Suchergebnisse

La estructura productiva de Jujuy en los últimos cincuenta años se ha caracterizado por la transición desde una economía centrada en la producción primaria (predominante hasta comienzos de la década de 1960) hacia otra con preeminencia creciente del sector terciario (desde mediados de la década de 1970 hasta la actualidad). El sector secundario nunca llegó a ser el más importante en el contexto económico provincial. Sin embargo, en una desagregación mayor, es la industria uno de los sectores que más aporta al producto bruto geográfico en los últimos quince años, con la particularidad de encontrarse concentrada en unas pocas localidades de la provincia. En ese marco, el presente trabajo se propone comprender la ubicación de las industrias en el territorio jujeño a partir de las teorías de la localización, con un análisis particular del caso de Palpalá (por su diseño de parques industriales destinado a aprovechar las economías de escala) y de la problemática ambiental generada por el sector. Se pretende responder a algunos de los siguientes interrogantes: ¿Qué criterios fueron tomados en cuenta para decidir la ubicación de cada fábrica? ¿Cómo incidieron los cambios políticos en la radicación industrial en territorio jujeño? ¿Qué reconversiones se fueron logrando a partir de una industria básica como la siderúrgica? ¿Cómo fue resolviéndose la demanda de bienes finales e intermedios ante el crecimiento poblacional y la inserción/reinserción de la mano de obra? ¿Qué vinculaciones se observan entre la provincia y la región desde el punto de vista de la ocupación del espacio económico? ¿Qué problemas sobre los recursos naturales suscita la industrialización? ¿Cómo responden el Estado y la actividad privada en la prevención y solución de los inconvenientes ambientales? El análisis se realiza sobre la base de la transferencia de teoría a la situación real, entrevistas a informantes especializados y relevamiento de información en organismos estatales (para interiorizarse de aspectos político/económicos), interpretándose luego de modo interdisciplinar los datos relevados. Las respuestas a los distintos interrogantes van elaborándose a medida que se encuentran las relaciones entre las razones que la historia reciente registra y la respuesta social y productiva de los actores económicos de la provincia. En ese sentido, entre las conclusiones se destaca la escasez de aportes foráneos en la construcción del sector industrial local, la necesidad de políticas que incentiven al sector manufacturero a nivel regional, así como la importancia de que se desplieguen acciones con respecto al control de la contaminación, su prevención y la restauración de recursos naturales: agua, suelo, atmósfera y biomas. ; Jujuy's productive structure in the last fifty years has gone from an economy based on primary production (prevailing till the beginning of 1960's) to an economy with an increasing importance of services (from mid 1970's to present). The secondary sector never was the most important in the local economy. However, in a more detailed analysis, the industry was one of the sectors with bigger contributions to domestic gross product in Jujuy in the last 15 years. Moreover, this contribution is concentrated in a few places in Jujuy. This article aims to understand the location of industries in Jujuy beginning from the theories of the location of industries, with a particular analysis of Palpalá's case (due to its industrial areas design meant to take advantage of economies of scale) and of the environmental problems related to the sector. We intend to find an answer some of the following questions: Which were the criteria taken into account to decide the location of the different factories? How did political changes influence industrial location in Jujuy? Which changes have taken place from a basic industry as siderurgy? How did the population growth and the labour force affect the goods demand? How do province and region relate to each other from the point of view of economic space occupation? Which problems does industrialization imply for natural resources? How do the State and private sector react to prevent and solve environmental problems? The analysis is based on transference from theory to a real situation, interviews to qualified informers and information obtained in public sources. All this were then interpreted in a interdisciplinary perspective. The answers to the different questions are build up as we can find the relations between the reasons in recent history and the social and productive answers the economic agents gave. As a conclusion, we emphasize the shortage of external contributions in the building of the local industrial sector, as well as the need for policies that give incentives to the manufacturing sector in a regional level. Furthermore, we point to the importance of taking courses of action in relation to environmental pollution, its prevention and the recovery of natural resources, such as water, soil, atmosphere and biomes. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

La estructura productiva de Jujuy en los últimos cincuenta años se ha caracterizado por la transición desde una economía centrada en la producción primaria (predominante hasta comienzos de la década de 1960) hacia otra con preeminencia creciente del sector terciario (desde mediados de la década de 1970 hasta la actualidad). El sector secundario nunca llegó a ser el más importante en el contexto económico provincial. Sin embargo, en una desagregación mayor, es la industria uno de los sectores que más aporta al producto bruto geográfico en los últimos quince años, con la particularidad de encontrarse concentrada en unas pocas localidades de la provincia. En ese marco, el presente trabajo se propone comprender la ubicación de las industrias en el territorio jujeño a partir de las teorías de la localización, con un análisis particular del caso de Palpalá (por su diseño de parques industriales destinado a aprovechar las economías de escala) y de la problemática ambiental generada por el sector. Se pretende responder a algunos de los siguientes interrogantes: ¿Qué criterios fueron tomados en cuenta para decidir la ubicación de cada fábrica? ¿Cómo incidieron los cambios políticos en la radicación industrial en territorio jujeño? ¿Qué reconversiones se fueron logrando a partir de una industria básica como la siderúrgica? ¿Cómo fue resolviéndose la demanda de bienes finales e intermedios ante el crecimiento poblacional y la inserción/reinserción de la mano de obra? ¿Qué vinculaciones se observan entre la provincia y la región desde el punto de vista de la ocupación del espacio económico? ¿Qué problemas sobre los recursos naturales suscita la industrialización? ¿Cómo responden el Estado y la actividad privada en la prevención y solución de los inconvenientes ambientales? El análisis se realiza sobre la base de la transferencia de teoría a la situación real, entrevistas a informantes especializados y relevamiento de información en organismos estatales (para interiorizarse de aspectos político/económicos), interpretándose luego de modo interdisciplinar los datos relevados. Las respuestas a los distintos interrogantes van elaborándose a medida que se encuentran las relaciones entre las razones que la historia reciente registra y la respuesta social y productiva de los actores económicos de la provincia. En ese sentido, entre las conclusiones se destaca la escasez de aportes foráneos en la construcción del sector industrial local, la necesidad de políticas que incentiven al sector manufacturero a nivel regional, así como la importancia de que se desplieguen acciones con respecto al control de la contaminación, su prevención y la restauración de recursos naturales: agua, suelo, atmósfera y biomas. ; Jujuy's productive structure in the last fifty years has gone from an economy based on primary production (prevailing till the beginning of 1960's) to an economy with an increasing importance of services (from mid 1970's to present). The secondary sector never was the most important in the local economy. However, in a more detailed analysis, the industry was one of the sectors with bigger contributions to domestic gross product in Jujuy in the last 15 years. Moreover, this contribution is concentrated in a few places in Jujuy. This article aims to understand the location of industries in Jujuy beginning from the theories of the location of industries, with a particular analysis of Palpalá's case (due to its industrial areas design meant to take advantage of economies of scale) and of the environmental problems related to the sector. We intend to find an answer some of the following questions: Which were the criteria taken into account to decide the location of the different factories? How did political changes influence industrial location in Jujuy? Which changes have taken place from a basic industry as siderurgy? How did the population growth and the labour force affect the goods demand? How do province and region relate to each other from the point of view of economic space occupation? Which problems does industrialization imply for natural resources? How do the State and private sector react to prevent and solve environmental problems? The analysis is based on transference from theory to a real situation, interviews to qualified informers and information obtained in public sources. All this were then interpreted in a interdisciplinary perspective. The answers to the different questions are build up as we can find the relations between the reasons in recent history and the social and productive answers the economic agents gave. As a conclusion, we emphasize the shortage of external contributions in the building of the local industrial sector, as well as the need for policies that give incentives to the manufacturing sector in a regional level. Furthermore, we point to the importance of taking courses of action in relation to environmental pollution, its prevention and the recovery of natural resources, such as water, soil, atmosphere and biomes. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

