Suchergebnisse

Introduction to the Thematic SectionThe images of the borders of civilizations is the main topic of the thematic section of this issue of Colloquia Humanistica. In the call for papers it was emphasised, that this issue is particularly important, because the notion of civilization is strictly related to the issue of borders since it would became meaningless without the opposition to another civilization, or the lack of it. The juxtaposition between the notion of civilization and its different antinomies seems easier to display when seen from its centre, however the shape of its border is not always clear, even if it has a foundation in clear geographical or political divisions. Thus, this border can be represented as a linear frontier between a civilized state and barbaric lands, or as a borderland which encompasses some kind of fluent transition. The civilization border can be also represented in a macro scale, shaping geographic divisions of the continents (as it was in the case of the Balkans), but its depiction can also concern the micro scale, for example the difference between an urban and a natural landscape. The notion is even broader, because it is not only treated in the context of space but also social behaviours and their evolution (which is bound with notion of the progress since the Enlightenment). The question establishing the difference between the civilized and the uncivilized is still shaping the identity of modern societies, and thus it is worth attention. Wprowadzenie do sekcji tematycznejTematem przewodnim szóstego numeru rocznika Colloquia Humanistica są obrazy granic cywilizacji. Temat ten wydaje się niezwykle istotny, ponieważ pojęcie cywilizacji ściśle wiąże się z kategorią granicy, skoro traci ono znaczenie, gdy nie zachodzi opozycja wobec innej cywilizacji. Zestawienie pojęcia cywilizacji i jego różnych antynomii najłatwiej przejawia się, jak się wydaje, z perspektywy centrum, jednakże kształt jej granic nie zawsze rysuje się wyraźnie, nawet gdy wywodzi się ona z jasnych podziałów geograficznych czy politycznych. Granicę może zatem reprezentować linia między cywilizowanym państwem a krajami barbarzyńskimi lub też pogranicze, stanowiące coś w rodzaju płynnego przejścia. Granicę cywilizacji można też przedstawić w makroskali poprzez podziały geograficzne na kontynencie (jak ma to miejsce w przypadku Bałkanów), lecz jej obraz dotyka również mikroskali, na przykład różnicy między krajobrazem miejskim a naturalnym. Pojęcie to ma wręcz szerszy charakter, ponieważ porusza kontekst nie tylko przestrzenny, lecz również kwestię zachowań społecznych i ich ewolucję (od czasu oświecenia związaną z pojęciem postępu). Kwestia ustanowienia granicy między cywilizowanym a niecywilizowanym wciąż wpływa na kształt tożsamości współczesnych społeczeństw i dlatego warto podjąć się jej zbadania.

The phenomenon of globalization, cultural changes, increased migration processes lead Europe/ the World to a model of a global village. The feeling of national identity, the awareness of common and different features resulting from the history, origin and culture play an important role for its inhabitants. The reality of a multicultural society is a subject of research and postulates of intercultural pedagogy. The above issue refers also to Poland which has been a multicultural country for century. Nowadays the following minority groups should be distinguished: Germans, Belarusians, Ukrainians, Russians, Czechs, Slovaks, Jews and Armenians. The ethnic minorities include: Romani people, Lemkos and Tatars, however Silesians and Kashubians are proposed minorities. The system changes of Poland after the year 1990 caused a change of legislation and ratifying international conventions which determined the legal frames and the scope of the activity of minority groups. Ukrainians have a special position in the Pomeranian region due to a migration action "Vistula" which was carried out in the year 1947 by communist authorities. At present 6.5 thousand people live in the north of the country, most of them in districts of Człuchów (1.19 %) and Szczecinek (1.12 % of the total number of inhabitants). Education, especially communicative competences in a language of ancestors are a leading purpose of teaching. Complexes of Secondary Schools in Biały Bór, Górów Iławiecki, Legnica, Przemyśl, Bartoszyce and Ukrainian classes in Banie Mazurskie and Bielsko Podlaskie realize bilingual teaching. Apart