lowest point ever. A massive trade deal that both sides hoped would be inked by the end of 2023 has been frozen indefinitely. Canada responded by expelling Indian diplomat Pavan Kumar Rai, prompting India's expulsion of a Canadian diplomat in a mirror response. New Delhi took the diplomatic tit-for-tat game to a new level in October, reportedly ordering Canada to recall over half —41 of 62 — of its diplomats in India. Trudeau neither confirmed the expulsions nor suggested that Canada is planning a proportionate response. "Obviously, we are going through an extremely challenging time with India right now, but that's why it is so important for us to have diplomats on the ground working with the Indian government and there to support Canadians and Canadian families," he said, according to AP. Trudeau's recent attempts to contain, if not to dial down, tensions with India come amid growing apprehensions by Canada's key allies. The Biden administration has made it a foreign policy priority to court India as a critical regional counterweight to China. The White House reportedly privately believes Canada's assassination claims, but worries that the dispute may spill over into a more serious confrontation with deleterious consequences for its Indo-Pacific strategy. "When Washington has to decide between New Delhi and Ottawa, given the current global geopolitical situation, it's going to side with New Delhi," Andrew Latham, Professor of International Relations and Political Theory at Macalester College in Saint Paul, Minnesota, and Senior Fellow at the Institute for Peace & Diplomacy, told RS. The Trudeau government faces substantial domestic pressure as it navigates the Nijjar incident, Latham observed. "I think, in one sense, both sides would like this to go away because the largest diaspora in Canada is Indian. The Trudeau government is no position to alienate the large Sikh community in and around Vancouver and in and around Toronto," he said, highlighting the salience of electoral politics to Trudeau's thinking. "And then you factor into that the fact that right now, it [Trudeau's Liberal Party] is in a coalition government, more or less, with the New Democratic Party which is headed by Jagmeet Singh, who is also a Sikh. You can see that there is some partisan electoral dynamic at work here which is pushing the Trudeau government not to let this issue go away," Latham added.Singh, who was denied a visa by India in 2013 reportedly over his statements on the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in India, has taken a more strident stance on the Nijjar killing than Trudeau himself. "I will leave no stone unturned in the pursuit of justice, including holding Narendra Modi accountable," he wrote on social media.The Nijjar scandal was quickly overtaken, at least in international media headlines, by the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war after October 7. A vast swathe of the global south has either criticized Israel or offered equivocal messages lamenting the loss of life and urging an end to hostilities. Modi, by stark contrast, has taken a robust pro-Israel position much closer to the views of Canadian and most Western leaders. "Deeply shocked by the news of terrorist attacks in Israel. Our thoughts and prayers are with the innocent victims and their families. We stand in solidarity with Israel at this difficult hour," the Indian Prime Minister wrote on the X social media platform X following the October 7 Hamas attacks. India also abstained from a Oct. 27 vote in the UN General Assembly which called for a " humanitarian truce" in Gaza. The measure was opposed by the U.S. and Israel and 12 other countries. The Modi government took such a stance partly because it believes it is confronted with similar types of threats on its homeland, experts say. India "faces a number of secessionist threats and the prospect of, broadly framed, Islamic terrorism, which it likens to what Israel is facing. India and Israel have had a good relationship for a while and this is a continuation of it," Latham noted. Yet their shared pro-Israel position has proven not to be a mitigating factor in the cratering relations between Ottawa and New Delhi. "The old adage, the enemy of my enemy is my friend, actually doesn't work here. I don't think their common antipathy towards Hamas is sufficient to bridge the differences," said Latham. "Think about what's at stake for the Canadian government: some foreign government, if this is all true, sent their agents into Canada to assassinate a Canadian citizen expressing views that are protected under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. And on the Modi side, here is the parallel: Israel has a long history of assassinating people beyond [Israel's borders] who are enemies of the state of Israel, Modi is simply doing that," Latham said. "I think that, over time, this will abate, but in the short to medium term, it's just too raw at the moment, and not even this common position around Israel is sufficient to calm tempers."Though there are no signs of reconciliation anywhere on the horizon, both sides — as well as the deeply influential external stakeholder that is the Biden administration — have at least an implicit interest in ensuring that the Canada-India confrontation does not careen down the path of uncontrollable escalation.Time will tell if that will be enough to prevent lasting damage to the bilateral relationship.

2006/2007 ; LA PROIEZIONE ENERGETICA CINESE NEGLI SCENARI CAPITALISTICI GLOBALI Dottorando: Dr. Fabio Massimo Parenti Relatore: Prof.ssa MARIA PAOLA PAGNINI RIASSUNTO L'analisi dei cambiamenti economico-politici al livello globale ha costituito una sfida costante alla quale gli scienziati sociali sono stati chiamati a rispondere. Ciò ha portato, nel corso del tempo, allo sviluppo di molteplici approcci interpretativi, capaci di volta in volta di fornire modelli esplicativi più o meno efficaci. L'emergere della cosiddetta globalizzazione ha poi accelerato, in una certa misura, il bisogno di proseguire tali studi, che malgrado la loro diversità sono confluiti il più delle volte nell'ambito disciplinare delle "Relazioni Internazionali" (RI). La tesi sulla proiezione energetica cinese negli scenari capitalistici globali tenta di entrare in questo ampio dibattito, partendo innanzitutto dall'adesione alle analisi più accreditate sui principali cambiamenti geoeconomici e geopolitici in corso - la ricomparsa dell'Asia al centro del sistema produttivo/commerciale mondiale, il declino dell'egemonia statunitense e l'emerge della Cina come nuovo centro di accumulazione capitalistica3 - e nel contempo dalla dissociazione da quelle sulla riduzione dell'importanza dello Stato-nazione e sull'emergere di una nuova "guerra fredda". La crescente integrazione cinese al modo di produzione capitalistico svela sia la centralità dello Stato-nazione dietro i nuovi processi di accumulazione asiatici, sia le crescenti interdipendenze economico-finanziarie fra gli USA e la Cina, sia infine l'emergere di un modello di sviluppo cinese sui generis, che abbiamo definito del free State (in confronto a quello del free trade britannico e del free enterprises statunitense). Le strategie energetiche cinesi, incentrate su una serie di accordi bi/multilaterali, regionali ed intersocietari, rendono conto dell'ampiezza dei processi di accumulazione capitalistica in alcuni poli asiatici, della spinta verso l'integrazione macroregionale e delle conseguenze geopolitiche prodotte da tali movimenti. Ricordandoci, in ultima istanza, la dipendenza delle dinamiche di cambiamento dalla dimensione energetico-materiale. Sottolineando dapprima i limiti interpretativi delle RI, in particolare delle analisi più influenti dell'approccio realista (Huntington, 1996; Bernstein e Munro, 1997; Mearsheimer, 2001, e altri), la tesi proposta rivendica la centralità dello sguardo geografico nella comprensione della natura dei cambiamenti in fieri, nonché l'adeguatezza degli strumenti analitici della disciplina geografica (l'articolazione scalare degli spazi umani) nella interpretazione della dinamica capitalistica globale (Harvey) e dei correlati sviluppi geopolitici. Il ricorso a un'analisi energetica e interscalare, che ha messo al centro dell'attenzione la regione mobile e l'infrastruttura, ha consentito di svelare la parziale trasformazione degli Stati nazione in "entità regionali mobili" (imbrigliate in un sistema sempre più interdipendente e competitivo), nonché la capacità degli Stati stessi di produrre regionalità. Da questa angolazione, il cambiamento degli equilibri del sistema internazionale è stato desunto proprio a partire dall'analisi degli sviluppi che occorrono nelle principali regioni strategiche (geo-energetico-minerarie) e dalla costruzione di sistemi di controllo economico-finanziario, direttamente influenzati dalle politiche dei principali attori statuali. Nello specifico, la tesi ha cercato di rispondere alla seguente domanda: perché la rivalità sul controllo delle risorse petrolifere (USA/Cina) si sta ponendo in forme nuove rispetto al passato? In condizioni geoeconomiche in profondo mutamento, e nell'ambito di una competizione capitalistica Ovest/Est, la Cina si moverebbe con approccio diverso dagli USA, inserendosi nei processi di globalizzazione con una diversa soggettività politica e un compromesso sui generis fra lo Stato e gli interessi economici capitalistici. Il Beijing consensus è il frutto di una strategia alternativa a quella degli USA (basata sul sostegno alle private corporations e ai loro interessi immediati), che possiamo riassumere in tre elementi distintivi: l'uso prevalente delle State-owned enterprises per scopi strategici; la costruzione di rapporti di lungo periodo, tramite investimenti in perdita o con ritorni minimi; e infine, ma non meno importante, l'attenta elaborazione di politiche macroeconomiche (monetarie, fiscali e industriali) tese a ridurre le ripercussioni negative indotte da un eccessivo affidamento agli aggiustamenti di mercato. Mentre l'approccio unilaterale degli USA sembra essere il risultato di un progressivo declino di legittimità e consenso (Washington consensus), l'azioni cinese nel mondo non ha come obiettivo l'egemonia, ma il consolidamento di uno status di grande potenza, garante di un ordine mondiale multipolare. Una strategia che è coerente con alcuni principi guida scritti nella costituzione del 1982, e che riguardano il rispetto della sovranità e dell'integrità territoriale, la non aggressione, la non ingerenza negli affari interni, l'eguaglianza e la coesistenza pacifica. Nella sostanza, la Cina si oppone all'imperialismo e all'egemonismo e si impegna a sostenere le nazioni oppresse, la pace e il progresso nel mondo (Rinella, 2006). Tuttavia, non è l'ordine unipolare in sé che viene contestato, quanto piuttosto la posizione egemonica degli USA nei confronti della Cina, la quale è preoccupata degli effetti che l'unilateralismo statunitense possa avere sulla stabilità di regioni del mondo da cui dipende il suo sviluppo (Foot, 2006). L'obiettivo di costruire un mondo multipolare si traduce in un'estesa strategia di cooperazione bilaterale e regionale con quegli Stati asiatici, come la Russia e l'Iran, che condividono lo stesso bisogno cinese di rimarginare gli squilibri prodotti dall'unilateralismo statunitense (Domenach, 2003; Garver, 2006). Inoltre, l'emergere di un'architettura energetica asiatica più indipendente dall'Occidente, nonché di un sistema economico-finanziario multipolare, dipende anche dal ruolo ricoperto dall'India e da altri Stati asiatici (tra cui soprattutto il Pakistan, le Repubbliche Centro-Asiatiche, l'Iran e l'Arabia Saudita), le cui interdipendenze geoeconomiche e politiche con la Cina stanno aumentando sia nell'ambito di rapporti bilaterali, sia nella sfera d'influenza della Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) (cioè uno spazio regionale riconosciuto de jure e in continua espansione). L'evoluzione di questa organizzazione va avanti e si rafforza sul piano di accordi economici ed energetici, che sono finalizzati, in ultima istanza, a costruire un tessuto di infrastrutture capaci di "vestire" la macroregione asiatica. Le ambizioni della Cina sono concretamente sostenute dalla sua performance economica, molto significativa sul piano quantitativo e qualitativo, dal connesso sviluppo di tecnologia militare (missili, satelliti, nucleare etc.) e dalla sua abilità diplomatica, che in ultima istanza si rifà ai principi originari dell'Organizzazione delle Nazioni Unite. Tutte carte da grande potenza che gli consentono di giocare un ruolo sempre più importante sull'arena internazionale, in cui l'emergere di una nuova Guerra Fredda non sembra essere un esito compatibile con i nuovi sistemi di organizzazione economico-politica capitalistica al livello mondiale. Se lo sviluppo cinese e statunitense dipende in modo crescente da ampi sistemi di approvvigionamento energetico che possono entrare in competizione, entrambi i Paesi sono sempre più legati sul piano economico-finanziario. ; XX Ciclo