25 Jahre nach dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion sind aus einem unitären Hochschulsystem 15 einzigartige nationale Systeme hervorgegangen. Deren Entwicklung wurde von je eigenen ökonomischen, kulturellen und politischen Kräften beeinflusst und geprägt, sowohl nationalen wie internationalen Ursprungs (Johnstone and Bain 2002). Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit untersucht die Veränderungen der Governance von Hochschulsystemen der drei postsowjetischen Staaten Russland, Kasachstan und Moldau über den Zeitraum von 1991 bis 2015, analysiert, zu welchem Grad diese Entwicklungen einem Prozess der Konvergenz hin zu einem "globalen Modell" oder einem "postsowjetischen Modell" folgen und formuliert Hypothesen über die treibenden Kräfte und Pfadabhängigkeiten, welche auf nationalem, regionalen und globaler Ebene diese Entwicklungen befördert, gehemmt oder auf idiosynkratische Art und Weise geprägt haben. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass global propagierte Governanceinstrumente – wie z.B. Globalbudgets, erweiterte Befugnisse der Hochschulleitung, externe Qualitätssicherung, Stakeholdergovernancegremien – in allen drei untersuchten Ländern Verbreitung finden und ein Prozess der Konvergenz hin zu einem "global Modell" der Hochschulgovernance stattfindet. Gleichzeitig zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass die spezifischen Eigenarten der nationalen Governancearrangements durch die Einführung dieser neuen Instrumente in der Regel nicht ersetzt werden und dem Bestehenden stattdessen als zusätzliche Ebenen hinzugefügt werden. Wo die Logiken der neuen mit den alten Strukturen kollidieren, zeigt sich, dass sich die tradierten Strukturen und Prozesse in der Regel durchsetzen. Zudem zeigt sich, dass die Governancearrangements der drei untersuchten Länder eine große Zahl spezieller Eigenschaften teilen, durch die sie sich systematisch von jenem propagierten globalen Modell abheben. Jenes "Postsowjetische Modell" der Hochschulgovernance zeichnet sich durch dominante Rolle des Staates, Hierarchie als primäre und legitime Form der Governance sowie einen geringen Grad an Vertrauen zwischen den zentralen Akteuren des Hochschulsystems aus. Zuletzt illustriert die Dissertation die Divergenzen und Besonderheiten der Governancemodelle in Russland, Kasachstan und Moldau. Die vorliegende Dissertation leistet somit einen Beitrag zum Verständnis der Entwicklung der Governance der Hochschulsysteme in einer sich dynamisch entwickelten Weltregion, welche in der akademischen Literatur bislang nur wenig Aufmerksamkeit erhalten hat.:Table of Contents Table of Figures . 5 Preliminary remarks and acknowledgements . 6 Glossary . 8 1 Abstract . 11 2 Introduction . 13 2.1 Research Topic . 13 2.2 Starting point and personal research interest . 14 2.3 Research approach . 15 2.4 Relevance to research and practice . 16 2.5 Structure . 16 3 Steps towards a framework of analysis . 17 3.1 The Governance of Higher Education Systems . 17 3.1.1 Higher Education systems . 17 3.1.2 Governance in higher education . 23 3.1.3 Summary: Making sense of higher education governance . 32 3.2 The changing governance of higher education systems . 33 3.2.1 Conceptualizing forces of change in the governance of higher education systems: The 'Glonacal' agency heuristic . 33 3.2.2 Global trends and the emergence of a "global model" of higher education governance36 3.2.3 Instruments of Governance of Higher Education Systems . 49 3.2.4 Conclusion: A global model of HE governance? . 66 3.3 State of research on the governance of higher education in post-Soviet countries . 67 3.3.1 European Integration in the post-Soviet space . 70 4 Framework of Analysis and Research Design . 73 4.1 Research Questions and Scope of Analysis . 73 4.2 Research Methodology, Case Study Design, and Data Collection . 74 4.2.1 Case Studies and data collection . 74 4.2.2 Comparing the governance of higher education systems and assessing convergence . 77 4.2.3 Discussion of validity and reliability of the chosen case study design . 78 4.3 Limitations of the study . 79 5 The Point of Departure: The Soviet Union . 80 5.1 Introduction - Key features of the Soviet Higher Education system . 80 5.2 Structure of the HE system . 83 5.3 The governance of higher education in the Soviet Union . 85 5.3.1 Actors and their capabilities . 85 5.3.2 Educational Standards and Quality Assurance . 86 page 3 5.3.3 Regulation of admission into higher education . 88 5.3.4 Institutional governance, decision-making and institutional autonomy . 89 5.3.5 Financing of HEIs. 90 5.4 The HE Reforms of 1987 . 91 5.5 The break-up and transition of the Soviet higher education system . 94 6 The Russian Federation . 99 6.1 Introduction . 99 6.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Russia . 99 6.2.1 De-regulation and marketization of higher education (1991-2000) . 100 6.2.2 Renaissance of state control, internationalization and renewed investment into higher education (2000-2004) . 105 6.2.3 Asserting state control and promoting differentiation of the higher education system (2004-2012) . 110 6.2.4 Differentiated state steering (2012-2016) . 119 6.3 The governance model of the Russian HE system by 2015 . 128 7 The Republic of Kazakhstan . 134 7.1 Introduction . 134 7.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Kazakhstan . 135 7.2.1 Establishing statehood and institutions (1991-1999) . 136 7.2.2 Curbing corruption and saddling the market (1999-2004) . 139 7.2.3 Preparing to join the Bologna Space (2005-2010) . 146 7.2.4 Differentiation and expanding autonomy (2011-2017) . 153 7.3 The governance model of the Kazakh HE system by 2015 . 171 8 The Republic of Moldova . 173 8.1 Introduction . 173 8.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Moldova . 176 8.2.1 Experimentation and laisser-faire after independence (1991-1994) . 177 8.2.2 Attempts to establish impartial instruments to regulate quality (1994-2001) . 178 8.2.3 Re-Centralization of powers in the Ministry of Education (2001-2006) . 181 8.2.4 Creation of dysfunctional public structures (2006-2009) . 183 8.2.5 The long struggle for a new system of governance (2009-2015) . 184 8.3 The governance model of the Moldovan HE system by 2015 . 194 9 Cross-National Comparison of Developments and Discussion of Results . 197 9.1 How has the governance of higher education systems changed between 1991-2015? . 197 9.1.1 Common challenges and similar answers . 197 9.1.2 Diverging paths . 200 9.1.3 Two-track state steering system in Russia . 203 9.1.4 Marketization and expanding state-overseen stakeholder governance in Kazakhstan 205 page 4 9.1.5 Imitation of "European" institutions in Moldova . 207 9.2 Is there a convergence towards a "post-Soviet" or global model of governance of higher education systems? . 208 9.2.1 Quality Assurance . 208 9.2.2 Institutional Governance and University Autonomy . 210 9.2.3 Regulation of access . 211 9.2.4 Financing . 212 9.2.5 Conclusion: Is there a common model of governance? . 213 9.3 The interplay of national, regional and global factors on the development of the governance of higher education . 218 9.3.1 Global and European forces . 218 9.3.2 Regional forces . 224 9.3.3 National-level: Governments and Ministries responsible for higher education . 225 9.3.4 National-level: Stakeholder organizations. 232 9.3.5 National-level: Higher Education Institutions . 234 9.3.6 National-level: Institutional factors of path dependence . 235 10 Discussion and Outlook . 244 10.1 Concluding reflections on the contribution of this study to the field of research . 246 11 References . 247 12 Annexes . 269 12.1 Annex 1: Russia - The governance of the higher education system . 269 12.1.1 Russia: Structure of the higher education system . 269 12.1.2 Actors and their capabilities . 273 12.1.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Russia . 283 12.1.4 Competitive programs for investment and differentiation of higher education. 295 12.2 Annex 2: Kazakhstan – The governance of the higher education system . 299 12.2.1 Kazakhstan: Structure of the higher education system . 299 12.2.2 Actors and their capabilities . 302 12.2.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Kazakhstan . 310 12.3 Annex 3: Moldova – The governance of the higher education system . 322 12.3.1 Moldova: Structure of the higher education system . 322 12.3.2 Actors and their capabilities . 325 12.3.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Moldova . 328 12.4 Annex 4: The European "infrastructure" of quality assurance . 336 ; After 25 years of transformations of higher education systems in post-Soviet countries, the single Soviet model of higher education has evolved into fifteen unique national systems, shaped by economic, cul-tural, and political forces, both national and global (Johnstone and Bain 2002). International agencies such as the World Bank and the OECD have lobbied for a set of policies associated with the Washington Consensus (Neave, G. R. & van Vught, 1991). The Bologna Process has created isomorphic pressures, supported by EU policies and funding. Many post-Soviet States have responded to these influences, albeit with different motivations and unclear outcomes (Tomusk, 2011). Comparative research on these developments, however, is scarce and has primarily discussed them in terms of decentralization, mar-ketization and institutional autonomy (Heyneman 2010; Silova, 2011). This PhD thesis aims to 1) reconstruct the developments of governance of higher education systems, 2) analyze to what degree the developments represent a convergence towards a "global model" or a "Post-Soviet model" and 3) formulate hypotheses about driving forces and path dependencies at national, regional and global level which have driven or impeded these changes. Following work by Becher & Kogan (1992), Clark (1983), Jongbloed (2003), Paradeise (2009); Hood (2004); Dill (2010) and Dobbins et al. (2011), the research analyzes the object of analysis, the govern-ance of higher education systems, on five dimensions: 1. Educational Standards, quality assessment, and information provision; 2. Regulation of admissions to higher education; 3. Institutional structures, decision-making, and autonomy; 4. Higher education financing and incentive structures; and 5. The relationship of higher education and the state. Explanatory approaches draw upon perspectives of path dependence and models of institutional change drawing on work by North (1990), Steinmo (1992), Weick (1976), Pierson (2000) and Witte (2006). Three post-Soviet, non-EU, Bologna signatory states were selected to represent a diverse geographical sub-sample of the 15 post-Soviet States. The three countries studied in-depth are Russia, Moldova and Kazakhstan. The period of analysis comprises the changes taking place over a 25-year period between 1991 and 2015. Methodologically, the study rests on extensive literature analysis of previous academic publications, reports by international organizations such as the World Bank, OECD, and the EU, and national strategy papers. Building on this document analysis, over 60 semi-structured expert interviews were conducted with representatives of State organizations, HEIs and other stakeholder groups engaged in the govern-ance of higher education. The outcomes of interviews were used to situate developments in the particular page 12 social-political and societal contexts and to triangulate policy documents with various stakeholder per-spectives, in order to reconstruct how and why specific policy changes came about, were implemented or abandoned. The results show a differentiated picture: The governance instruments promoted by OECD, WB and EU are clearly recognizable in the 2015 governance arrangements in all three case countries. On this instru-ments-level "surface", a process of convergence towards the "global model" is clearly taking place. While these new instruments are being adopted, however, the specific national governance arrangements persist and continue to matter. Only in isolated instances are old instruments fully displaced. More com-monly, new structures are added as additional layers to existing governance arrangements. The three countries continue to share a number of unique characteristics which sets them apart from the Anglo-Saxon higher education systems, which have inspired the "global model". The dominating con-trolling role of the state has remained in place in all countries. This is strongly reinforced by national-level institutions and mental models which affirm hierarchy as the legitimate principle in governance and a lack of trust between actors in the system. In all case countries, the mutual expectation of state and HEIs alike remains that the state should be steering the higher education sector. This it does (Russia and Kazakhstan) or attempts to do (Moldova). Clearly, the adoption of governance instruments which are inspired by the "global model" does in no way equate with a retreat of the state. While the elements of university autonomy and stakeholder governance are slowly expanded, even this very process of loosening the reigns of the state is in great measure overseen and steered by the state. Shared character-istics, such as centralized control over admission; a state claim to steer and, in many cases, control the system; a hierarchical, authoritarian, personalized style of governance, management, leadership, as well as accountability form the discernable core of a common "post-Soviet" model of HE governance. The shared institutional past of the Soviet era, as well as common challenges, have facilitated and maintained these commonalities. As time passes, however, these post-Soviet commonalities are getting weaker. Divergent national-level forces and actors are driving or impeding reforms: While in Moldova, political volatility and underfund-ing have repeatedly undermined substantial reforms, Russia and Kazakhstan have each adopted govern-ance and management practices from New Public Management in new idiosyncratic ways: Kazakhstan has embarked on an authoritarian-driven decentralization program. Russia has created a two-tier system of state steering through financial incentivization and evaluation on the one hand, and tight oversight, control and intervention on the other. This dissertation sheds light on the developments, driving forces and mechanisms behind the convergence and divergence of approaches to higher education governance in an under-studied region of the world.:Table of Contents Table of Figures . 5 Preliminary remarks and acknowledgements . 6 Glossary . 8 1 Abstract . 11 2 Introduction . 13 2.1 Research Topic . 13 2.2 Starting point and personal research interest . 14 2.3 Research approach . 15 2.4 Relevance to research and practice . 16 2.5 Structure . 16 3 Steps towards a framework of analysis . 17 3.1 The Governance of Higher Education Systems . 17 3.1.1 Higher Education systems . 17 3.1.2 Governance in higher education . 23 3.1.3 Summary: Making sense of higher education governance . 32 3.2 The changing governance of higher education systems . 33 3.2.1 Conceptualizing forces of change in the governance of higher education systems: The 'Glonacal' agency heuristic . 33 3.2.2 Global trends and the emergence of a "global model" of higher education governance36 3.2.3 Instruments of Governance of Higher Education Systems . 49 3.2.4 Conclusion: A global model of HE governance? . 66 3.3 State of research on the governance of higher education in post-Soviet countries . 67 3.3.1 European Integration in the post-Soviet space . 70 4 Framework of Analysis and Research Design . 73 4.1 Research Questions and Scope of Analysis . 73 4.2 Research Methodology, Case Study Design, and Data Collection . 74 4.2.1 Case Studies and data collection . 74 4.2.2 Comparing the governance of higher education systems and assessing convergence . 77 4.2.3 Discussion of validity and reliability of the chosen case study design . 78 4.3 Limitations of the study . 79 5 The Point of Departure: The Soviet Union . 80 5.1 Introduction - Key features of the Soviet Higher Education system . 80 5.2 Structure of the HE system . 83 5.3 The governance of higher education in the Soviet Union . 85 5.3.1 Actors and their capabilities . 85 5.3.2 Educational Standards and Quality Assurance . 86 page 3 5.3.3 Regulation of admission into higher education . 88 5.3.4 Institutional governance, decision-making and institutional autonomy . 89 5.3.5 Financing of HEIs. 90 5.4 The HE Reforms of 1987 . 91 5.5 The break-up and transition of the Soviet higher education system . 94 6 The Russian Federation . 99 6.1 Introduction . 99 6.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Russia . 99 6.2.1 De-regulation and marketization of higher education (1991-2000) . 100 6.2.2 Renaissance of state control, internationalization and renewed investment into higher education (2000-2004) . 105 6.2.3 Asserting state control and promoting differentiation of the higher education system (2004-2012) . 110 6.2.4 Differentiated state steering (2012-2016) . 119 6.3 The governance model of the Russian HE system by 2015 . 128 7 The Republic of Kazakhstan . 134 7.1 Introduction . 134 7.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Kazakhstan . 135 7.2.1 Establishing statehood and institutions (1991-1999) . 136 7.2.2 Curbing corruption and saddling the market (1999-2004) . 139 7.2.3 Preparing to join the Bologna Space (2005-2010) . 146 7.2.4 Differentiation and expanding autonomy (2011-2017) . 153 7.3 The governance model of the Kazakh HE system by 2015 . 171 8 The Republic of Moldova . 173 8.1 Introduction . 173 8.2 The development of the governance of the higher education system in Moldova . 176 8.2.1 Experimentation and laisser-faire after independence (1991-1994) . 177 8.2.2 Attempts to establish impartial instruments to regulate quality (1994-2001) . 178 8.2.3 Re-Centralization of powers in the Ministry of Education (2001-2006) . 181 8.2.4 Creation of dysfunctional public structures (2006-2009) . 183 8.2.5 The long struggle for a new system of governance (2009-2015) . 184 8.3 The governance model of the Moldovan HE system by 2015 . 194 9 Cross-National Comparison of Developments and Discussion of Results . 197 9.1 How has the governance of higher education systems changed between 1991-2015? . 197 9.1.1 Common challenges and similar answers . 197 9.1.2 Diverging paths . 200 9.1.3 Two-track state steering system in Russia . 203 9.1.4 Marketization and expanding state-overseen stakeholder governance in Kazakhstan 205 page 4 9.1.5 Imitation of "European" institutions in Moldova . 207 9.2 Is there a convergence towards a "post-Soviet" or global model of governance of higher education systems? . 208 9.2.1 Quality Assurance . 208 9.2.2 Institutional Governance and University Autonomy . 210 9.2.3 Regulation of access . 211 9.2.4 Financing . 212 9.2.5 Conclusion: Is there a common model of governance? . 213 9.3 The interplay of national, regional and global factors on the development of the governance of higher education . 218 9.3.1 Global and European forces . 218 9.3.2 Regional forces . 224 9.3.3 National-level: Governments and Ministries responsible for higher education . 225 9.3.4 National-level: Stakeholder organizations. 232 9.3.5 National-level: Higher Education Institutions . 234 9.3.6 National-level: Institutional factors of path dependence . 235 10 Discussion and Outlook . 244 10.1 Concluding reflections on the contribution of this study to the field of research . 246 11 References . 247 12 Annexes . 269 12.1 Annex 1: Russia - The governance of the higher education system . 269 12.1.1 Russia: Structure of the higher education system . 269 12.1.2 Actors and their capabilities . 273 12.1.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Russia . 283 12.1.4 Competitive programs for investment and differentiation of higher education. 295 12.2 Annex 2: Kazakhstan – The governance of the higher education system . 299 12.2.1 Kazakhstan: Structure of the higher education system . 299 12.2.2 Actors and their capabilities . 302 12.2.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Kazakhstan . 310 12.3 Annex 3: Moldova – The governance of the higher education system . 322 12.3.1 Moldova: Structure of the higher education system . 322 12.3.2 Actors and their capabilities . 325 12.3.3 Instruments of higher education governance in Moldova . 328 12.4 Annex 4: The European "infrastructure" of quality assurance . 336