from didactical and educational activity these schools play a role of the centres of pension trustees of Ukrainian culture, the culture which they promote in social environment. The Taras Szewczenko Complex of Secondary Schools No2 in Biały Bór is a representative school in Pomerania. The fate of the school present symbolically the fate of Ukrainian people who thanks to their determination led to opening the school in 1962. The headmistress Ms. Irena Drozd had a special contribution to expansion of the base and organization of the institution (in the years 1975-1999). The leading purpose of the school curriculum is creating the national identity, animation of Ukrainian culture in social environment. Meetings with interesting people / guests from Ukraine as well as trips and events at school and outside it are very helpful. Projects result in creating relationships, popularization of folklore and first of all they break stereotypes concerning the insularity of Ukrainian culture. Schoolchildren of the Complex of Secondary Schools No2 in Biały Bór are at the cultural edge thanks to which they are richer in a different perspective of perceiving the reality. Cultural competences acquired in school and after-school social interactions result in open attitude - commonly expected in a reality of a global village.Кey words: Ukrainian national minority, cultural borderland, multiculturalism, national identity, Biały Bór.

The phenomenon of globalization, cultural changes, increased migration processes lead Europe/ the World to a model of a global village. The feeling of national identity, the awareness of common and different features resulting from the history, origin and culture play an important role for its inhabitants. The reality of a multicultural society is a subject of research and postulates of intercultural pedagogy.The above issue refers also to Poland which has been a multicultural country for century. Nowadays the following minority groups should be distinguished: Germans, Belarusians, Ukrainians, Russians, Czechs, Slovaks, Jews and Armenians. The ethnic minorities include: Romani people, Lemkos and Tatars, however Silesians and Kashubians are proposed minorities.The system changes of Poland after the year 1990 caused a change of legislation and ratifying international conventions which determined the legal frames and the scope of the activity of minority groups.Ukrainians have a special position in the Pomeranian region due to a migration action "Vistula" which was carried out in the year 1947 by communist authorities. At present 6.5 thousand people live in the north of the country, most of them in districts of Człuchów (1.19 %) and Szczecinek (1.12 % of the total number of inhabitants).Education, especially communicative competences in a language of ancestors are a leading purpose of teaching. Complexes of Secondary Schools in Biały Bór, Górów Iławiecki, Legnica, Przemyśl, Bartoszyce and Ukrainian classes in Banie Mazurskie and Bielsko Podlaskie realize bilingual teaching. Apart from didactical and educational activity these schools play a role of the centres of pension trustees of Ukrainian culture, the culture which they promote in social environment.The Taras Szewczenko Complex of Secondary Schools No2 in Biały Bór is a representative school in Pomerania. The fate of the school present symbolically the fate of Ukrainian people who thanks to their determination led to opening the school in 1962. The headmistress Ms. Irena Drozd had a special contribution to expansion of the base and organization of the institution (in the years 1975-1999).The leading purpose of the school curriculum is creating the national identity, animation of Ukrainian culture in social environment. Meetings with interesting people / guests from Ukraine as well as trips and events at school and outside it are very helpful. Projects result in creating relationships, popularization of folklore and first of all they break stereotypes concerning the insularity of Ukrainian culture. Schoolchildren of the Complex of Secondary Schools No2 in Biały Bór are at the cultural edge thanks to which they are richer in a different perspective of perceiving the reality. Cultural competences acquired in school and after-school social interactions result in open attitude - commonly expected in a reality of a global village. Кey words: Ukrainian national minority, cultural borderland, multiculturalism, national identity, Biały Bór.