Introduction: After the Second World War, the political and economical block that today we call European Union started when six countries sought to ensure the peace among them. Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxemburg and the Netherlands put their heavy industries under a common management, with the Coal and Steel Treaty, so no one could build weapons or develop its war industry without the others knowing it. This experience led to the Treaty of Rome in 1957 and 50 years later the ideas of people, goods and service freedoms continue spreading around, and the European Union has become one of the best examples of economical, political and cultural integration, and a reference around the world to encourage other regions to group. Therefore, among others, the Latin America Free Trade Association (LAFTA) appeared in 1960, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), in 1967; the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), in 1991; and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) in 1993. In the case of South America , in spite of their good intentions, the huge asymmetries between LAFTA members caused the apparition of sub-regional blocs: the Andeans Community (CAN) founded in 1969, and now grouping Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru; and the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) founded in 1991, between Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. Nowadays, after more than 40 years of integration processes, there are still strong problems inside both sub-regional blocs. CAN Member States have several diplomatic discussions regarding their political models; and Peru, Ecuador and Colombia have or are negotiating independent Free Trade Agreements with external blocs, including USA and the EU. In the other side, MERCOSUR's main players -Argentina and Brazil- have commercial disputes at the World Trade Organization, surrounding their own sub-regional bodies . Nevertheless, these two sub-regional associations were the basis for the South American Community of Nations (CSN on Spanish) in 2004, and from that point, the present attempt to unify South-America: the South American Union of Nations (UNASUR, 2008), with the participation of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Surinam, Uruguay and Venezuela. The integration levels in political and economical affairs in this latter group are expected to change the way international relations will be conduit in the future of South-America. This new regional bloc has an extension of 17 658 Km² and 383 million inhabitants (2007) . With a general GDP of $2348 953 (2007) and a GDP per capita of $6126 (2007), it is one of the regions with more perspectives of development, but it is also one of the regions with the highest degrees of economic asymmetry. While in 2007 Chile, Venezuela and Brazil had a GDP per capita (2007) of $9865, $8601 and $6819, there were other countries like Paraguay and Bolivia, with a GDP per capita (2007) of $1669 and $1342. These asymmetries have leaded to strong disagreements between South American countries during previous integration process. An example that just pooling economies is not the whole solution for development is the case of Paraguay, in the middle of MERCOSUR and with barely a quarter of the MERCOSUR's GDP $6642 (2007). 'Integration' will not always mean international governmental organizations where Member States have decided to transfer competitions and empowerment of supranational institutions; in this Master Thesis, the South American integration processes will be defined as '(...)the creation and maintenance of intense and diverse patrons of interaction between previously autonomous units.' Furthermore, 'Integration' in the context of the South American reality included two concepts: 'Regionalism' and 'Regionalization'. The first is related to the wave of thinking, the interaction projects and the political initiatives (the processes) and the second, to the institutions or the agreements that represent the integration (the result). This Master Thesis tries to be oriented to describe the processes more than the institutions or the agreements; nevertheless, it is not possible to present the first without the second and vice versa. What kind of integration can be expected in South America? What kind of goals, challenges and success can South-American Nations find in their way to a social, political and economical integration? Whereas the EU is -since its very beginning- a supranational initiative, South American regional and sub-regional blocs are characterised for being mostly, the result of intergovernmental agreements. Will this difference be determinant in the integration processes? In this thesis of Master in European Studies, the South American integration -processes and institutions- will be review under the framework of six dimensions that give the EU its character of integrated regional bloc and are advocated to deep the South America Integration. Three of them related to structural bodies: executive, judicial and legislative; and the other three related to the policies that defines a Union: Monetary Policy, Foreign and Security Policy; and, Social and Development Policy. In order to do not miss the main emphasis, the description and analysis of the executive supranational body will be deeper than the corresponding to judicial and legislative bodies and the three common policies. In addition, two cases of the South American Integration will be modeled, to present the best possible scenarios to foster the integration. By the comparison of the structures and policies, and by the scenario modeling; this Master Thesis attempts to demonstrate that the lack of supranational authority and law enforcement power will play a determinant role in the success or failure in the South American integration process. The analysis in this thesis can be divided in two sections, the descriptive part and the analysis of Case Study. The information for the descriptive part is mostly from published books, research papers, journals and case studies, the information for the Case Study comes mostly from News and Newspaper articles. The technique used in the analysis of the Case Studies is the Theory Game: a shared-decision model with two players that have different priorities for the same decision. The methodology for that is described more widely in section 4.1 Fundamentals of Game Theory. This Master Thesis presents the South American integration as a whole, and the UNASUR as the present meeting point of the Andean Community and MERCOSUR. Therefore, wherever South American Integration is mentioned, it is not limited to UNASUR, CAN or MERCOSUR analysis, because they coexist and overlap each other at the same time. Instead, time framework and integration approaches are considerations that need to be undeniably included. To write about the integration processes in South America is to review almost 40 years of history and political agreements and disagreements of twelve countries and the influence that they received from external factors, like Central-, North America and Europe. Nowadays, the remaining sub-regional blocs face the opportunity to pool agreements in a new attempt, together with the risk of breaking-off of the Treaties, by the influence of external agreements of Member States with third parties around the world. For reasons of space, and to focus in the present regional integration process, those external agreements, like the NAFTA or the negotiations between the CAN and the EU, and their influence in the South American regional integration process are not going to be covered in this Master Thesis. That does not mean that their influence is negligible, rather than that, in some cases, like the Free Trade Agreements between the USA and Colombia, or Peru, it means the risk of the end of the CAN as a sub-regional economic bloc. In addition, a commercial developments analysis of the South American integration process requires a separate review of each commercial category and each bilateral agreement and therefore, a deeper description of those topics is not included. Other issues that are not going to be covered in this Master Thesis are those integration processes or commercial agreements that are not part or do not lead to the South American Union of Nations, like the 'Bolivarian Alternative for Our Americas' (on Spanish ALBA) or the 'Commercial Agreement of the Peoples' (on Spanish TCP). Their own dynamic and priorities are quite interesting; nevertheless going deeper in these issues could mean to reduce attention in the main topics of this Master Thesis. This Master Thesis uses study cases to describe two facets of the South American Integration process under the Two-Person Model of the Game Theory. The model used in this Master Thesis is characterised for the intersection of two players with mutual influence and different priorities. Game Theory is a useful analysis tool with many applications in mathematics, economics and political fields; nevertheless, as a model, it is a simplification of the reality and therefore, some details like the simplicity of its initial assumptions, the deep of the analysis, outsider players and feedback, are limited, further details of these limitations are presented in section 4.2. The analysis of a play of a Game, under the Game Theory can also be made by a mathematical approach. That mathematical approach is not going to be considered in this Master Thesis in order to keep the focus in the integration process.