This report is the result of a World Bank mission that visited Paraguay in June 2013 at the request of the Government of Paraguay. The mission's objective was to identify, quantify, and prioritize agriculture risks that determine the volatility of agriculture gross domestic product (GDP), based on a methodology to assess sector risks developed by the World Bank. The methodology stipulates a two-phase process. The first phase (risk evaluation), which is in volume one of this report, was reviewed by the government and evaluates the current situation and perspective of agriculture sector risks, starting from the standpoint of supply chains. From here, and based on the identification of the most important risks, given their frequency and severity, a list of possible solutions was produced in addition to the existing public and private programs and policies. This process is completed with a second phase, where an action plan was prepared (volume two) that can be executed in the medium term to reduce sector risks and to contribute to the sustainability of agriculture investments. The significant efforts undertaken by the government to maintain support programs in critical production and trade areas of the sector are recognized, as well as the institutional development to strengthen the response capacity to agriculture risks. Chapter one gives introduction. Chapter two presents information about the agriculture sector and its recent performance is included, allowing to determine the most important supply chains for this risk assessment and to place the relative economic and social importance of the various commodities and production methods in the appropriate context. In chapter three, a comprehensive assessment of production, market, and enabling environment risks is undertaken for the main commercial and family farming supply chains, in addition to livestock. Chapter four shows the repercussions that risks have had in the past, in particular aggregated losses incurred by supply chain actors. Chapter five assesses the impacts of these losses throughout the supply chains and explores the relative vulnerability of the different actors. Chapter six presents the results and ranking of risks, a list of possible solutions jointly with different public initiatives where some identified risks are addressed.