Introduction to the Thematic SectionThe images of the borders of civilizations is the main topic of the thematic section of this issue of Colloquia Humanistica. In the call for papers it was emphasised, that this issue is particularly important, because the notion of civilization is strictly related to the issue of borders since it would became meaningless without the opposition to another civilization, or the lack of it. The juxtaposition between the notion of civilization and its different antinomies seems easier to display when seen from its centre, however the shape of its border is not always clear, even if it has a foundation in clear geographical or political divisions. Thus, this border can be represented as a linear frontier between a civilized state and barbaric lands, or as a borderland which encompasses some kind of fluent transition. The civilization border can be also represented in a macro scale, shaping geographic divisions of the continents (as it was in the case of the Balkans), but its depiction can also concern the micro scale, for example the difference between an urban and a natural landscape. The notion is even broader, because it is not only treated in the context of space but also social behaviours and their evolution (which is bound with notion of the progress since the Enlightenment). The question establishing the difference between the civilized and the uncivilized is still shaping the identity of modern societies, and thus it is worth attention. Wprowadzenie do sekcji tematycznejTematem przewodnim szóstego numeru rocznika Colloquia Humanistica są obrazy granic cywilizacji. Temat ten wydaje się niezwykle istotny, ponieważ pojęcie cywilizacji ściśle wiąże się z kategorią granicy, skoro traci ono znaczenie, gdy nie zachodzi opozycja wobec innej cywilizacji. Zestawienie pojęcia cywilizacji i jego różnych antynomii najłatwiej przejawia się, jak się wydaje, z perspektywy centrum, jednakże kształt jej granic nie zawsze rysuje się wyraźnie, nawet gdy wywodzi się ona z jasnych podziałów geograficznych czy politycznych. Granicę może zatem reprezentować linia między cywilizowanym państwem a krajami barbarzyńskimi lub też pogranicze, stanowiące coś w rodzaju płynnego przejścia. Granicę cywilizacji można też przedstawić w makroskali poprzez podziały geograficzne na kontynencie (jak ma to miejsce w przypadku Bałkanów), lecz jej obraz dotyka również mikroskali, na przykład różnicy między krajobrazem miejskim a naturalnym. Pojęcie to ma wręcz szerszy charakter, ponieważ porusza kontekst nie tylko przestrzenny, lecz również kwestię zachowań społecznych i ich ewolucję (od czasu oświecenia związaną z pojęciem postępu). Kwestia ustanowienia granicy między cywilizowanym a niecywilizowanym wciąż wpływa na kształt tożsamości współczesnych społeczeństw i dlatego warto podjąć się jej zbadania.

Представлена история Нерчинской таможни (таможенной избы), созданной в конце XVII в., в городе Нерчинск, занимавшей стратегическое приграничное положение и обеспечивающей контроль за движением российских и китайских товаров. На основе анализа таможенных книг приводится информация о характере провозимого через таможню товара, системе пошлинного обложения, категориях лиц, провозивших товары, и статусе таможенных голов. Все это позволило определить особые региональные черты таможенной деятельности в регионе. ; The article presents an analysis of customs business organization in the territory of the eastern borderlands of the Russian state, from the point of view of customs bodies functioning in state interests, first of all, in terms of its fiscal component. According to the authors' view, generalization of historical experience and estimation of authorities' activities in a historical context can be applied to solve some modern problems, and may prevent repetition of the errors of the past. Basic attention in the article is paid to Nerchinsk customs (customs house) activities estimation, established in Nerchinsk, a city with a strategic frontier position on transportation routes with China. The Nerchinsk customs became the main customs providing frontier control over the movement of Russian and Chinese goods at the Transbaikal region western borders. The authors mention an idea that Transbaikalia can be considered as an absolutely unique territory in terms of customs legislation enforcement. Being part of the all-Russian customs policy construction, the region had a considerable number of regional jurisdiction legislative acts with the use of simplified systems for some customs formalities. This circumstance was caused by the all-Russian policy interests of involving "borderline areas" in all-Russian economy, expansion of the Russian foreign trade in new markets. Nerchinsk customs activities were carried out in two directions: collection of customs duties and control over goods turnover to suppress illegal import and export. The article estimates the customs books that preserved detailed information about the nature of the goods, describes the toll taxation system, categories of persons transporting the goods and the status of customs heads. All this allowed to determine special regional features of customs activities in the region. The authors note the importance of studying customs books as the basic sources of information on Nerchinsk customs activities. The conclusions are made on the basis of archival materials introduced in the scientific use for the first time. As a result, the authors state that the suspension and further termination of the Nerchinsk customs activities were directly influenced by foreign policy events. With high duty turnover of the Nerchinsk customs, the Russian authorities could not keep Nerchinsk as the trade center and a strategic point of customs control.