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Content: Dedicatory and Acknowledgementsii Abstractiii List of Contentsiv List of Tablesv List of Figuresvi List of Acronymsvii I.INTRODUCTION1 1.1Introduction2 1.2Methodology4 1.3Remarks4 II.SOUTH AMERICAN INTEGRATION FRAMEWORK DEVELOPMENT6 2.1Political Framework Development towards the South-American Union of Nations7 III.SOUTH AMERICAN INTEGRATION UNDER THE EU FRAMEWORK26 3.1'New Regionalism' and the functional approach of South American integration.27 3.2South American- and EU- Integration Structures and Policies34 3.2.1A Supranational Executive Body37 3.2.2Supranational judicial functions41 3.2.3Supranational legislative functions43 3.2.4Common Currency and Supranational Monetary Institution46 3.2.5A Common Foreign and Security Policy47 3.2.6A Common Social and Development Policy48 IV.GAME THEORY AND SOUTH AMERICAN INTEGRATION CASE STUDIES50 4.1Game Theory51 4.1.1Fundamentals of Game Theory51 4.1.2Limitations of Game Theory54 4.2Case Studies55 4.2.1Case Study 1: Political Integration, the creation of the South American Energy Council (2007)55 4.2.2Case 2: Economical Integration, the Ecuadorian safeguards settlement (2009)62 V.CONCLUSIONS AND FINAL COMMENTS67 REFERENCES71 APPENDIXES Appendix A: South American figures78 Appendix B: Game Theory Glossary82 Appendix C: Combined priorities84 DISCLAIM89Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3.2.1, A Supranational Executive Body: Regarding the legal order, Supranationalism means that sovereign states agree to abide by norms which are adopted at a higher level of organization. In the case of the European Union, Supranationalism is not referred to the transfer of sovereignty; it is only the transfer of the power to exercise that sovereignty. Together with that, the supremacy of the Community law and the principle of direct effect present that the legal system of the Community has a federal nature. Thence, a Supranational Institution has competences to exercise powers that belong to sovereign States. In addition, the exercise of this power should be in line with the principles of proportionality, i.e. No action shall go beyond that it is necessary; and subsidiarity, i.e. In competences that Supranational Institution shares with Member States, it does intervene only if the objective of the action cannot be achieved by the Member State. The interaction between national governments and EU Institutions, together with the freedom to act according to those competences, is the basis for the adoption of the EU rules. Beyond the legal order, Supranationalism may be employed in decision-making, monitoring and enforcement. Supranationalism can also be divided in decisional (pooling sovereignty) and normative (delegation of power). Decisional Supranationalism is referred to those decisions taken by voting procedures other than unanimity, and when governments decided to act either jointly or not at all. Normative Supranationalism refers to the delegation of power to autonomous institutions that are created by the Member States. Therefore, a Supranational Executive Body will be an Institution with the right to adopt normative decisions directly based on the Treaties, with the autonomy to execute those decisions, and without the need of approval by the Member States. Supranational actors contribute to the integration by different means and reasons. Moravscik presented that pooling or delegation in the EU, are means to assure that other governments will accept agreed legislation or enforcement in issue-areas, where joint gains are high and distributional conflicts are moderate, and where there is uncertainty about future decisions. Other contribution of supranational bodies to integration process is that they might reduce the transaction costs by institutionalizing the integrative dynamic and negotiating procedure; and, it may assist national governments in issues area in which there are reasonably clear added benefits working according to the rules, but with predictable temptations to chat in response to short-term pressures. In addition, supranational institutions bring mutual confidence; smaller countries, which want their interests taken in account, especially in multinational scenarios where there is not veto power, can relay in the impartiality of supranational actors, instead of intergovernmental decision-making procedures, where the most powerful Member States shape the process. Probably the best example of the contribution of a Supranational Executive Body to Regional Integration is in Competition Policy: The Commission received decision powers in the sphere of state aid, based on the EEC Treaty provisions, due to the necessity of an impartial and independent body to apply agreed rules to face national pressures. One of the earliest Community Regulations fixed the modalities by which the Commission would exercise that power directly to ensure that undertakings respected antitrust rules. A supranational executive body can also shape the process and foster the integration. An example is the development of the European Monetary Union (EMU). Monetary union was neither the uncontested solution to economic problems, nor an easily obtainable response to German reunification. Nevertheless, Commission officials successfully disseminated the notion that EMU altogether provided a coherent solution to the problems created by financial globalization and the end of the Cold War; furthermore, they were leading actors in the sudden proliferation of governmental initiatives in France, Italy and German in favour of the EMU. By doing that, they fostered solid political momentum behind an originally lukewarm and unfocused demand for monetary integration. There are several reasons and examples of the benefits of a Supranational Executive Body; nevertheless, South American Nations still working with Intergovernmental Structures. During the negotiations for the UNASUR Constitutive Treaty, its former General Secretary, Rodrigo Borja, presented a proposal for the authority and competences of UNASUR. In that document, member states, '(...) in exchange of the economical, political and geopolitical advantages that a common order can offer; agreed in the limitation of some of their sovereign faculties and will form the Union with common decision and executive multinational bodies'. The proposal was not accepted and finally, was part of the reasons of Borja's resignation. While in the case of the EU, the presence of a Supranational Executive Body is one of the strongest driving forces of the integration process, in the South American context, there is not yet a political will to pool sovereignty. Solón, pro-tempore General Secretary of UNASUR from 2006 to 2008, affirms 'Nobody doubts that in the future it will be necessary to move to supranational authorities (...) but today they want an agreement where everybody shall count with the other to have a meeting point'. Behind that attitude, the reasons that can be drawn are the political will of member states, driven by governments or national monopolies, which do not want to lose control over the process and the stagnation of the over-institutionalism in the past (Central America Common Market and the CAN). The stagnation of over-institutionalism drives member states to appeal to external bodies in the dispute settlement, continuing the weakening of the idea of a supranational body; the political will of member states, or its absence, could be explained for the existence of strong national political elites, allowed for the late trade liberalizations of national monopolies. Rajagopal refers to studies of how MERCOSUR member states have been primarily driven by domestic political considerations when they have furthered the integration process. This it could lead to conclude that they are not likely to develop the kind of supranational governance institutions present in the European Union; as policy elites in MERCOSUR, member states desire to maintain a great deal of domestic policy autonomy. In addition of its intergovernmental character, the faculties of the UNASUR Secretariat as Executive body are restricted by its small budget of 3 million US$/year, much more limited than the 5,4 million US$/year of the CAN General Secretariat ; and by the denial of the proposal of pooling the executive bodies of CAN and MERCOSUR. Another issue to consider is that the feasibility for South American countries to pool sovereignty or to delegate power varies from one Member State to another, according to their own constitutive and legal framework. In some cases, Constitutional texts are quite clear in stimulating regional integration and stressing the prevalence of regional law, like the Venezuelan Constitution that allows to 'confer on supranational organisations (...) the exercise of the powers necessary to carry out these integration processes (...)'(Art. 153, Venezuelan Constitution 1999). The Colombian external relations 'are based on national sovereignty (...) and on recognition of the principles of international law accepted by Colombia' and 'The State shall promote economic, social and political integration with other nations(…)', (Art. 19 and Art. 227, Colombian Constitution 1991). There are, however, other Member States whit Constitutions that needs amendment to pool sovereignty; like the Bolivian Constitutions which states 'The public authorities may not delegate the powers conferred on them by this Constitution, or confer on the executive branch powers other than those expressly conferred on them by it' (Art. 30, Bolivian Constitution). Therefore, the creation of a supranational executive body could not be totally accepted until the totality of the national Constitutions were in line with it. In addition to the considerations presented above, Chapter IV presents two Case Study based on the Game Theory to demonstrate the strong influence of an executive body with supranational competences in the integration process. Nevertheless, it is likely to expect that present integration structures will remain tied to intergovernmental political intentions, and the integration process will loose the benefits of a Supranational Executive Body.