In an interview with German TV on September 7, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz called for a push toward diplomatic solution to the war in Ukraine. "Now is the time to arrive at peace from this state of war," Scholz said. He added that a "new peace conference" should be organized, and one, at which, this time, Russia should be present as one of the belligerents. Significantly, Scholz asserted that the idea has the backing of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. The last "peace summit" was held in Switzerland in June and failed to make any headway towards a ceasefire as Russia was excluded event.Scholz's remarks mark a potentially significant shift in Germany's position which, until now, has been in lockstep with the rest of the NATO and EU about the need to support Ukraine until its full victory and Russia's defeat are achieved, however vaguely or ambitiously both are defined. The only visible dissent came from Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who launched his own "peace mission" at the outset of Hungary's rotating presidency in the EU Council in July 2024. That mission took him to Kyiv, Moscow, Beijing and Washington, as well as Florida's Mar-a-Lago, to see the U.S. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump who has also spoken repeatedly about the need to end the war in Ukraine.Orban, however, was ostracized by his counterparts in the Council and the Brussels establishment, who accused him of cozying up to Russian President Vladimir Putin. There were even calls for sanctions, such as boycotting the bloc's meetings under Budapest's rotating presidency of the EU.More thoughtful voices pointed out that the real issue was not Orban's "peace mission," but rather the fact that he was the only voice in the EU calling for a negotiated settlement of the war. Researchers from the German Social-Democratic Party (SPD)-aligned Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES) deplored the "international diplomatic vacuum" which enabled Orban to play the peacemaker role.Of the current EU leaders, Scholz would be the best positioned to fill that vacuum. For one, unlike Hungary — a relatively small Central European nation in need of the EU's cash handouts and often at odds with Brussels over domestic governance issues — Germany is still the EU's economic powerhouse. No serious pan-European effort can prosper without Germany being on board.A second key factor is that while Orban has increasingly built his political career as a national-conservative challenger to the EU status quo and is aligned with the "Patriots of Europe," a Europe-wide network of similar far-right political parties, such as Marine Le Pen's National Rally in France, Scholz is the very embodiment of the centrist consensus that has ruled Western Europe since the end of the WWII. Apart from his fellow center-left Social Democrats, it includes center-right Christian Democrats and centrist liberals. So, both by the country and the political tradition he represents, Scholz has far more political clout to pursue diplomacy than Orban or, in fact, any other senior European leader.Scholz, unlike hawkish French President Emmanuel Macron (with whom he gets along poorly), has always been a reluctant warrior. Now, however, German politics is pushing him to embrace the cause of peace and diplomacy.The recent local elections in two Eastern German states, Thuringia and Saxony, delivered resounding success to the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the new, left-conservative Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), led by a former leader of the far-left Die Linke party. Both parties outperformed all the members of the current ruling coalition in Berlin — Scholz's Social Democrats, the Greens, and the liberal Free Democrats (FDP). Two core issues that are common to the identity of both the AfD and BSW are their anti-immigration stances (although AfD is far more inflammatory about the issue than the BSW) and opposition to the war in Ukraine — the top issue for the BSW, shared also by the AfD. Concerns over the weak economy and how it is impacted by the war are also shared by the voters of both parties, but not only by them.The AfD and BSW may have made particularly deep inroads in eastern Germany, but the prospect of a broader national surge clearly worries Scholz as Germany approaches general elections in a year's time. He cannot afford to be outperformed by either the AfD or the BSW. His coalition has already made concessions on immigration, with Nancy Faeser, his Social Democrat interior minister, announcing new checks on the borders (at the risk of violating the rules governing the EU Schengen free travel zone).Escalating migration controls, however, may not be enough to appease the voters. Hence, Scholz may feel it is time to also address the growing concerns over the continuing war in Ukraine. Certainly, the internal political climate in Germany may be shifting after the shocking claims that Poland, an EU and NATO ally and one of the Kyiv's most fervent supporters, has reportedly sabotaged investigations into the blowing up of the of the Nord Stream pipeline two years ago, which supplied gas from Russia to Germany. German investigators believe that the explosions themselves — a major act of industrial sabotage against Germany — were carried out by a citizen of Ukraine, a country Germany staunchly supported ever since it was invaded by Russia.The political context thus may be favoring Scholz's pitch as a "peace chancellor" for next year's elections. If, however, he is serious about not only talking the talk but also walking the walk, he faces huge challenges. As the Riga-based dissident Russian journalist Leonid Ragozin put it, "bridging the gap between insanely optimistic expectations induced by war lobby groups in order to get more war and the dire situation Ukraine finds itself in is going to be an uphill struggle."Moreover, while Putin himself may have opened up somewhat to the idea of talks, Russia, which has made progress on the eastern front in recent months, may push for additional land grabs in Ukraine in order to strengthen its bargaining power before would-be negotiations. Every new Russian military crime, like targeting vital civilian infrastructure in Ukraine, particularly in winter, will doubtless be held against whatever peace plans Scholz may envisage, not least by his own coalition partners from the Green Party, and certainly most of the German media. And then, there is the question of Scholz's own political future — if his party keeps losing local elections (the next are scheduled in the other eastern state of Brandenburg on September 22), his replacement as the SPD's candidate for next year's elections could be a possibility.Despite these formidable obstacles, ending the fighting and preventing a potentially catastrophic escalation remain the key vital objective — something the German public seems to be fully aware. It is up to the leaders like Chancellor Scholz, or his potential successor, to rise to the occasion and lead their country, and Europe, towards peace.

O artigo tem por objetivo analisar as transformações na organização do trabalho familiar durante sua integração às agroindústrias de dendê e após a ruptura contratual. A pesquisa, predominantemente qualitativa, foi realizada por meio de estudos de caso. Foram feitas observações e quinze entrevistas com roteiros semiestruturados. Concluímos que a organização do trabalho sob a influência da dendeicultura influiu diretamente no tempo e na alocação dos recursos financeiros da família. Após a ruptura contratual, constatamos um maior controle dos grupos domésticos sobre o trabalho e os recursos financeiros, muito embora coexistam vulnerabilidade e estabilidade.

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ABSTRACT Recognition of minority groups, their general and educational ideals: Is there another way out? The history of most countries, including those regarded as relatively culturally homogeneous, has demonstrated that practically all of them are composed of minority groups and that many of these groups struggle for survival. "Cultural" groups, such as age, interest, socio-economic and gender groups, provide their own quota of problems for educational planners, but are not as politically encumbered as others, such as ethnic and religious groups. In a social democracy as in South Africa where the rule of law reigns supreme, the interest and future existence of minority groups are often overlooked by the majority. In some cases, their cultural and linguistic needs and interests are symbolically entrenched in the Constitution, but these measures are often nullified, for instance through Constitutional Court decisions. Such actions on the part of the powers that be explain why minority groups in South Africa and elsewhere are displeased with the ways in which they are being hampered in their efforts to develop their unique identities. Tensions of this nature are clearly observable in South Africa and elsewhere. The recent referendum in Scotland, the tensions in Catalonia and the treatment of the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet, at the hands of South African authorities attest to the topicality of the problem. On the one hand, we have the various minority groups with a number of legitimate claims, among others for a measure of independence and self-assertion, grounded in a unique interpretation of social justice and in an appeal to the Constitution of the country. On the other hand, they form part of a larger community structure in which equality and non-discrimination reign as supreme national values. The national government, as representative of the larger community, also appeals to social justice, as embodied in the Constitution. The end result is a conflict of opinions and ideals, each based on an interpretation of social justice. The onus to find a solution for the resolution of the tension lies with the various minority groups, and not with the government as representative of the majority. In fact, many governments find the constant complaints of minority groups rather irritating. The irritation is intensified where a minority group is able to provide in its own needs, and hence can refuse to align itself with the general value system of the majority community. The question therefore arises: What can minority communities do in these circumstances? How can they take charge of their own interests, needs and future existence? The fact that minority rights have been entrenched in international treatises such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) of the United Nations, and the European Union's Charter of Paris for a New Europe (1990) does not really help because their stipulations are regularly flouted by majorities. A minority group is described in these documents as a numerical minority which aims at preserving and developing its unique characteristics in its country. The rights of minorities can be summarised as "respect for human dignity as individuals and communities" which leads to "treating equals equally and unequals unequally". The educational rights of minorities are likewise entrenched in two documents, namely the Convention against Discrimination in Education (1960) of Unesco, and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1990). These documents stipulate that minorities are entitled to education equivalent to that of majority groups, that the erection of separate educational institutions may not be regarded as discriminatory, and that parents / guardians have the right to determine what is best for their children. The same rights are entrenched in the South African Constitution. As stated above, minorities have to assume responsibility for protecting their own rights. The central claim of this article is that a recent epistemological development, namely post-post foundationalism, can assist them in this regard. After a brief discussion of foundationalism in the form of Rationalism and of the post-foundationalism that has risen in response to foundationalism, it is concluded that neither of these orientations provides a suitable vantage point for the protection of minority rights. A foundationalist orientation seems to be too imperialistic and deterministic to be of any value to a minority group and also to the entire community of which a minority group forms part. Such a group tends to control and dominate because it supposes itself to be the voice of reason. The post-foundationalistic orientation, on the other hand, is shot through with indeterministic views and is relativistic as far as its view of values is concerned. It is also inconsistent in that it avoids any universalistic statements, except its own claim that all values are relative. Because neither of these orientations can successfully serve as a basis for a minority group to work towards the recognition and actualisation of its values and aspirations, a third way had to be found. Such a third way has surfaced since the 1990s in the form of post-postfoundationalism, i.e. an orientation that follows after post-foundationalism. The key feature of post-post-foundationalism is that it attempts to steer through between the extremes of foundationalism and post-foundationalism. The latter tends to overlook the need for a minority group to occasionally make justifiable and firm universally legitimate claims (which may be refuted, of course). Post-post-foundationalism does not regard a foundation as absolutely, reasonably, finally and universally true. While it rejects the notion of working with grand narratives, it is prepared to recognise the need to resort to firm values, which it assumes can also change with time, as life-concepts tend to do. Put differently, foundations are not so much in the foreground as playing a role in the back of the minds of individuals and groups. Since post-post-foundationalism is a common sense approach, it enables minority group strategic planners to find a way for a minority group to remain true to its value foundation while remaining flexible and adaptable in order to find a niche for itself in the broader community of which the group is a part. In doing so, a minority group can remain true to its own ideals and aspirations and also become and remain a valuable part of the larger community. OPSOMMING 'n Oorsig oor die stand van sake met betrekking tot die onderwysideale en -voorsiening van minderheidsgroepe lei tot die gevolgtrekking dat daar 'n onvermydelike spanning bestaan tussen die ideale en sieninge van minderheidsgroepe en dié van die meerderheidsgroep in die samelewing, en dus dat die verantwoordelikheid op 'n minderheidsgroep lê om 'n weg uit die impasse te vind.Drie sulke weë word ondersoek, naamlik fundamentisme, postfundamentisme en postpostfundamentisme. Omdat die eersgenoemde te imperialisties, rasionalisties en deterministies, en die tweede te relativisties bevind is, word aandag aan die derde bestee. Hierdie oriëntering word gekenmerk deur sy strewe om tussen die uiterstes van die eerste twee benaderings deur te stuur, en verder ook deur sy gesonde verstand-benadering. Weens die epistemologiese ewewigtigheid daarvan kan die post-postfundamentistiese benadering vir minderheidsgroepstrategiese beplanners 'n waardevolle oriënteringspunt wees. ; http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_serial&pid=0041-4751&lng=en&nrm=iso