Gruomota: the influence of politics and nationalism on the development of written Latgalian in the long nineteenth century (1772–1918)Latgale, the southeast region of Latvia, has a distinct ethnoregional identity largely due to the wide- spread use of the Latgalian language/dialect. The status of Latgalian as a language/dialect is highly politicised in Latvia today, yet this is not only a twenty-first century phenomenon. Since its inception as a written language in the mid-eighteenth century, the development of written Latgalian has been strongly influenced by politics and nationalism. This is an exploratory paper, which traces the impact of politics and nationalism on the development of written Latgalian throughout the long nineteenth century, a period in which the region was administered by three political regimes (Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Russian Empire, First Republic of Latvia). Transnational perspectives are used to contextualise the development of written Latgalian with the development of other written languages in the vicinity (Belarusian, Latvian, Lithuanian, and Samogitian), and to open up the field for further comparative studies on the development of non-national written languages/dialect. Latgale is a borderland region often neglected in mainstream Latvian scholarship, and by extension, even more so outside Latvia. This paper hopes to go some way to rectifying this. Gramota: wpływ polityki i nacjonalizmu na rozwój łatgalskiego języka literackiego w długim wieku XIX (1772–1918)Łatgalię, południowo-wschodni region Łotwy, cechuje odrębna tożsamość etniczno-regionalna, przede wszystkim z racji powszechnego na tym terenie używania języka/dialektu łatgalskiego. Status łatgalskiego jako języka/dialektu stanowi w dzisiejszej Litwie w dużej mierze kwestię o wymiarze politycznym, aczkolwiek nie jest to zjawisko, które pojawiło się dopiero w XX stuleciu. Łatgalski już od czasu swych narodzin jako język literacki w połowie XVIII wieku pozostawał pod silną presją polityki oraz nacjonalizmów. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu prześledzenie oddziaływania polityki i nacjonalizmu na kształtowanie się literackiej odmiany języka łatgalskiego w ciągu "długiego wieku XIX" – okresu, w którym region ten podlegał administracji rządowej sprawowanej przez trzy systemy polityczne (Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów, Imperium Rosyjskie, Pierwsza Republika Litewska). Spojrzenie na omawiane zagadnienie z perspektywy ponadnarodowej pozwala stworzyć kontekst rozwoju łatgalskiego języka literackiego w odniesieniu do innych języków literackich formujących się w bliskim jego sąsiedztwie (białoruskiego, łotewskiego, litewskiego i semigalskiego), jak też otworzyć pole dla kolejnych studiów porównawczych nad kształtowaniem się nienarodowych języków/dialektów literackich. Łatgalia stanowi region pograniczny, zwykle zaniedbywany przez główny nurt nauki łotewskiej, a tym bardziej w dociekaniach naukowych poza granicami Łotwy. Niniejszy artykuł ma za zadanie choć w pewnej mierze stan ten naprawić.

