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This article uses a political empowerment approach to explore the effect that descriptive representation in legislatures has on levels of political alienation among Latinos. Using data from the 1997 Tomas Rivera Policy Instit post-election survey carried out in CA & TX, supplemented with data on the ethnicity of legislators serving each respondent, we test this political empowerment thesis. The presence of Latino representatives in the state assembly, state senate, &/or US House is associated with lower levels of political alienation among Latino constituents. The effect is modest, & we find that other factors -- demographic, political, & ethnic-specific -- also exert powerful influences on levels of political alienation among Latinos. Although finding modest evidence for the political empowerment thesis, descriptive representation alone is not a panacea for creating politically engaged personas among Latinos. 3 Tables, 48 References. Adapted from the source document.

A frequent finding in the political behavior literature is that citizens from Central and Eastern Europe participate less in politics than their western neighbors. While political institutions have democratized and consolidated in some of these countries (i.e. the new EU member states), overall civic and political activism of citizens from the former communist states knows an obvious setback. This article focuses on Romania and traces the sources of political disengagement to the problems of post-communist transition in this country. The findings reveal that public expectations during the transition processes (i.e. demand side) have largely diverged from the perceived democratic performance of political authorities (i.e. supply side). Thus, the paper identifies widespread disappointments with the perceived outcomes of the political process as a key source of political alienation in post-communist Romania. Pervasive symptoms of political alienation in this country include feelings of political exclusion, helplessness and political ineffectiveness, distrust of politicians and political institutions, lack of interest in politics and the perception of politics as irrelevant to people's lives. All these further hinder citizen participation in the democratic process.

Objective. This article uses a political empowerment approach to explore the effect that descriptive representation in legislatures has on levels of political alienation among Latinos.Methods. Using data from the 1997 Tomás Rivera Policy Institute post‐election survey carried out in California and Texas, supplemented with data on the ethnicity of legislators serving each respondent, we test this political empowerment thesis.Results. The presence of Latino representatives in the state assembly, state senate, and/or U.S. House is associated with lower levels of political alienation among Latino constituents. The effect is modest, and we find that other factors—demographic, political, and ethnic‐specific—also exert powerful influences on levels of political alienation among Latinos.Conclusions. Although finding modest evidence for the political empowerment thesis, descriptive representation alone is not a panacea for creating politically engaged personas among Latinos.

'Häufig wird die mangelnde Integration von Jugendlichen in Vereinen und Verbänden beklagt und mit Sorgen um das politische Interesse und die politische Beteiligung von Jugendlichen verbunden. In Anbetracht der Sorge über den Rückgang des Sozialkapitals und der deshalb befürchteten Konsequenzen für die politische Partizipation untersucht dieser Artikel anhand der Daten des European Value Survey (1999/ 2000), inwiefern westeuropäische Jugendliche im Alter zwischen 18 und 25 Jahren Sozialvermögen im Sinne von Mitgliedschaften in formellen Organisationen und informellen Netzwerken haben, ob Jugendliche tatsächlich politikverdrossen sind, und ob bzw. wie dies mit einem möglicherweise fehlenden Sozialvermögen in Zusammenhang steht.' (Autorenreferat)

Abstract:In many democratic societies, including Japan, political alienation such as political cynicism or inefficacy is widespread among the general public. Some researchers argue that along with various other factors embedded in political systems, the mass media, particularly television, plays a crucial role in promoting or intensifying political alienation. Focusing on the influence of the media, this study examines whether television news induces political cynicism and inefficacy in Japan. Previous research has indicated that public and commercial broadcasts may have different impacts on the political attitude of the audience. Thus, this study predicts that the relationship between television news exposure and political alienation would be stronger among those who exclusively watch commercial news programs. The results of hierarchical multiple regression analyses indicate that among non‐Nippon Hoso Kyokai (NHK) news viewers, those who view television news more frequently are more likely to feel politically inefficacious, and that those who rely exclusively on television for political information are more likely to be politically cynical. However, negative influences associated with television reliance or television news viewing are not observed among the NHK news viewers, although positive influences are also not observed. Thus, according to the results, the "videomalaise" effect would be limited to certain viewers. This article discusses the implications of the findings and also suggests that more exclusive psychological explanations be examined for the videomalaise effect.

In the face of the hard‐line approach to asylum‐seekers currently being taken by both the major political parties in Australia, alienated cosmopolitans have been increasingly inclined to disidentify with the Australian nation and declare "not in my name". Although sympathetic both to the cosmopolitan position and to these acts of principled dissent, I express reservations about such an approach on the grounds that it distances the cosmopolitan elite from the democratic mass and inclines towards irresponsibility. Drawing on Socrates as an exemplar, I investigate how citizens with cosmopolitan sensibilities might resist injustice on universal moral grounds without being either condemned by or exiled from their local political community. Ultimately, I argue in favour of an embedded cosmopolitanism that engages critically with the political ethos and calls on citizens to take responsibility for protecting the state in its ideal image.