2007/2008 ; In the controversial debate in Italy regarding, on one hand, the possibility/impossibility of migrants' integration and, on the other, the complexity of the integration process, most scientific works focus either on the legal aspects in a merely juridical or economic perspective or on the integration of the more "disadvantaged" migrants in a sheer perspective of human rights defence. This dissertation focuses on an aspect which has been completely neglected until now, that is the study of the integration process of migrants from a privileged point of view, that of the skilled migrant women in Italy. The goal of the research consists in analysing the integration strategies and policies of the migrants in Italy with a special attention to the case of the intellectual or skilled migrant women in order to find out which are the immigration policies that facilitate migrant's full integration in the Italian society and the strategies the skilled migrant women develop to reach a high level of integration. The hypothesis is that intellectual or highly skilled migrant women do not follow "traditional" strategies to integrate into the Italian society, but they go beyond the learning of the hosting country's language and the learning of cultural habits through the achievement of a deeper awareness which allows them to overcome the daily problems in order to participate in cultural and social activities at a high level. This dissertation argues "strong" and "weak" immigration policies and strategies developed by intellectual or skilled migrant women living in Italy in order to be integrated in the hosting society. "Weak" or "traditional" strategies of integration of migrant women concern women's access to the labour market in the domestic related services, caring for the elderly and the ill or as housewives who have followed their husbands in Italy through family reunifications. These "traditional" or "weak" strategies are on one hand an outcome of the image of migrant women widespread in the mass media and public opinion and on the other the result of restrictive immigration policies. The image of migrant women is the one which associates them to the fact of being vulnerable, victims of sexual exploitation, unqualified and submissive. Consequently, "weak" immigration policies mostly reveal the image of unskilled migrant women or women who are victims of exploitation strengthening only the points regarding the protection of migrant women who have been victims of smuggling and sexual exploitation and also aiming at the regularization of the domestic workers. Italian immigration policy system does not propose any "strong" integration policy regarding skilled migrant women who reside in Italy. This research expects to find that there are immigrant women who do not correspond to the image of dependent women and develop their own strategies of integration within the Italian society. In fact, "strong" integration strategies developed by skilled or intellectual migrant women are able to overcome the "weak" strategies of integration which see migrant women as a mere labour force within the domestic service world. These "strong" strategies include not only the learning of the Italian language and cultural habits but also and above all the achievement of deep cultural, civic and political awareness which allows them to participate in the cultural and social activities at a high level in the Italian society. Therefore, this dissertation is divided into three main parts concerning gender migration in an international context, immigration policies and gender strategies of integration in Italy and the involvement of skilled migrant women in the cultural, literary, business and scientific life in the Italian society. The first chapter aims at the analysis of the main aspects concerning international migrations in general and gender migrations in particular. This chapter is divided into four main sections. The first two sections focus on migration as a global phenomenon and theories regarding this issue. The third section discusses the international legislation concerning migrants in order to highlight the complexity of the different types of migration and the defence of the rights of the weakest. The fourth section compares examples of existing immigration policies in different countries, stressing on the classical immigration countries like the United States of America, Canada and on some new immigration countries in Europe. The aim of the second chapter is to analyse the main aspects concerning immigration and in particular gender immigration policies and strategies in Italy. This chapter is divided into three main sections. The first section focuses on the Italian migrations from a theoretical and historical point of view, taking into consideration both aspects of emigration and immigration. The second section highlights the different policies adopted by Italian governments in order to control and face immigration flows from the nineteenth century onwards with a particular attention to the policies which are gender related. The third section argues the different strategies of integration, the "traditional" or "weak" strategies, concerning migrant women who reach Italy in order to highlight the complexity of the different levels of integration and settlement. The third chapter focuses on the integration strategies developed by skilled migrant women who live in Italy and is divided in three main sections. The first section argues that Italy is still in search of a model of possible integration for migrants because it has become a destination country for many migrants only in the last thirty years. The second section of the third chapter analyses the involvement level of the migrant women in the Italian society through the data available from secondary sources such as women's participation and leadership in politics and civil society, in the intercultural mediation and in the literary and artistic domain. The third section of the chapter is dedicated to the presentation of the results of a survey carried out during the months of November 2007 until January 2008. The aim of this survey was the collection of first hand data about the strategies developed by intellectual migrant women to integrate into the Italian society. In conclusion, "strong" integration strategies concerning highly qualified migrant women include not only the very good command of the Italian language which is one of the first steps towards a full participation in the society, but also and above all their active involvement in the cultural, social and political life of the country. These "strong" strategies do not find a suitable place within the Italian immigration policies which deal in accordance with the international agreements with helping victims of smuggling, on one hand, and regulating immigrants' entry into the Italian territory, on the other. In order to eradicate the image of the migrant woman as unskilled and submissive, the research outlines some proposals of policies in which immigration is not considered as an emergency problem to handle, but as an issue which needs a deep reflection on human, social and economic outcomes within an Italian, European and international context in the perspective of policy implementation and strategies empowerment towards the promotion of a wider gender equality for migrant women. ; XXI Ciclo