This issue of the Review begins with an article by the Mexican economist Arturo Guillén Romo on the main tensions in the world economy and trade since the 2007-08 crisis and the recession of the following years. It highlights the loss of land of the United States in production, international trade and foreign direct investment, although preserving a clear military advantage. One conclusion that it is possible to extract the text is the configuration of a scenario in which it is plausible to expect a consolidation of control by the United States over its areas of influence, including Latin America, as part of its strategy against the European Union, Russia and especially China. In this context, the condition of EE. USA As a majority shareholder of the IMF, he raises an element of particular complexity regarding the strategy of re-profiling the external debt and vis-à-vis the multilateral organization, which represents one of the ingredients of the US-Argentina bilateral relationship. Guillén Romo's text allows us to discern the scenario in which Argentina will move, trying to take advantage of the reconfigurations of power relations at the global level. The following three articles approach the territorial dimension of social processes and the ways in which they are determined from different angles, but complementary. The text by Lucas Ferrero and Alejandro San José analyzes the formation of the Argentine socioeconomic and demographic structure and the dynamics of population agglomeration and expulsion from the periphery in the peripheral regions, stories from the Northeast and Northwest regions. In counterpoint from the territorial point of view but as a complement to the synergy between protocols and regulations, structural trends and performance of private actors, the article by Verónica Pérez and Jorge Sánchez sets its sights on the organization and performance of the motor transport sector public transport in the Metropolitan Region of Buenos Aires and its variations in the last ninety years, and the importance of this service in the design of the area throughout almost a century. For its part, the work of Letizia Vazquez, Sergio Andrés Kaminker and Renata Hiller reconstructs how a national public policy differentially impacts different territories according to local socioeconomic contexts and different actors. The differential results of the program in two localities allow us to affirm the importance of local networks when formulating a national policy. The popular economy, or social economy, has proven to be, in its multiple expressions and spheres of development, much more than a survival resource for those excluded from the labor market by the regressive dynamics of neoliberalism. The articles by Claudia Cabrera and María Victoria Deux Marzi focus from various angles on the rich problems offered by the articulation between popular organization, insertion in commercial relations and modalities of state intervention. Cabrera's research in the Buenos Aires suburbs aims to analyze the strategies of social reproduction of the homes of the popular economy that live in neighborhoods that were accessed outside the formal real estate market. According to the author, the popular economy finds its conditions of possibility in the territory; therefore there is a rationality of adaptation to the environment by those who join it; This means that it is not possible to explain the particularities of the reproduction strategies of households outside the territories they inhabit. Frequently the specificity of the modes of labor insertion in these contexts collides with the taxonomic systems of framing of the occupations of the workers; hence the inadequacy of conventional statistical categories to account for the variety of concrete situations that arise, thus posing a theoretical and methodological challenge to conventional forms of social research. Deux Marzi's article reconstructs the policies of the national state promoting the popular economy between 2015 and 2019, a period of government in sharp contrast, in this as in many other aspects of public policy, with which it preceded it. His vision encompasses both the public organizations that during that period managed the policies related to the sector, as well as the programs carried out, the actors involved and the various types of intervention. The author highlights the predominant orientation of interventions lacking a broader and more inclusive approach to the various modalities of the popular economy, which could have promoted productive and labor strategies. Obviously, the predominant paradigm in the theoretical and philosophical conceptions of neoliberal administration - centered on individualism, interindividual competition, entrepreneurship - went against the community and solidarity dimension, which is one of the central characteristics of the schemes of the economy. popular. The following two articles, although dedicated to different topics, raise the necessary adaptation of the large intellectual categories that guide the design of institutions and public policies, with the need to narrow the gap between these designs and their effective implementation, the product of a variety of factors derived from the scenarios or the actors involved in different ways in this dimension of politics. Matías Mattalini presents a case study of the system for the promotion and protection of the rights of children and adolescents in the province of Buenos Aires. In it, he distinguishes various paradigms or models of approach: social representations derived from practices, devices and structures that address the problem according to the dominant vision of an era. The author adopts the position of the coexistence of paradigms assuming that, when exploring the institutional daily life of organizations dedicated to this problem, a plurality of practices emerge that tend to establish from below an institutionality based on institutional co-responsibility. Appealing to the categories of analysis of the political philosophy of Raymond Williams, María Alejandra Bowman and Mariana Tosolini focus their gaze on the implementation of two public policies in recent Argentine history, in individual moments of profound sociopolitical and ideological differentiation, present in the policies under examination: the Adult Educational Reactivation for Reconstruction Campaign developed between 1973 and 1975, and the Youth with More and Better Work Program created in 2008. According to the authors, Williams' analytical categories contribute to clearing the dynamics of resignification of the policies, between the definitions formulated from the state instances, the administrative interventions of the policy managers, and the meanings that the subjects assign to the normative prescriptions from their links with the institutions, to their conceptions of the world and the way these are lived. A proposition whose scope goes far beyond the policies examined, insofar as it points to the conceptual and operational gap that usually exists between the design of policies and their effective implementation. ; Este número de la Revista se inicia con un artículo del economista mexicano Arturo Guillén Romo sobre las principales tensiones en la economía y el comercio mundial a partir de la crisis de 2007-08 y la recesión de los años siguientes. Se destaca en él la pérdida de terreno de Estados Unidos en la producción, el comercio internacional y la inversión extranjera directa, aunque preservando una clara ventaja militar. Una conclusión que es posible extraer del texto es la configuración de un escenario en el que es plausible esperar una consolidación del control de Estados Unidos sobre sus zonas de influencia, entre ellas América Latina, como parte de su estrategia frente a la Unión Europea, Rusia y, especialmente, China. En este contexto, la condición de EEUU de accionista mayoritario del FMI plantea un elemento de particular complejidad respecto de la estrategia de reperfilamiento de la deuda externa y frente al organismo multilateral y que deviene uno de los ingredientes de la relación bilateral EEUU-Argentina. El texto de Guillén Romo, permite discernir el escenario en el que necesariamente habrá de moverse Argentina, intentando sacar ventaja de las reconfiguraciones de las relaciones de fuerza en el plano global. Los tres artículos siguientes abordan desde ángulos diversos pero complementarios la dimensión territorial de los procesos sociales y los modos en que éstos contribuyen a la producción de aquél. El texto de Lucas Ferrero y Alejandro San José analiza la formación de la estructura socioeconómica y demográfica argentina y las dinámicas de aglomeración y expulsión poblacional de la periferia en las regiones periféricas, considerando tales las regiones Noreste y Noroeste. En contrapunto desde el punto de vista territorial pero como complemento en cuanto a la sinergia entre intervenciones y regulaciones estatales, tendencias estructurales y desempeño de los actores privados, el artículo de Verónica Pérez y Jorge Sánchez pone la mira en la organización y desempeño del sector del autotransporte público de pasajeros en la Región Metropolitana de Buenos Aires y sus variaciones en los últimos noventa años, y la gravitación de este servicio en el diseño del área a lo largo de casi un siglo. Por su parte, el trabajo de Letizia Vazquez, Sergio Andrés Kaminker y Renata Hiller reconstruye el modo en que una política pública nacional impacta de manera diferencial en distintos territorios de acuerdo con los contextos socioeconómicos locales y los diferentes actores. Los resultadosdiferenciales del programa en dos localidades permiten afirmar la importancia de los entramados locales a la hora de formular una política de alcance nacional. La economía popular, o economía social, ha probado ser en sus múltiples expresiones y ámbitos de desarrollo, mucho más que un recurso de sobrevivencia para los excluidos del mercado de trabajo por la dinámica regresiva del neoliberalismo. Los artículos de Claudia Cabrera y de María Victoria Deux Marzi enfocan desde ángulos variados la rica problemática que ofrece la articulación entre organización popular, inserción en relaciones mercantiles y modalidades de intervención estatal. La investigación de Cabrera en el conurbano bonaerense tiene por objeto el análisis de las estrategias de reproducción social de los hogares de la economía popular que habitan en barrios a los que accedieron por fuera del mercado inmobiliario formal. De acuerdo a la autora la economía popular encuentra en el territorio sus condiciones de posibilidad; hay por lo tanto una racionalidad de adaptación al medio por parte de quienes se incorporan a ella; esto significa que no es posible explicar las particularidades de las estrategias de reproducción de los hogares por fuera de los territorios que ellos habitan. Frecuentemente la especificidad de los modos de inserción laboral en estos contextos entra en colisión con los sistemas taxonómicos de encuadre de las ocupaciones de los trabajadores; de ahí la inadecuación de las categorías estadísticas convencionales para dar cuenta de la variedad de situaciones concretas que se presentan, planteando de esta manera un desafío teórico y metodológico a las formas convencionales de investigación social. El artículo de Deux Marzi reconstruye las políticas del Estado nacional de promoción de la economía popular entre 2015 y 2019, un periodo de gobierno de fuerte contraste, en este como en otros muchos aspectos de las políticas públicas, con el que le precedió. Su mirada abarca tanto a los organismos públicos que durante ese periodo gestionaron las políticas referidas al sector, como los programas ejecutados, los actores involucrados y las variadas modalidades de intervención. Destaca la autora la orientación predominante de las intervenciones carentes de un abordaje más amplio e integrador de las varias modalidades de la economía popular, que podrían haber potenciado las estrategias productivas y laborales. Obviamente, el paradigma predominante en las concepciones teóricas y filosóficas de la administración neoliberal -centradas en el individualismo, la competencia interindividual, el emprendedorismo- iban en contra de la dimensión comunitaria y solidaria que es una de las características centrales de los esquemas de la economía popular. Los dos artículos siguientes, aunque dedicados a diferentes temas, plantean la necesaria adecuación de las grandes categorías intelectuales que orientan el diseño de las instituciones y las políticas públicas, con la necesidad de achicar el desfase de esos diseños y su efectiva implementación, producto de una variedad de factores derivados de los escenarios o los actores involucrados de diversa manera en esta dimensión de la política. Matías Mattalini presenta un estudio de caso del sistema de promoción y protección de los derechos de la niñez y la adolescencia en la provincia de Buenos Aires. En él distingue diversos paradigmas o modelos de abordaje: representaciones sociales devenidas en prácticas, dispositivos y estructuras que abordan la problemática según la visión dominante de una época. El autor adopta la postura de la convivencia de paradigmas asumiendo que, al explorar la cotidianeidad institucional de las organizaciones dedicadas a esta problemática, emerge una pluralidad de prácticas que tienden a instaurar desde abajo una institucionalidad basada en la corresponsabilidad institucional. Apelando a las categorías de análisis de la filosofía política de Raymond Williams, María Alejandra Bowman y Mariana Tosolini centran su mirada en la implementación de dos políticas públicas de la historia reciente argentina, en sendos momentos de profunda diferenciación sociopolítica e ideológica, presentes en las políticas bajo examen: la Campaña de Reactivación Educativa de Adultos para la Reconstrucción desarrollada entre los años 1973 y 1975, y el Programa Jóvenes con Más y Mejor Trabajo creado en 2008. De acuerdo a las autoras, las categorías analíticas de Williams contribuyen a despejar la dinámica de resignificación de las políticas, entre las definiciones formuladas desde las instancias estatales, las intervenciones administrativas de los gestores de las políticas, y los sentidos que los sujetos asignan a las prescripciones normativas a partir de sus vínculos con las instituciones, a sus concepciones de mundo y al modo en que estas son vividas. Una proposición cuyo alcance va mucho más allá de las políticas examinadas, en cuanto apunta al desfase conceptual y operativo que suele existir entre el diseño de las políticas y su efectiva implementación.