Gruomota: the influence of politics and nationalism on the development of written Latgalian in the long nineteenth century (1772–1918)Latgale, the southeast region of Latvia, has a distinct ethnoregional identity largely due to the wide- spread use of the Latgalian language/dialect. The status of Latgalian as a language/dialect is highly politicised in Latvia today, yet this is not only a twenty-first century phenomenon. Since its inception as a written language in the mid-eighteenth century, the development of written Latgalian has been strongly influenced by politics and nationalism. This is an exploratory paper, which traces the impact of politics and nationalism on the development of written Latgalian throughout the long nineteenth century, a period in which the region was administered by three political regimes (Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Russian Empire, First Republic of Latvia). Transnational perspectives are used to contextualise the development of written Latgalian with the development of other written languages in the vicinity (Belarusian, Latvian, Lithuanian, and Samogitian), and to open up the field for further comparative studies on the development of non-national written languages/dialect. Latgale is a borderland region often neglected in mainstream Latvian scholarship, and by extension, even more so outside Latvia. This paper hopes to go some way to rectifying this. Gramota: wpływ polityki i nacjonalizmu na rozwój łatgalskiego języka literackiego w długim wieku XIX (1772–1918)Łatgalię, południowo-wschodni region Łotwy, cechuje odrębna tożsamość etniczno-regionalna, przede wszystkim z racji powszechnego na tym terenie używania języka/dialektu łatgalskiego. Status łatgalskiego jako języka/dialektu stanowi w dzisiejszej Litwie w dużej mierze kwestię o wymiarze politycznym, aczkolwiek nie jest to zjawisko, które pojawiło się dopiero w XX stuleciu. Łatgalski już od czasu swych narodzin jako język literacki w połowie XVIII wieku pozostawał pod silną presją polityki oraz nacjonalizmów. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu prześledzenie oddziaływania polityki i nacjonalizmu na kształtowanie się literackiej odmiany języka łatgalskiego w ciągu "długiego wieku XIX" – okresu, w którym region ten podlegał administracji rządowej sprawowanej przez trzy systemy polityczne (Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów, Imperium Rosyjskie, Pierwsza Republika Litewska). Spojrzenie na omawiane zagadnienie z perspektywy ponadnarodowej pozwala stworzyć kontekst rozwoju łatgalskiego języka literackiego w odniesieniu do innych języków literackich formujących się w bliskim jego sąsiedztwie (białoruskiego, łotewskiego, litewskiego i semigalskiego), jak też otworzyć pole dla kolejnych studiów porównawczych nad kształtowaniem się nienarodowych języków/dialektów literackich. Łatgalia stanowi region pograniczny, zwykle zaniedbywany przez główny nurt nauki łotewskiej, a tym bardziej w dociekaniach naukowych poza granicami Łotwy. Niniejszy artykuł ma za zadanie choć w pewnej mierze stan ten naprawić.

В статье рассматриваются политические дебаты об автономии и федерации, которые велись между представителями российских либералов и участниками польского и украинского национальных движений накануне Первой мировой войны. В поисках союзников среди национальных движений в общей борьбе против самодержавия российские кадеты были готовы согласиться на идею автономии для отдельных окраин. Но при этом смысл, вкладываемый кадетами в понятие автономии, сильно отличался от того, как это понятие понималось их польскими и украинскими партнерами по диалогу. Если в польском случае понятие автономии изначально предполагало восстановление отдельного польского государства, связанного реальной унией с российской монархией, то в украинском случае автономия предусматривала преобразование России в федерацию национально-территориальных единиц. В статье показано, что идейные предпосылки, из которых исходили российские либералы и представители украинского и польского национальных движений, были несовместимы. Это не исключало возможности нахождения компромисса, но он мог носить лишь тактический характер и не предполагал, на принципиальном уровне, перспективы сближения предлагаемых сторонами программ переустройства России. Дополнительным препятствием для диалога между российскими либералами и польскими и украинскими национальными движениями служило то, что каждая из сторон этого диалога имела завышенное представление о самих себе и не слишком высоко оценивала своих потенциальных партнеров. В этой ситуации стратегический компромисс был невозможен, потому что каждая из сторон не воспринимала другую сторону как уполномоченную для принятия каких-либо решений. ; The paper considers the political debates on autonomy and federation between the Russian liberals and representatives of the Polish and Ukrainian national movements on the eve of the World War I. Searching for the allies among the national movements in the struggle against the autocracy, the Russian Kadets were willing to provide an autonomy for particular borderlands. However, the Kadets' meaning of autonomy differed from the way the Polish and Ukrainian groups treated this concept. In the Polish case the autonomy presupposed restoration of a separate Polish statehood linked with the Russian monarchy by a real union. In the Ukrainian case the autonomy implied reorganization of the Russian empire as a federation of national-territorial units. The paper demonstrates that the initial assumptions of the Russian liberals and the representatives of the Ukrainian and Polish national movements were incompatible. This did not exclude the possibility of finding a compromise. However, it could involve only a tactical agreement. It did not presuppose any perspective of convergence of the political programs of Russia's reorganization on the level of principles. An additional impediment to the dialogue between the Russian liberals and the Polish and Ukrainian national movements was that each side of the dialogue had a wrong self-perception and inadequate image of its potential allies. In this situation, a strategic compromise was impossible, because each of the side did not consider the other side as authorized to make any final decision.