L'art. 1, comma 5 della L. 157/92 prevede che le Regioni e le Province autonome individuino zone di protezione per l'avifauna (ZPS-Dir. Uccelli); l'art. 3, comma 1, del DPR 357/97 analogamente prevede che le Regioni e le Province autonome individuino i siti da proporre come Siti di Importanza Comunitaria (pSIC-Dir. Habitat). La Regione Friuli-Venezia Giulia ha individuato complessivamente 62 pSIC e 8 ZPS. La Regione F.V.G. allo stato attuale ha quasi completato la designazione dei siti ed è in fase di revisione l'inventario IBA 2002. Ha inoltre eseguito diversi interventi per la tutela e la salvaguardia di habitat e specie di interesse comunitario a rischio di estinzione. Allo stato attuale, non si è ancora dotata di strumenti legislativi o amministrativi in grado di consentire una tutela effettiva dei territori interessati; relativamente alla tutela delle specie inserite negli allegati 2 e 4 della direttiva habitat, la normativa regionale vigente (L.R. n. 34/81) non appare sufficiente. L'unico strumento di tutela effettivamente vigente risulta, quindi, la Valutazione di incidenza, disciplinata da una deliberazione della Giunta regionale (DGR 2600/2002). La Direzione tuttavia sta predisponendo un disegno di legge organico per il completo recepimento delle norme comunitarie istitutive della Rete Natura 2000, che in particolare vada a disciplinare: (a) La tutela delle specie di cui agli allegati II e IV della direttiva Habitat; (b) Le norme di salvaguardia per i siti Natura 2000; (c) Le norme di conservazione; (d) La possibilità di adottare appositi Piani di gestione; (e) Una più esaustiva disciplina della valutazione di incidenza; (f) Le sanzioni. Gli strumenti messi a disposizione dalla Comunità Europea per l'attuazione della Rete sono sostanzialmente tre: (a) i Fondi strutturali; (b) Il Life plus; (c) La Politica di sviluppo rurale. La Commissione europea indica chiaramente la via dell'integrazione delle politiche di conservazione della biodiversità nelle altre politiche comunitarie come la più proficua. Secondo la Commissione infatti, la Rete può portare vantaggi sia sul piano economico (sviluppo di servizi legati agli ecosistemi, fornitura di prodotti alimentari e forestali, attività direttamente connesse ai siti, come il turismo, ecc.), che su quello sociale (diversificazione delle fonti di occupazione, consolidamento e stabilizzazione del tessuto sociale, miglioramento del tenore di vita, salvaguardia dei beni culturali, ecc.). Tuttavia la Commissione riconosce che l'attuazione della Rete può portare a degli impatti significativi sulle attività economiche (ribasso del valore dei terreni, vincoli all'agricoltura, alla pesca, modifiche nella programmazione degli interventi infrastrutturali, limitazioni alle attività estrattive o forestali, ecc.). Secondo i calcoli della Commissione, il costo di gestione della Rete ammonta a circa 6,1 miliardi di euro l'anno per l'UE-25. Dopo aver esaminato diverse possibilità di finanziamento la Commissione è giunta alla conclusione che il migliore approccio sarebbe quello di attingere ai vari fondi attualmente esistenti. È in corso la predisposizione del nuovo Programma di Sviluppo Rurale 2007-2013, ai sensi del Reg. CE 1698/2005. Lo strumento ha rilevanza strategica per l'importanza delle attività agricole e selvicolturali nella gestione del territorio e nella conservazione della biodiversità. Particolare rilevanza assumono in quest'ottica le misure previste nell'Asse 2 "gestione del territorio": Pagamenti Natura 2000 è lo strumento per compensare le perdite di reddito e i maggiori costi sostenuti a causa dell'applicazione delle norme di Natura 2000 negli ambiti agricolo e selvicolturale; Pagamenti agroambientali e silvoambientali rappresentano gli strumenti per incentivare un uso sostenibile delle risorse; la misura Investimenti non produttivi consente la realizzazione di strutture come percorsi pedonali, centri visite e attrezzature per la fruizione. ; According to the Habitats and Birds directives and the relative Italian legislation tools, the Region Friuli-Venezia Giulia has identified 62 SACs and 8 SPAs. The Region FVG has nearly completed the designation of sites, and it is revisioning the IBA 2002 inventory. It has also carried out several interventions for the safeguard of habitats and species of community interest that are endangered. At present, the Region FVG does not have any legislation or administration tools that can allow an effective conservation of the territories of interest, and especially considering the annexes 2 and 4 of the Habitats directive, the regional regulation (LR 34/81) is not sufficient. The only conservation tool that is in fact available is the assessment of projects (DGR 2600/2002). The Region FVG is however preparing a comprehensive legislative tool for the reception of community regulations related to Natura 2000, aimed in particular at: (a) the safeguard of species included in annexes II and IV of the Habitats directive, (b) the development of conservation tools for Natura 2000 sites, (c) the development of conservation regulations, (d) the possibility of adopting proper Management Plans, (e) the development of a more exhaustive regulation of assessment of projects, (f) the definition of penalties. The tools provided by the European Union for the implementation of Natura 2000 are (a) the structural funds, (b) the Life plus, (c) the Rural Development Policy. The European Commission clearly indicates that the conservation of biodiversity policies should be integrated in the other community policies. According to the EC indeed, Natura 2000 network can be advantageous both at the economic level (development of services related to the ecosystems, provision of food and forestry products, activities strictly connected to the sites such as tourism, etc) and at the social level (diversification of the sources of occupation, stabilization of the social framework, increase of quality standards of life, safeguard of cultural heritage, etc). However, the Commission recognizes that the implementation of Natura 2000 can also lead to significant impacts on the economic activities (decrease of land value, limitations to agriculture and fishing, variations in the infrastructure interventions, limitations in extraction and forestry activities, etc). According to the EU, the management costs of Natura 2000 network are of about 6.1 billions of euros per year for the EU-25. After having considered several sources of founding, the EU has stated that the best approach is to use the sources of founding that are already existent. The new Rural Development Programme 2007-2013 is under development, according to Reg.EC 1698/2005. The tool has high strategic relevance, due to the importance of agricultural and forestry activities in the territory management and biodiversity control. Special relevance is given to the measures in "Territory management": Natura 2000 Payments is the tool to compensate the loss of income and the major costs derived from the application of Natura 2000 regulations in agricultural and forestry areas; Agroenvironmental and forestry Payments represents the tool for the enhancement of a sustainable use of the resources. Finally, the measure Not Productive Investments allows to realize structures such as naturalistic trails, visitor centers and fruition structures.

Although women's police centers have been gaining popularity as a measure to address domestic violence, to date no quantitative evaluations of their impacts on the incidence of domestic violence or any other manifestations of gender equality have been done. This paper estimates the effects of women's police stations in Brazil on female homicides, as a measure of the most severe form of domestic violence. Given that a high fraction of female deaths among women ages 15 to 49 years can be attributed to aggression by an intimate partner, female homicides appear the best available proxy for severe domestic violence considering the scarcity of data on domestic violence. The paper uses a panel of 2,074 municipalities and takes advantage of the gradual rollout of women's police stations from 2004 to 2009, to estimate the effect of establishing a women's police station on the municipal female homicide rate. Although the analysis does not find an association on average, women's police stations appear to be highly effective among some groups of women: women living in metropolitan areas and younger women. Establishing a women's police station in a metropolitan municipality is associated with a reduction in the homicide rate by 1.23 deaths per 100,000 women (which roughly amounts to a 17 percent reduction in the average homicide rate in metropolitan municipalities). The reduction in the homicide rate of women ages 15 to 24 is even higher: 5.57 deaths per 100,000 women. Qualitative work suggests that better economic opportunities and less traditional social norms in metropolitan areas may explain the heterogeneous impacts of women's police stations in metropolitan areas and outside them.

After a century of political centralization in Colombia, the first public election of city mayors in 19861 began a decentralization trend, which was later reinforced by a constitutional reform in 1991. Subnational governments (departments and municipalities) were made responsible for the planning and management of social and economic development in their jurisdictions. Administrative and political reforms were accompanied by fiscal decentralization, including the transfer of central government revenues. Since 1991 the growth of fiscal transfers has accelerated. Departments and municipalities are now responsible for public health, education, water supply, and sanitation expenditures through earmarked transfers. Out of the total amount of central government expenditures (21.8 percent of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) in 2008) almost one-quarter represent regional transfers (5 percent of GDP), which finance half of all regional expenditures (10.2 percent of GDP). The purpose of this paper is to describe the budget process reform implemented in Medellin, and to analyze its actual performance and evaluate its success. The reform is changing the way public resources are allocated and executed, while gradually institutionalizing supply and demand-side practices beyond the government's political cycles. This paper describes and analyzes how the Results-oriented budgeting (RoB) was designed and implemented, and the achievements of the system to date, in terms of resource allocation and the policy-making process.

[eng] The World Health Organization (WHO) has identified over 20 neglected tropical diseases (NTDs), affecting 1.5 billion people worldwide (Uniting to combat neglected tropical diseases, 2017). While being all infectious diseases, many NTDs are chronic, with conditions that progressively become worse if undetected and untreated. Moreover, the damage they cause is often irreversible with important social and economic consequences (Sachs et al., 2007; Lenk et al., 2016). Such diseases are called neglected because they mainly affect the world's poorest populations, for whom there is no interest from the pharmaceutical industry to invest in research and development (R&D). As a result, most of the drugs currently used to treat NTDs are repurposed drugs that were originally developed for other indications (e.g. miltefosine for leishmaniasis was initially developed for cancer) (Pink et al., 2005; Cheuka et al., 2017; Weng, Chen and Wang, 2018). This is not without repercussions on their adequacy and efficacy, with various limitations including drug resistance, severe adverse-effects, lengthy treatment regimens, toxicity and complicated administration procedures (Cheuka et al., 2017). While some NTDs such as leprosy, lymphatic filariasis (LF), trachoma, dracunculiasis can be eliminated using the currently available drugs, the remaining majority of NTDs truly need safe, effective, low-cost and short-course treatments (Weng, Chen and Wang, 2018). Given the many drawbacks of NTDs drugs, diagnostic tools that are accurate (i.e. good sensitivity and specificity) and field-amenable are particularly needed to decrease the number of untreated cases and ensure that patients are given the right treatment. Yet, since many of these diseases are zoonotic and/or vector-borne, control strategies based only on treating the infected human population are unlikely to be successful, thus leading to the concept of "one health" approach (Weng, Chen and Wang, 2018) (Okello et al., 2011). It is generally agreed that vaccines are powerful and often cost-effective tools to reach elimination. However, vaccine development in the NTDs era has lagged behind: currently, licensed vaccines only exist for yellow fever, dengue and rabies (Hotez, 2018). Unfortunately, the development of products for NTDs cannot rely upon the pharmaceutical industry alone. People affected by NTDs are mainly poor, live in countries with weak health systems that care for them, and will not be able to afford what the pharmaceutical industry will charge – resulting in the so-called market failure. As a result, in 2012, international organizations, partners from donor agencies and the pharmaceutical industry met in London to tackle the situation regarding NTDs and endorse the London Declaration, which specifically targeted the control or elimination of at least 10 NTDs by 2020 (Uniting to combat neglected tropical Diseases, 2012). To comply with this objective, a variety of push and pull mechanisms have been suggested; some of which have been implemented. These include, among others, R&D grants, priority review voucher (PRV) and advance market commitment (AMC). The rationale behind push and pull mechanisms is to delink the cost of research from the price of the product, so that the incentive to invest in the R&D of a particular NTD is not or less contingent on the price at which the product will be sold (Tuttle, 2016). Push mechanisms reduce the costs associated with R&D in advance of investment (ex-ante) whereas pull mechanisms offer rewards that are contingent on successful product discoveries (ex-post). Push and pull mechanisms are not mutually exclusively: they can be combined to form mixed mechanisms. Push, pull and mixed mechanisms provide avenues to public-private partnerships (PPPs) and more specifically to product-development partnerships (PDPs) .Partners of PDPs generally include non-governmental organizations (NGOs), academia, government and industry, with varying expertise that can be used at the appropriate stage to ensure a smooth development process. PDPs for NTDs have proliferated over the last two decades; in 2017, PDPs received 508$ million, accounting for 14% of all neglected disease basic research (Policy Cures Research, 2018). PDPs may focus on single disease and/or product type or alternatively, operate across multiple diseases and/or product types. Yet, the challenges associated with NTDs are not limited to R&D market failure. A product that is developed may not be cost-effective for the country needing it. More precisely, the gain in effectiveness from a new product often comes at a cost, which affordability will depend on the country's available resources and often represented by the gross domestic product (GDP) per capita. Cost-effectiveness analysis is a unique tool that allows to judge whether new products should be implemented in a country of interest. Yet, this is not a silver bullet: a product judged cost-effective and thus implemented may still not be accessible for diverse reasons, such as high prices, poor infrastructure, weak health systems and non-financial barriers (e.g. wrong beliefs, lack of knowledge and inaccurate perception of the infection's risk). Dwelling deeper into those non-financial barriers is even more crucial in the context of NTDs since most of these are vector-borne diseases (VBDs). For VBDs, individuals' demand/behavior about prevention plays a role in infection transmission. Furthermore, since the actual risk of infection is often uncertain, individuals' demand/behavior is influenced by their perception of the risk. A low risk perception, corresponding or not the actual risk, is likely to diminish the use of preventive measures (behavior). If risk perception is a good indicator of the actual risk of infection, then it has important implication in a context of disease elimination. However, as of now, very little empirical research has been conducted on the topic. Therefore, as one can see, many barriers to the elimination of NTDs – from product development, to implementation and adoption – have economic components that warrant economic analyses. Accordingly, the general objective of this thesis is to improve our understanding of selected obstacles, from product development to their adoption at the individual level.