This report describes trends in the beef industry in the Monsoonal North. It aims to provide the region's natural resource management (NRM) groups with an understanding of how best to support the industry, undertake the changes required to improve its environmental sustainability and economic viability, and to provide it with resilience in the face of increasing development pressures and climate change. This report charts the industry's history and development; describes its current condition and the pressures and drivers it is experiencing; and explores how these are likely to change in the near future. The region: The Monsoonal North covers 20% of Australia's land surface across the tropical savannas. It shares a monsoonal climate, extensive intact ecological systems, generally poor soils and limited development. Its river systems carry nearly half of the runoff. The region has a large Indigenous population; most land is either under Indigenous ownership or subject to Native Title; and the highest proportion of Indigenous people live in the region's north and north-west. The region also faces a number of shared issues, particularly the challenges of intensifying climatic extremes and pressure to exploit Asia's growing demand for agricultural produce, which is placing pressure on land and water resources. The industry: Cattle production is northern Australia's most important agricultural industry. Two-thirds of the Monsoonal North is currently used for extensive cattle grazing. Through most of the region, cattle are grazed at low stocking rates on native pastures, with introduced pasture species being restricted in extent. Most enterprises breed animals for the low-value live export trade or for fattening and finishing on better pastures or in feedlots. Cattle numbers in Queensland, Northern Territory and Western Australia have doubled since 1965, and fluctuated with changes in demand and climatic conditions. In 2009, the Monsoonal North held around 5.7 million head of cattle. High export demand from Asia and drought destocking has seen the region's cattle numbers fall and prices rise through 2014-15. In the longer-term, continued growth in global demand, a reduced Australian dollar and high global prices, and improved incomes are forecast for Australian beef producers. Since 2009, each of the three northern governments have released policy documents that included targets to increase the herd size by between 1 and 5%, with the greatest planned increases on Aboriginal land in the Kimberley. Between 2009 and 2014, the Northern Territory herd grew by more than the projected 5% increase. Herd size in Queensland has recently diminished because of drought, and the current government's stance on herd-building is unclear. Nevertheless, long-term growth is expected to increase the northern Australian herd by a further 80% by 2050. Recent growth in the northern cattle herd has been achieved through intensification (spreading grazing pressure using water points and fencing) and development of underutilised properties, notably on Indigenous lands. Indigenous pastoralism is growing rapidly, with developments in all parts of the sector from cattle breeding to slaughter. Markets: Most beef grown in northern Australia is sent to Asia, with Indonesia being the largest buyer of live cattle. Despite a long-established framework for assuring animal health and welfare within Australia, widely-publicised animal mistreatment in Indonesia resulted in the temporary closure of the live-export market in 2011 until animal welfare could be assured throughout the supply chain. This closure demonstrated how dependence on a single market exposed the northern beef industry to market volatility. Bilateral and multilateral trade negotiations by the federal government are now progressively broadening market access, with agreements favouring Australian beef now in place or close to finalisation with most significant beef markets. Enterprises: Cattle enterprises in the Monsoonal North have been struggling because, in real terms, cattle prices have declined, while input costs have remained stable. In addition, escalating land prices through the 1990s and 2000s encouraged many land owners to increase their mortgages to levels that became unsustainable once land prices fell. This has implications for environmental management. In comparison to pastoralists in a good financial position, those in debt have less resilience to cope with drought; are less likely to adopt practice improvements needed for improving enterprise viability and environmental conditions; and are more likely to suffer adverse health effects. Many enterprises, especially those with small herds, derive more income from off-farm work than they earn from cattle operations. While large cattle enterprises allow economies of scale, increasing cattle herd size seems less important to profitability than does improving herd performance. Performance: Except on Mitchell Grass pastures and small areas of intensively managed pastures, cattle performance in the Monsoonal North is substandard when compared to the rest of the country, and is affected by poor quality pasture quality. Breeding performance is typically poor; with low pregnancy rates; high foetal and calf death rates; and many cows are lost. However, the achievements of the top 25% of the industry indicate there is great potential to improve performance on the remaining properties. Health and well-being: Pastoral production is a stressful occupation, involving financial insecurity and isolation; and pastoralists have high rates of injury, disease, accident and suicide. Recent years have brought additional challenges associated with falling land prices, market instability and drought. In the Burdekin Dry Tropics, proposed coal mining is increasing stress levels for many pastoralists. Supply and demand: Domestic demand for beef in Australia stagnated because per capita beef consumption has fallen, but global demand is escalating with population growth and economic development. Demand for beef is expected to keep increasing until at least 2050, with greatest growth occurring in China. Australia was the world's top beef exporter until 2003. Only Brazil and India currently export more beef than Australia does. Australia's disease-free status gives it access to markets that are closed to these exporters. Australia's dominance of the live-export trade to Indonesia also helps provide a disease free buffer to its north. Australian beef producers are disadvantaged by protectionist measures employed by both beef importing countries and exporting countries. The Australian Government has been engaging in international trade agreements that will overcome some of these barriers and increase market access. Market requirements and consumer preference: A high percentage of Brahman genes in the herd makes northern cattle attractive for slaughter and feedlots in tropical countries. However, slow growth rates and long transport distances mean most beef is sold in the low end of the market. Ethical, health and environmental concerns have contributed to the decline in domestic meat consumption, and are influencing consumer preferences in global markets. These concerns are driving practice improvement throughout the Australian beef supply chain. Challenges: Industry viability is constrained by lack of infrastructure, including feedlots, intensive fattening pastures, saleyards and meatworks, inactive ports and poor quality roads, all of which combine to make freight expensive, pushing up input costs. Considerable advances have been made in alleviating these constraints by building meatworks in Darwin, Arnhem Land and the Kimberley. However, lack of competition through the supply chain may be depressing returns at the farm gate. The ports of Darwin and Townsville are operating at record capacity, but some northern ports with export facilities (Port Hedland, Weipa, Mourilyan and Mackay) have not operated for several years. Water for cattle operations and irrigated crops may be at risk if extraction for these and other activities is not sustainably allocated. While broadscale irrigated cropping is likely to be restricted to a small proportion of the region, its requirements for water resources and fertile soil may deprive the pastoral industry of some of its most productive pasture land. Extraction for mining and irrigated agriculture is of particular concern. This has become a contentious issue with several coal projects in Queensland's Galilee Basin. Mining also has the potential to disrupt pastoral operations by removing land from production for both mineral extraction and infrastructure. Again, this is a significant issue in Queensland, where several landholders will be affected by the rail corridor servicing mines in the Galilee Basin. The disruption caused by mining poses a risk, not only to the financial viability of pastoral enterprises, but also to the health and welfare of pastoralists and their families. If well managed, however, mining and agricultural development can also have co-benefits, improving regional economies and providing employment and infrastructure. Weeds, fire, pest animals, disease and cattle theft all impose financial burdens on northern pastoral operations. Production losses caused by weeds have been estimated at costing the industry around $1,000 million/year; pest animals: ca $36 million/year; disease and parasites: ca $390 million; and cattle theft between $1.5 and $2 million a year in Queensland alone. No industry-wide estimates are available for impacts of fire, cyclones or other natural disasters. Conversely, pastoral managers perform important roles in control of weeds, fire, pest animals and diseases that would not be undertaken if no one was living on the lands they manage. Climatic and seasonal conditions are also serious constraints, particularly in inland Queensland, where periods of drought of two or more years are not