RESUMENDurante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII, en el marco de las denominadas Reformas Borbónicas en América, la corona española también se dio una política reformista para con sus fronteras coloniales, en la cual la ocupación y defensa de los espacios fronterizos ocupará un rol fundamental en la nueva estrategia metropolitana. Apoyado en un fuerte dispositivo militar, el Estado borbónico buscó ocupar directamente las áreas periféricas del Nuevo Mundo, promoviendo el asentamiento de hispano-criollos en los lugares estratégicos para garantizarse la fidelidad de sus habitantes y un efectivo control social, político y militar del espacio. Entendemos que para el caso de la región de Banda Oriental y Río Grande esta condición de zona fronteriza entre los imperios ibéricos por un lado, y entre los mundos culturales europeos e indígenas por otro, fue lo que determinó la morfología de colonización y poblamiento de su campaña.En el presente trabajo nos proponemos presentar un avance de investigación sobre las relaciones fronterizas que se desarrollaron entre españoles y portugueses por un lado, y las interacciones étnicas entre éstos y los diferentes pueblos indígenas de la región por otro, durante la ocupación española de Río Grande entre 1763-1777. Esperamos que ello nos permita conocer las diferentes estrategias y relaciones de poder que se forjaron entre los distintos actores involucrados en el proceso de configuración del espacio.Palabras clave: Banda Oriental - Río Grande – Fronteras - Relaciones Interétnicas. ABSTRACTDuring the second half of the 18th century, under the Borbon's reforms inAmerica, the Spanish Crown applied a reformist policy towards its colonial borderlands, in which the occupation and defense of the border areas will have a central role in the new metropolitan strategy.Supported by a strong military structure, the borbonic state wanted to occupy the periphery areas of theNew World, promoting the settlement of Hispanic-Creole in strategic locations in order to guarantee the loyalty of its inhabitants and an effective social, political and military control of the area. We consider that for the case of 'Banda Oriental' region and 'Rio Grande' their condition of border areas between the Iberian empires on one side, and the European and Indigenous cultures on the other side, was what determined its colonization morphology and settlement in the countryside. In the present article our aim is to present the latest research developments about the border relations between Spanish and Portuguese, and the ethnic interactions between those and the different Indigenous cultures, during the Spanish occupation of 'Rio Grande' between 1763-1777. We hope that this will enable us to identify different strategies and power relations that were forged between various actors involved in the process of space configuration.Key words: "Banda Oriental" - "Río Grande" - borders - interethnic relationships.