The article explores the peculiarities of evaluating the performance of service activities in Ukraine. Attention is paid to the procedure of implementation of the evaluation procedure and the factors that influence the outcome of the evaluation procedure are determined. The example of foreign experience in the evaluation procedure is given and the prospects of improvement of further legislative improvement of the evaluation of civil servants in Ukraine are argued. It is noted that the civil service evaluation procedure is one of the effective ways of managing the public service sphere, which has a significant potential for influencing the efficiency and transparency of the functioning of the entire civil service apparatus, staffing, facilitating trans-parent selection of highly professional and highly professional civil servants who will, in the future, effectively, efficiently and qualitatively administer the civil service, as well as fulfill their professional tasks and duties. The components that express the peculiarities of evaluating the results of service activities are identified. First, it is a regulatory component, that provides for a legislative definition of the procedure and features of the assessment of civil servants. At the same time, the second component is a social component, because today, as never before, society is interested in providing quality public services and expects professional, productive activity of civil servants, regardless of political influences or considerations. It is stated that the assessment of civil servants should be an important tool for ensuring objective control over the results of the professional activities of authorized persons, which puts forward specific requirements for ensuring a clear link between the planning of professional management, the functioning of the authorities and civil servants. Assessing the performance of civil servants plays an important role in the human resource management system. Professional appraisal is a key tool for managers and heads of state bodies, which allows informing and aligning the tasks and goals of the state body with the capabilities of civil servants, as well as an instrument for reviewing and changing the direction of individual employees and optimizing their work. At the same time, the evaluation process is important for the employees themselves, as such a process usually involves an incentive system that can determine the decision to promote and reward a civil servant. Such incentives are a motivating impetus for a serious approach and preparation for a job evaluation. Performance appraisal is a mechanism to support personal development and improve performance for the public servant and also serves as a diagnostic tool to identify needs for vocational training and professional development in a particular field. Such developments may relate to certain powers or vice versa to the acquisition of knowledge in order to trans-late them further into practical activities. It is important to keep in mind that the evaluation mechanism is first and foremost a tool that should be used to find ways to improve performance, not to strengthen the control and punishment functions. Professional evaluation certainly opens up opportunities for an open dialogue between a civil servant holding a specific position and a direct leader on quality of work, incentives and support. The article also identifies a set of factors that influence the outcome of civil servants assessment. ; У статті досліджується питання особливостей оцінювання результатів службової діяльності в Україні. Звертається увага на порядок реалізації процедури оцінювання та визначаються фактори, що впливають на результат проведення процедури оцінювання. Наводиться приклад зарубіжного досвіду в частині проведення процедури оцінювання та аргументуються перспективи удосконалення подальшого законодавчого удосконалення оцінювання державних службовців в Україні. Зазначається, що процедура оцінювання у державній службі є одним з дієвих способів управління сферою державної служби, який має суттєвий потенціал для впливу на ефективність та прозорість функціонування всього апарату державної служби, розстановку кадрів, сприяння прозорому добору на керівні посади державної служби виключно висококваліфікованих і професійних осіб, які у майбутньому будуть результативно, ефективно та якісно адмініструвати державну службу, а також виконувати покладені на них професійні завдання та посадові обов'язки. Визначено складники, що виражають особливості оцінювання результатів службової діяльності. Перший складник – це нормативний складник, що передбачає законодавче визначення порядку та особливостей оцінювання державних службовців. Водночас другий складник – це соціальний складник, адже нині, як ніколи раніше, суспільство зацікавлене в наданні якісних державних послуг та очікує професійної, результативної діяльності державних службовців незалежно від політичних впливів чи міркувань. Констатовано, що оцінювання державних службовців має бути важливим інструментом забезпечення об'єктивного контролю за результатами професійної діяльності уповноважених осіб, що висуває конкретні вимоги до забезпечення чіткого зв'язку між плануванням професійного управління, функціонуванням органів влади та державних службовців. Оцінювання діяльності державних службовців відіграє важливу роль у системі управління людськими ресурсами. Професійне оцінювання є ключовим інструментом для управлінців та керівників державних органів, що дає змогу інформувати та узгоджувати завдання та цілі державного органу з можливостями державних службовців, а також є інструментом перегляду та зміни напряму роботи окремих службовців та оптимізації їх праці. Водночас для самих службовців процес оцінювання є важливим, оскільки зазвичай такий процес пов'яза-ний із системою заохочень, може визначати рішення щодо просування по службі державного службовця та його преміювання. Такі заохочення є певним мо-тиваційним поштовхом для серйозного підходу та підготовки до службового оцінювання. Оцінювання результатів службової діяльності є механізмом для підтримки особистого розвитку та вдосконалення діяльності для державного службовця, також слугує свого роду інструментом діагностування для визначення потреб у професійному навчанні та професійному розвитку у тій чи іншій сфері. Такий розвиток може стосуватися певних повноважень чи, навпаки, здобуття знань з метою їх втілення надалі у практичну діяльність. Важливо враховувати, що механізм оцінювання є передусім інструментом, що має використовуватися для пошуку шляхів удосконалення діяльності, а не посилювати функції контролю та покарання. Професійне оцінювання, безумовно, відкриває можливості відвертого діалогу між державним службовцем, що обіймає конкретну посаду, та безпосереднім керівником щодо якості діяльності, стимулювання праці та підтримки. Також у статті визначено сукупність факторів, що впливають на результат оцінювання державних службовців.