uncommon. Conversely, extended periods of above average rainfall may encourage pastoralists to stock land beyond its long-term carrying capacity, and develop unrealistic impressions of what average conditions are. This could be an issue in the Kimberley if the elevated rainfall of the last few decades is not sustained. Climate change is already being felt in the region. Temperature have risen by up to 1.0°C since 1910, with further increases of up to 5°C expected by the end of the century. Droughts, cyclones, wildfires and flooding rains are likely to intensify over the next few decades, and continue to intensify until at least the end of the century. Carbon dioxide enrichment may increase forage production, but reduce its quality and stimulate woody thickening, as woody plants are favoured over tropical grasses. In most climate change scenarios, whether rainfall remains roughly the same or decreases, pasture growth and safe stocking rates in the Monsoonal North are expected to decrease, with the worst scenarios predicting decreases in pasture growth and safe stocking rates of between 50% and 60%. Climate change will also have adverse impacts on each stage of the supply chain, with effects ranging from increasingly uncomfortable work conditions to increased frequency of flood and cyclone damage to infrastructure. Policy environment: Many organisations have an influence on the direction of the pastoral industry. Individually, or as part of cross jurisdictional alliances, national, state and territory governments promote industry sustainability and herd-building. The preferred approach is to improve trade relations; simplify regulation; invest in roads; and provide a conducive business environment to attract infrastructure investment. The Developing Northern Australian White Paper and the Agricultural Competitiveness White Paper further these objectives. Under Australian national legislation, the Red Meat Advisory Council was established to represent the interests of beef and other meat producers, and is reported to by various state farming organisations that work closely with the industry as advocates and information and extension providers. Research and marketing is largely driven by Meat and Livestock Australia (informed on northern issues by the North Australia Beef Research Council) and extension is delivered by state agencies, state farming organisations and NRM groups. The emphasis of both research and extension is on practice improvement, rather than herd building. The Australian Government funded Indigenous Land Corporation is also playing a pivotal role in the northern grazing industry by assisting Indigenous people acquire, develop and manage pastoral properties. Finally, the policies and assessments made by financial institutions can both determine the level of debt that a pastoral enterprise can acquire and the cost of repayment, and influence whether developments seeking external funding are seen as viable. The Australian Government is committed to climate change action by virtue of signing international agreements. Its commitments to reduce emissions will help moderate the long-term impacts of climate change. Both the Western Australian and Northern Territory Governments have also made climate change commitments and the Queensland Government is currently revitalising its climate change agenda. Regulatory environment: Legislation and regulation govern much activity on pastoral properties, most of which are pastoral leases coexisting with Native Title. This type of land tenure allows pastoralists to undertake most activities that can be justified as core business to a pastoral operation, including pastoral-related activities that reduce carbon footprints. Diversification into other activities requires the consent of Native Title holders, which is usually negotiated through Indigenous Land Use and Access Agreements. Pastoralists have the right to water stock and clear vegetation for pastoral uses, but conditions vary between jurisdictions and water use for agricultural development requires a permit. There is a lack of clarity about whether permits can be granted for non-pastoral uses (including diversification into broadacre cropping) in Western Australia and Queensland. Pastoral leases also come with a range of legislated responsibilities. Leaseholders in each jurisdiction are to manage weeds, pest animals and diseases and to report notifiable cattle diseases to the relevant authority. They must use National Livestock Identification Scheme tags to ensure their cattle can be traced through the supply chain, and adhere to animal health and welfare standards. In addition, as employers, pastoral operators must follow conditions laid down by Fairwork Australia. Graziers in the Burdekin catchment are required to manage their properties to minimise reef pollution. The rights of miners to access land and water override those of pastoral leaseholders. While legislation facilitating exploitation of mineral and gas and fuel resources purports to safeguard other interests (notably environmental matters and water access), few mining proposals have been rejected because of environmental or pastoral concerns. Practice improvement: Much effort has been invested in identifying the best practices to improve the profitability and environmental sustainability of the northern beef industry. Key areas of knowledge advancement include: • Improving land condition • Improving diet through exotic pastures and supplementary feeding, especially at finishing • Improving reproductive performance by culling non-productive animals, vaccinating against reproductive diseases and improving diet quality • Increasing liveweight gain through early weaning and improving diet quality • Spreading grazing pressure by increasing fencing and water points. Improvements to herd management are largely compatible with practice change required for reducing adverse impacts on biodiversity, carbon footprints and Great Barrier Reef water quality. Improved animal performance increases animal growth rates (meaning fewer animals are required to produce the same volume of meat), and therefore also reduces the methane emissions generated. Good herd performance in rangelands is also dependent on moderate stocking rates to maximise forage quality, especially by improving the cover of productive perennial grasses. Improved ground cover also reduces soil loss (when cover is at least 50%) and gully formation (when at least 75%). Resilience to climate change will be built by undertaking the practice improvements identified to improve pastoral productivity and land condition. Of particular importance is the ability to adjust stocking rates in relation to seasonal conditions. At the industry level, decision support, including improved access to climatic information, is required to assist pastoralists make the best decisions for their circumstances. Diversification: Another approach to increasing enterprise resilience is diversification. Options being canvased include small-scale irrigation of pasture crops for finishing cattle on the property, grain and oil seed crops, biodiversity conservation and carbon abatement. Conservation efforts on some properties attracted subsidies in return for entering into conservation agreements. Biodiversity offsets may widen opportunities for on-property conservation, particularly in Queensland, where a formalised offset scheme is being developed. A small number of pastoral properties in the region are also receiving funding for fire management to reduce carbon emissions. A range of other emission reduction opportunities are at various stages of development, including reducing emissions from pastoral operations through improved herd management and adjusting cattle diets and storing carbon in soil or vegetation. Natural resource management implications: As practices to improve performance are adopted and/or diversification options are pursued, careful management will be required to avoid potential adverse environmental impacts. Best-bet options for improving environmental outcomes along with pastoral productivity include: • Avoiding the use of "transformer" grasses (with high biomass and fuel loads), or at least ensuring they do not escape from improved pasture plantings • Protecting areas of high biodiversity values when increasing extent and/or intensity of grazing, in particular protecting biodiversity values on riparian corridors when planning irrigated cropping projects • Ensuring wet season supplementary feeding does not weaken native perennial grasses • Ensuring early dry season burning does not lead to vegetation thickening and biodiversity decline. The NRM implications of the current trajectory of the pastoral industry are mixed. Herd building will put more pressure on the natural environment. However, performance improvement has many benefits by reducing the number of hooves and mouths required to produce a kilogram of meat. If well managed, mosaic agriculture can contribute to herd performance while taking pressure off pastures and the natural environment during the wet season, but managed poorly could result in further degradation of alluvial environments and over stocking of adjacent areas. The environmental footprint of diversification into agriculture would similarly need to be managed carefully. However, increasing income from various forms of ecosystem service delivery, particularly on lands that are marginal for grazing, would be a boon to both pastoral enterprises and the environment. Central to all this change are the pastoralists themselves. And with all that is required from them and all the stresses and strains they already have to bear, many will be in no position to take up improved practices, let alone participate in conservation activities. Pathways out of debt must be found before resilience in the face of change can be achieved, and pastoralists must be supported in the adoption of new practices, rather than have it mandated.

Next month, President Biden could hold two separate meetings with Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.


These meetings, which reporting suggests could happen at both the UN General Assembly in New York and the G20 in India, represent an opportunity to kickstart a lackluster U.S.-Brazil relationship. Past tensions between the U.S. and Brazil, exemplified by the fallout from the 2010 Tehran Declaration, serve as a cautionary tale to the Biden administration to not let a difference in perspective on Ukraine cloud other areas of potential collaboration.


Disagreements over the war in Ukraine have put the U.S.-Brazil relationship in hot water in recent months. On the campaign trail, Lula suggested, with some controversy, that Ukraine and Russia are equally responsible for the conflict. Once in office, Lula's visit to the White House in February was short and understated; Biden initially only offered $50 million to the Amazon Fund, a figure so low it was omitted from the official joint statement.


Additionally, Lula's proposal to create a peace club of nonaligned countries appears to have been a nonstarter in Washington. In a particularly heated back and forth, Lula said the U.S. should stop "encouraging" the war and start talking about peace. U.S. National Security Council spokesman John Kirby responded by accusing Lula of "parroting Russian and Chinese propaganda."


Most observers agree that Ukraine has become something of a flashpoint for U.S.-Brazil relations and soured expectations of a more expansive reset in the wake of former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro's 2022 electoral defeat.


Despite this international criticism, Lula has continued to speak about the need for a negotiated peace settlement in Ukraine. Just last week, the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said this week's BRICS summit should be used to debate the war in Ukraine. Lula sees a universalist foreign policy as crucial to becoming a major global player in an increasingly multipolar world, which involves taking on global issues of international security like Ukraine that have historically been left to the great powers.


In other words, Biden isn't going to change Lula's mind on Ukraine, and Lula doesn't seem likely to give up on what has become one of his signature foreign policies. As a result, the two presidents shouldn't allow disagreements over Ukraine to spill over into other areas of cooperation.


The fallout between the U.S. and Brazil over the 2010 Tehran Declaration, an event both Lula and Biden will remember well, can serve as a cautionary tale.


In 2010, Lula and his advisers sought a fuel-swap agreement between Turkey and Iran intended to facilitate Iran's nuclear cooperation. Initially, then-President Barack Obama pledged that the United States would "support and facilitate action on a proposal that would supply Iran with nuclear fuel using Iran's enriched uranium." Only when that proposal was successful did the United States — and its European allies — change course. Just a month later, the United Nations Security Council imposed a series of harsh sanctions on Iran.


From this, Brazilian diplomats concluded that the U.S. did not think Brazil would succeed and even sought to privately press against the behind-the-scenes negotiations. Then-Minister of Foreign Affairs Celso Amorim summarized Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's attitude in his memoir as, "I have not read (the Declaration). But I don't like it."


When the U.S. dismissed the Tehran Declaration in 2010, it led to what Federal University of São Paulo professor Cristina Pecequilo has labeled the "low point of Lula's foreign policy" for complicating the U.S.-Brazil relationship. According to Pecequilo, this was part of Obama's "changing US policy from accommodation to containment of emerging nations." Brazil, in response, distanced itself further from the United States. The new "reset" of bilateral relations didn't come until 2014 when then Vice President Joe Biden visited Brazil during the World Cup.


These events should offer a warning to Biden. Oliver Stunekel, an associate professor of international relations at the Getulio Vargas Foundation, writes that "[j]ust as Brazil's ambitious Iran initiative failed because it lacked Western buy-in — and ultimately complicated Brasília's ties to Washington — Lula's desire to negotiate a peace deal in Ukraine could have the same fate."


Rather than disengage with Brazil over Lula's comments on Ukraine, Biden should look to areas of more natural potential collaboration such as energy, deforestation, jobs creation, and trade. The two presidents recently shared a 30-minute phone call that suggested some positive signs of doing just that, even discussing a joint initiative focused on improving labor conditions. A congressional delegation of progressives also spent several days in Brazil last week, meeting with key Lula advisers and carving out another blueprint for constructive engagement between the two countries based on shared domestic priorities.


Even if Ukraine is a flashpoint for the current relationship, that doesn't mean Biden should ignore other thorny questions of international security with Lula. But doing so requires recognition that any U.S.-led proposal will inevitably look different from a joint initiative or Brazil-led proposal. At the G7 in Japan, Lula expressed interest in working to resolve other conflicts outside of Europe.


"Israelis and Palestinians, Armenians and Azerbaijanis, Kosovars and Serbs need peace," Lula exclaimed. "Yemenis, Syrians, Libyans and Sudanese all deserve to live in peace. These conflicts should receive the same degree of international mobilization." If Lula takes on these issues, Biden should work with him on areas of mutual interest rather than view it as a challenge to U.S. hegemony.


Another potential area of collaboration could be in Latin America. Relations between the U.S. and Venezuela have shown some signs of thawing, but the U.S. still refuses to formally recognize Nicolás Maduro as the president. The Biden administration has also restored some engagement with Cuba, yet Cuba remains on the State Department's state sponsors of terrorism list. These complicated realities make Brazil a valuable potential partner for possible backchannel talks or track II diplomatic efforts, given Brazil's positive relations with the two countries.


Brazil has occupied this role before, attempting to mediate the Cuban Missile Crisis and broker U.S.-Cuban reconciliation during the 1960s. As Obama once acknowledged, according to Amorim, "we need friends who can talk to countries that refuse to talk to us."


One of the lessons of the Tehran Declaration should be that the U.S. needs to sometimes accept taking on a smaller role when it serves its interests. Brazil brings many strengths as an outsider and a diplomatic heavyweight, but also simply by not being the U.S. As Camila Feix Vidal, professor at the Federal University of Santa Catarina, points out: "Brazil is respected internationally…Countries don't have a negative history with Brazil so it can be easier for Brazil to arbitrate, unlike the United States."


For instance, Brazil's success as an advocate against nuclear weapons is taken more seriously given that it renounced interest in nuclear weapons in the 1990s. By contrast, the U.S. today has well over 5,000.


Nearly a decade and a half on from the Tehran Declaration, the United States is operating in a more multipolar world. That may require more compromise, especially with emerging powers such as Brazil as they gain more leverage. Even if the two countries are at an impasse on Ukraine for the time being, the U.S. should heed the lessons of 2010 and consider the benefits of pursuing a more constructive partnership with Brazil.

an international negotiation process and debate over global climate co-operation. A centrepiece of this process is the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, signed during the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro. More than ten years later, the world now faces the challenge of choosing the direction of its ongoing efforts to deal with and combat anthropogenic climate change. At the top of the agenda is the issue of how to progress in the wake of, and beyond, the Kyoto Protocol—the controversial declaration of ambitions from 1997, in which developed countries have committed themselves to limiting their emissions of greenhouse gases. Carbon dioxide is commonly regarded as the most important greenhouse gas. Among the nations of the world, the United States and China are the leading carbon dioxide emitters, but of the two only China has approved the Kyoto Protocol. However, the treaty does not impose any quantitative restrictions on China regarding its emissions. The aim of this report is to analyse the following question: What incentives, and what willingness and prospects, exist for more extensive participation by modern China in future international climate co-operation? The climate issue may be viewed from a variety of perspectives. With Chinese conditions in mind, three dominate. These are (i) science, (ii) domestic policy, and (iii) foreign policy. Each of them sheds a different light on the issue. The scientific perspective on climate is represented in China by an academic community with few channels to the much narrower circle of people that formulate and epitomise the two political climate perspectives. Alike in many ways, these, in turn, differ in that they are driven by separate paradigms. Whereas the main underlying concern of Chinese domestic policy is social stability, foreign policy is characterised by a strongly perceived need to uphold and defend China's status and integrity in the eyes or the international community. Of course, climate science and domestic and foreign climate policy all interact and influence each other. However, in order to better grasp the ways in which the climate issue is perceived in China, it is helpful to view these perspectives in parallel, rather than intertwined. For an outside observer, such a stance may be helpful in discerning such mechanisms and features that might cause confusion and make constructive international climate co-operation difficult. A concrete example of such confusion is the process by which the country's political leadership has arrived at its current position of openness towards the notion of China as a host to projects under the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism. Depending on the insight and vantage point of the observer, this position may be understood as having taken shape either inscrutably and haphazardly, or steadily and consistently. China is a developing country. This general statement lies at the heart of the country's standpoints towards international climate co-operation. It also constitutes the basis for at least six important priorities, which together envelop China's involvement in climate issues as well as all its perceptions of the field. Without ranking them, these six priorities are: development, economic growth, sustainability, energy security, technological advancement and strategic development security. They are briefly described and commented on in the following paragraphs. The relative importance attributed to the different priorities varies depending on the context in which the climate issue is addressed. The term "context" is here meant to include the cast of actors involved, as well as their understandings of the set of relevant perspectives (i.e. science, and domestic and foreign policy) in combination with numerous other factors of greater or lesser significance. Development is a central concept in Chinese politics, where it should be understood in a positivist sense as a technology-oriented process of societal improvement. Modernisation is another expression of the same aspiration, which has bearing on domestic as well as on foreign policy. If the leadership fails to maintain the spirit of a positive development trend, it essentially endangers its claim to legitimacy as the people's representative and agent. Therein lies the domestic importance of development. In terms of foreign policy, its significance pertains partly to strategic interests (cf. "strategic development security" below), and partly to international status. To China, prominence in the competition among nations is an important matter, and development is seen as an essential field in which the country must not lose ground, but advance. Economic growth is seen both as a prerequisite for the ambitions of development and modernisation, and as their chief indicator. It is mainly regarded as a domestic concern. Protectionism, national as well as local, constitutes a significant part of the ideas and ideals of how to create and shape economic growth. China's membership of the World Trade Organisation might, however, gradually influence such perceptions. Sustainability, in turn, concerns the need not to limit the space for human sustenance, for growth and development. Through this priority, environmental issues have made their way onto China's political agenda. The major sustainability concern, which has confronted the Chinese leadership for decades, however, is more socially and demographically oriented. China's efforts to curb population growth include the well-known, or infamous, single-child policy, which allows only one child per family. In China, sustainability issues are primarily considered a domestic matter. Energy security is also a sustainability issue of sorts, and one which is intimately connected to the challenge of climate change. It is also of particular significance in China. The country is dependent on domestic fossil coal as its predominant source of primary energy, but logistic difficulties, shortcomings in quality and efficiency, technical limitations, etc., are all causes for concern. At the same time, however, the importance of safeguarding energy supplies constitutes an argument for China's sustained focus on the further development of so-called clean coal technologies. Technological advancement naturally carries domestic as well as scientific weight. This is expressed through the pursuit of a political environment that encourages and supports domestic innovation as well as research, development and demonstration. This priority also has relevance from a foreign-policy perspective, for example as a component of bilateral and multilateral development co-operation. The concept of technology transfer, which in China is seen as an important part of the wording and spirit of the Climate Convention, is often associated with such contexts. Strategic development security is in essence an expression of risk aversion. Here, security is contrasted with the risk of jeopardising the momentum of development achieved over the past quarter century of reforms. In defence of this priority, the main argument is that China must not engage in experiments with novel development paths. The country has an obligation to its people to pursue courses of development that are secure, in the sense that they have already been proven effective elsewhere. Thus, China cannot assume a leadership role as an international testing ground for new, and therefore uncertain, policies and measures, as these might negatively affect the pace of development. As is indicated by their descriptions above, each of the six priorities presented here is related to the other ones. They are also, though in varying degrees, related to three key concerns, which centre on China's rights, on the obligations of the international community, and on natural limitations. The illustration below shows one way of representing the connection between the major priorities and these three key concerns.