The PGC was funded by National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) Grant Nos. MH085520 (to PFS) and MH080403. Statistical analyses were carried out on the Genetic Cluster Computer (http://www.geneticcluster.org) hosted by SURFsara and financially supported by the Netherlands Scientific Organization Grant No. NWO 480-05-003 (to D. Posthuma) and the department of Psychology, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam along with a supplement from the Dutch Brain Foundation. The Bonn/Mannheim GWAS was supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) through the Integrated Genome Research Network Systematic Investigation of the Molecular Causes of Major Mood Disorders and Schizophrenia Grant Nos. 01GS08144 and 01GS08147, under the auspices of the National Genome Research Network plus, and through the Integrated Network Integrated Understanding of Causes and Mechanisms in Mental Disorders, under the auspices of the e:Med Programme Grant Nos. 01ZX1314A and 01ZX1314G. The Bonn/Mannheim GWAS was also supported by the German Research Foundation (DFG) Grant Nos. FOR2107, RI908/11-1, and NO246/10-1. The GenRED GWAS project was supported by NIMH R01 Grant Nos. MH061686 (to DFL), MH059542 (to W.H. Coryell), MH075131 (W.B. Lawson), MH059552 (JBP), MH059541 (W.A. Scheftner), and MH060912 (MMW). Max Planck Institute of Psychiatry MARS study was supported by the BMBF Program Molecular Diagnostics: Validation of Biomarkers for Diagnosis and Outcome in Major Depression by Grant No. 01ES0811. Genotyping was supported by the Bavarian Ministry of Commerce, and the BMBF in the framework of the National Genome Research Network by Grant Nos. NGFN2 and NGFN-Plus, FKZ 01GS0481 and 01GS08145. The Netherlands Study of Depression and Anxiety and the Netherlands Twin Register contributed to Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN)-MDD and to MDD2000. Funding for NTR/NESDA was from the following: the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (MagW/ZonMW Grant Nos. 904-61-090, 985-10- 002, 904-61-193, 480-04-004, 400-05-717, 912-100-20; Spinozapremie Grant No. 56-464-14192; Geestkracht program Grant No. 10-000-1002); the Center for Medical Systems Biology (NWO Genomics), Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure, Vrije Universiteit's Institutes for Health and Care Research and Neuroscience Campus Amsterdam, BIC/BioAssist/RK (Grant No. 2008.024); the European Science Foundation (Grant No. EU/QLRT-2001-01254); the European Community's Seventh Framework Program (Grant No. FP7/2007-2013); ENGAGE (Grant No. HEALTH-F4-2007-201413); and the European Science Council (Grant No. ERC 230374). Genotyping was funded in part by the GAIN of the Foundation for the US National Institutes of Health, and analysis was supported by grants from GAIN and the NIMH (Grant No. MH081802). Funding for the QIMR samples was provided by the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (Grant Nos. 241944, 339462, 389927, 389875, 389891, 389892, 389938, 442915, 442981, 496675, 496739, 552485, 552498, 613602, 613608, 613674, 619667), the Australian Research Council (Grant Nos. FT0991360, FT0991022), the FP-5 GenomEUtwin Project (Grant No. QLG2-CT-2002-01254), and the US National Institutes of Health (Grant Nos. AA07535, AA10248, AA13320, AA13321, AA13326, AA14041, MH66206, DA12854, DA019951), and the Center for Inherited Disease Research (Baltimore, MD). RADIANT was funded by the following: a joint grant from the UK Medical Research Council and GlaxoSmithKline (Grant No. G0701420); the National Institute for Health Research Specialist Biomedical Research Centre for Mental Health at the South London and Maudsley National Health Service Foundation Trust and the Institute of Psychiatry, King's College London; the UK Medical Research Council (Grant No. G0000647), and the Marie Curie Industry-Academia Partnership and Pathways (Grant No. 286213). The GENDEP study was funded by a European Commission Framework 6 grant (EC Contract Ref.: LSHB-CT-2003-503428). Genotyping of STAR*D was supported by NIMH Grant No. MH072802 (to SPH). STAR*D was funded by NIMH Grant No. N01MH90003 to the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center at Dallas (to A.J. Rush). The CoLaus/PsyCoLaus study was supported by research grants from GlaxoSmithKline, the Faculty of Biology and Medicine of Lausanne, and the Swiss National Science Foundation (Grant Nos. 3200B0–105993, 3200B0-118308, 33CSCO-122661, 33CS30-139468, 33CS30-148401) and two grants from GlaxoSmithKline Clinical Genetics. SHIP is part of the Community Medicine Research net of the University of Greifswald, Germany, which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Grant Nos. 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, 01ZZ0403), the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, and the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg–West Pomerania. Genome-wide data have been supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Grant No. 03ZIK012) and a joint grant from Siemens Healthcare, Erlangen, Germany, and the Federal State of Mecklenburg–West Pomerania. SHIP-LEGEND is funded by the DFG (Grant No. GR 1912/5-1). The TwinGene study was supported by the Swedish Ministry for Higher Education, the Swedish Research Council (Grant No. M-2005-1112), GenomEUtwin (Grant Nos. EU/QLRT-2001-01254, QLG2-CT-2002-01254), the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research and the US National Institutes of Health (Grant No. U01 DK066134). The collection of PRISME control subjects and genotyping of the 883 Danish control subjects was supported by grants from The Danish Strategic Research Council, The Stanley Research Foundation, and H. Lundbeck A/S. The Muenster Depression cohorts were supported by the European Union (Grant No. N Health-F2-2008-222963) and by grants from the DFG (Grant Nos. FOR 2107 and DA1151/5-1 [to UD]), Innovative Medizinische Forschung of the Medical Faculty of Mu¨nster (Grant Nos. DA120903, DA111107, and DA211012 [all to UD]). Generation Scotland is supported by a Wellcome Trust Strategic Award "Stratifying Resilience and Depression Longitudinally" (Reference No.: 104036/Z/14/Z) and core support from the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government Health Directorates (Grant No. CZD/16/6) and the Scottish Funding Council (Grant No. HR03006). Supplementary material cited in this article is available online at http:// dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2016.05.010. ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF

Das von Freud postulierte Junktim von Heilen und Forschen erlaubt eine der klinischen Praxis angemessene Form von Forschung. Die Ergebnisse unserer Studie zeigen, daß derartige Forschung seit Jahren in Österreich nicht nur gemacht, sondern auch publiziert wurde. Unser Beitrag zeigt auf, weshalb die Ergebnisse quantitativer Psychotherapieforschung von PraktikerInnen nur wenig rezipiert werden und verdeutlicht jene Forschungsbereiche, die für PraktikerInnen relevant sind.Schlüsselwörter: Psychotherapieforschung, Klinische Theorie. ; The Junktim of Healing and Research postulated by Freud permits a kind of research adequate for clinical practice. The results of our study show that this kind of research has not only been done but also published for many years in Austria. Our paper gives an explanation as to why the results of quantitative psychotherapy research are not recognized by the practitioners of psychotherapy and clarifies those areas of research that are relevant for them.Keywords:Psychotherapy research, clinical theory. ; Freud avait signalé que guérison et recherche sont interdépendantes; ce constat ne vaut pas que pour 1a psychothérapie classique, mais est l'une des caractéristiques du traitement psychothérapeutique en général. On pourrait dire: le déroulement des traitements permet aux praticiens d'acquérir des connaissances qui peuvent être intégrées à la fois au processus thérapeutique et, en tant qu'accumulation d'impressions, à une réflexion théorique - ceci dans le sens d'une première démarche d'abstraction. Une fois communiquées aux spécialistes, ces connaissances influencent considérablement l'élaboration et l'avancement des théories cliniques pertinentes.Que le travail psychothérapeutique pratique implique forcément la recherche, ou que les praticien/nes de la psychothérapie puissent prétendre à juste titre diposer d'un savoir spécialisé considérable, acquis par le biais de leur formation et de leur expérience, ne compte pas dès lors que l'on applique les critères de ce qui est actuellement considéré comme recherche scientifique (cf. Wolfe, 1994). Du point de vue de la recherche en psychothérapie de type quantitatif et statistique, la recherche sur des cas n'est pas scientifique; on a bien commencé récemment à réattribuer de la valeur à l'étude de cas individuels (cf. Leuzinger- Bohleben, 1995), mais on considère encore de manière générale les deux perceptions de la recherche - liaison guérison-recherche I recherche scientifique - comme irréconciliables, oubliant qu'elles ont chacune leur fonction. En psychothérapie, la recherche empirique exerce avant tout une fonction de contrôle. Elle s'intéresse surtout aux effets de la thérapie, aux changements mesurables statistiquement que cette dernière peut apporter. Par contre, l'association guérison/recherche permet de vérifier les hypothèses qui jouent un rôle par rapport au concret de la thérapie. A un niveau plus global, mesurer les effets des traitements implique un contrôle politique et social: cette approche prétend sélectionner les écoles qui seront habilitées à mener des traitements, celles qui auront le droit de former des thérapeutes ou de diffuser leur savoir; il s'agit finalement de définir ce qui doit être financé par une communauté solidaire (par les caisses maladie). L'une des tâches importantes assumées parla théorie scientifique est donc d'élaborer un système permettant d'examiner de manière systématique les différentes conceptions du traitement clinique (cf. Orlinsky, 1994).Les trois niveaux de la recherche (cf. il. 1) se reflètent également dans les publications parues dans ce domaine. Dans le cadre d'une enquête empirique intitulée "L'état de la psychothérapie scientifique en Autriche" (Springer et al., 1994), on a tenté d'analyser les résultats publiés, entre autres, en fonction de ces trois niveaux. Les résultats de cette étude concernent la période 1972-1992.Le but de notre travail était de présenter une description des travaux et des rapports de projets sur le thème de la psychothérapie publiés en allemand par des auteurs autrichiens. Au centre de notre enquête se situe la définition de catégories permettant de classer les 475 travaux examinés.Les résultats que nous avons acquis montrent clairement qu'en Autriche on a très souvent procédé à une évaluation clinique pouvant être appliquée dans la pratique, en d'autres termes que l'on dispose de résultats permettant de définir l'efficacité des procédures et des approches. Mais les résultats de la recherche quantitative ne correspondent pas forcément à un savoir concernant la pratique; en effet, du fait qu'ils sont relativement abstraits il est souvent difficile de transférer ces résultats à des interventions pratiques. On n'accorde encore que peu de valeur à une "science fondée sur la pratique", c'est-à-dire à des connaissances développées à partir de la pratique et testées dans le contexte de cette dernière (cf. également Fäh-Barwinski, 1995).Un débat sur la pratique de la thérapie est actuellement mené dans le cadre de nombreuses écoles. Il est devenu plus âpre ces derniers temps, comme le montrent clairement diverses déclarations faites au sujet de la nature scientifique de la psychothérapie ainsi que, parallèlement, au sujet de la question de savoir si les traitements doivent être reconnus par la loi et remboursés. Le risque existe qu'en exigeant que la psychothérapie produise des résultats positifs mesurables, on néglige de tenir compte de l'interdépendance entre guérison et recherche qui joue un rôle si central au niveau de notre discipline. Il ne faudrait pas oublier que l'élaboration de méthodes de recherche adaptées à la psychothérapie ne fait que débuter. Le fait que les travaux accomplis en Autriche tiennent compte de la pratique doit être souligné, car il est positif; de même, il est bien que dans ce pays existent de nombreuses institutions et personnes s'intéressant à la psychothérapie. Il est évident qu'une recherche en psychothérapie axée sur la pratique n'est pas un domaine exclusif, réservé à quelques institutions ou chercheurs. La recherche pratiquée en Autriche est en outre caractérisée par un second aspect positif: elle a inclue relativement souvent un discours global, indépendant des différentes écoles. Ce point fort de la recherche autrichienne se retrouve au niveau de la loi sur la psychothérapie élaborée par notre pays et il ne faudrait pas considérer cette donnée comme évidente. Comme le montre l'exemple de l'Allemagne, la capacité à mener un discours incluant les différentes écoles n'est pas du tout donnée à tout le monde. En Autriche, elle a été acquise au cours d'un processus très difficile, qui a duré de nombreuses années, jusqu'au moment où elle a pu être utilisée pour que soient menées des recherches dont les praticiens puissent profiter.