Generar la cultura de la internacionalización de la educación superior en Colombia es un paso fundamental para insertarse al mundo del conocimiento y al mundo global del saber, que se espera contribuya a promover la identidad nacional, a mejorar la competitividad económica y tecnológica del país, a garantizar las competencias necesarias en el profesional de hoy, a explorar nuevos mercados que permitan el libre comercio de los servicios de educación superior, al mejoramiento de la calidad académica a través del logro de estándares internacionales para la enseñanza-aprendizaje y la investigación y para el desarrollo de los estudiantes, profesores, investigadores y administradores como individuos, no ya de una sociedad cerrada, sino como ciudadanos del mundo. La internacionalización del sistema de educación superior es un fenómeno reciente aunque las universidades han estado internacionalizadas desde el momento mismo en que fueron fundadas por los europeos algunos cientos de años atrás. Pero la internacionalización ha vivido un proceso interesante de analizar particularmente desde 1990 cuando el país vivió un proceso de apertura económica sin precedentes en su historia. Desafortunadamente en Colombia, este proceso ha sido insuficiente y desigual en su desarrollo, y ha contado con poca atención por parte del Estado lo que ha implicado que el sistema de la educación superior del país no se haya insertado plenamente en el contexto internacional ni que los actores del sistema hayan internalizado a cabalidad la naturaleza del proceso. Este será el principio de una permanente reflexión que siempre pretenderá conocer mejor las características del proceso y tener una mejor comprensión de los avances de esta nueva dimensión para la educación superior colombiana la que la Asociación Colombiana de Universidades ha identificado como escasa y carente de sentido propio. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey ; INTRODUCCIÓN 1 1. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN: un reto para las universidades 1 a. Objetivos Generales 5 b. Objetivos Específicos 5 2. DISEÑO METODOLÓGICO 6 I. LOS DESAFÍOS DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR SIN FRONTERA 11 1. LA GLOBALIZACIÓN: un nuevo paradigma 11 a. La educación superior en el mercado global 13 b. La democracia global y el impacto en la educación superior 15 c. El conocimiento sin fronteras 16 d. La construcción de la identidad nacional 17 2. LA REFORMULACIÓN DEL ROL DEL SECTOR EDUCATIVO 18 II. EL MARCO POLÍTICO EDUCATIVO DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACION 21 1. ANTECEDENTES HISTÓRICOS DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR 21 2. EL PAPEL DE LOS ORGANISMOS INTERNACIONALES 24 a. La UNESCO y la Internacionalización 28 1) Declaración de La Habana, 1996 29 2) Declaración Mundial sobre la Educación Superior, París, 1998 37 3. EL DESARROLLO DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN EN EUROPA 42 III. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR COMO UN INSTRUMENTO PARA EL CAMBIO 47 1. RELEVANCIA Y SIGNIFICADO DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN 47 2. LA PRÁCTICA DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN A NIVEL INSTITUCIONAL 51 a. las actividades 52 b. el ethos 53 c. las competencias 53 d. el proceso 53 3. EL POR QUÉ DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN 52 a. Razones politicas 54 b. Razones económicas 57 c. Razones socio culturales 59 d. Razones académicas 59 4. ESTRATEGIAS PARA EL LOGRO DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN 59 a. Estrategias organizativas o administrativas 59 b. Estrategias programáticas o académicas 60 IV. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN Y SU DINÁMICA EN COLOMBIA 63 1. HISTORIA DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR COLOMBIANA 63 2. ANTECEDENTES DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACION DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR COLOMBIANA 70 a. La polarización en la "guerra fría" 74 3. UNA 'NUEVA' INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN 79 4. EL MARCO LEGAL 81 a. La Constitución Nacional de 1991 82 b. La Ley 30 de Educación Superior de 1992 83 c. Planes de Desarrollo Nacional 86 5. INICIATIVAS GUBERNAMENTALES 91 a. Movilidad estudiantil 91 1) ICETEX 91 2) COLCIENCIAS 93 3) ICFES 95 6. INICIATIVAS PRIVADAS 97 a. COLFUTURO 97 7. PROGRAMAS BILATERALES 99 8. LAS REDES UNIVERSITARIAS 100 a. Red Colombiana de Cooperación Internacional para la Educación Superior, RCI 103 b. Redes Internacionales 107 V. LAS CARACTERÍSTICAS DE LA PRÁCTICA DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN EN COLOMBIA . 111 1. ANÁLISIS EMPÍRICO 111 2. METODOLOGÍA 112 3. ANALISIS DE LA ENCUESTA 118 a. Estrategias para la implementación de la internacionalización 118 1) Estrategias organizacionales 119 a) Gestión de la dimensión internacional 119 b) Liderazgo y compromiso institucional 121 c) Razones para la integración de la dimensión internacional 122 d) Políticas institucionales para la internacionalización 123 e) Políticas gubernamentales 124 f) Creación y conformación de las unidades administrativas 125 g) Capital humano 126 h) Perfil profesional de los responsables de las Oficinas de Relaciones Internacionales 126 i) Ubicación en el organigrama institucional 127 j) Infraestructura organizativa de soporte 128 k) Principales funciones 130 l) Financiamiento 131 m) Comité Asesor 132 n) Políticas de Incentivos 134 2) Estrategias Programáticas 136 a) Programas académicos 136 b) Idiomas extranjeros 138 c) Alianzas estratégicas 139 d) Convenios por países 141 e) Convenios por áreas del conocimiento 142 f) Movilidad académica 144 g) La investigación y la internacionalización 145 h) Evaluación y acreditación internacional 146 i) Actividades extracurriculares 147 j) Programas de egresados 148 k) Presencia internacional 149 l) Nuevas tecnologías 149 VI. ENFRENTANDO LOS RETOS 153 1. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN DESDE EL ESTADO 157 2. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN DESDE LAS INSTITUCIONES 165 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 173 ANEXO 180 ; Maestría ; Generating the culture of internationalization of higher education in Colombia is a fundamental step to enter the world of knowledge and the global world of knowledge, which is expected to contribute to promoting national identity, to improve the economic and technological competitiveness of the country, to guarantee the necessary competencies in today's professional, to explore new markets that allow free trade in higher education services, to improve academic quality through the achievement of international standards for teaching-learning and research and for the development of students, teachers, researchers and administrators as individuals, no longer in a closed society, but as citizens of the world. The internationalization of the higher education system is a recent phenomenon although universities have been internationalized from the very moment they were founded by Europeans a few hundred years ago. But internationalization has undergone an interesting process to analyze, particularly since 1990 when the country experienced a process of economic opening without precedent in its history. Unfortunately in Colombia, this process has been insufficient and uneven in its development, and has received little attention from the State, which has implied that the country's higher education system has not been fully inserted in the international context or that the system actors have fully internalized the nature of the process. This will be the beginning of a permanent reflection that will always seek to better understand the characteristics of the process and have a better understanding of the progress of this new dimension for Colombian higher education, which the Colombian Association of Universities has identified as scarce and lacking in its own meaning.