This dissertation examines urban transformation in Ordos, Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, between 2001 and 2011. The study is situated in the context of research into urbanization in China as the country moved from a mostly rural population to a mostly urban one in the 2000s and as urbanization emerged as a primary objective of the state at various levels. To date, the preponderance of research on Chinese urbanization has produced theory and empirical work through observation of a narrow selection of metropolitan regions of the eastern seaboard. This study is instead a single-city case study of an emergent center for energy resource mining in a frontier region of China. Intensification of coalmining in Ordos coincided with coal-sector reforms and burgeoning demand in the 2000s, which fueled rapid growth in the local economy during the study period. Urban development in a setting of rapid resource-based growth sets the frame in this study in terms of "frontier boomtown urbanism." Urban transformation is considered in its physical, political, cultural, and environmental dimensions. Research for this study is based on six months of on-site fieldwork in Ordos, historical research, and reviews of English-language and Chinese-language scholarship.Chapter One of the dissertation provides a discussion of theoretical issues pertaining to historical and current-day frontiers and boomtowns. The idea of the frontier as a space of cultural encounter is discussed in relation to China's relations with societies inhabiting its borderlands. The frontier is also elucidated in the context of economic-geographical literatures that posit the peculiar economic functions of marginal spaces. The notion of the "commodity frontier" is elaborated in order to position Ordos as a frontier boomtown. Chapter Two of the dissertation examines the processes and mechanisms by which Ordos became a frontier for coalmining in the 2000s. Chapter Three and Chapter Four discuss urban growth amidst a resource boom. Chapter Three considers urban growth through modular land development schemes. Chapter Four employs the idea of gigantism to elucidate the cultural logic of city building. The focus in both chapters is on the production of spectacular new built environments and how these manifest struggles to achieve broader-based and sustainable urban development. Chapter Five examines the phenomenon of private finance as a key driver of urbanization in the frontier boomtown. Unregulated speculative property development is shown to be a key mitigating factor in the local state's effort to enhance social control through the production of new urban space and reveals an unexamined source of non-state development activity.Frontier boomtown urbanism shows how city building has become the ubiquitous and basic activity of the local state in China. The frontier setting is distinguished by the intensity, pace, and scale of growth and by the highly disorganized course that urbanization takes.

This paper reframes the security and development debate through fresh theoretical lenses, which view security as highly contested both in the realm of politics and in the realm of ideas.[i] For some analysts security concerns political power, including the use of organised force to establish and maintain social orders and to protect them from external and internal threats. For others it is about how individuals and communities are protected (or protect themselves) from violence, abuse of power and other existential risks. We integrate both approaches whilst placing our focus on the deep tensions between them. Combining them is especially apposite in the hybrid political orders of conflict-torn regions in the developing world – where the state and its monopoly of violence are contested and diverse state and non-state security actors coexist, collaborate or compete. We ask what security in these hybrid contexts looks like from below, that is from the perspective of "end users", be these citizens of states, members of local communities or those who are marginalised and insecure. What are their own vernacular understandings of security, and how do these understandings link to wider conceptions of citizen and of human security? Even when security and insecurity are experienced and decided locally, they are at the same time determined nationally and globally. It is at the interfaces between local agency, state power and global order that the most politically salient and analytically challenging issues tend to arise. To analyse these interfaces we focus on three interconnecting political spaces, each characterised by their own forms of hybridity, in which security is negotiated with end-users: (i) "unsecured borderlands" where state authority is suspended or violently challenged by alternative claimants to power or providers of security, including non-state armed groups; (ii) "contested Leviathans", that is state security structures whose authority and capacity to deliver security are weak, disputed or compromised by special interests; and (iii) "securitised policy spaces" in which international actors collaborate to ensure peace and fulfil their responsibility to protect vulnerable end-users in unsecured regions. In making these distinctions we argue that similar analytical lenses can be turned upon international actors in securitised policy spaces as well as upon state and non-state security actors. The concluding section argues that such a reframing of the security and development debate demands not just new modes of analysis but also fresh approaches to research designed both to provide insights into the vernacular understandings, coping strategies and potential agency of end-users and to uncover the informal networks, alliances and covert strategies of the multiple actors determining their security in hybrid political orders.

This paper reframes the security and development debate through fresh theoretical lenses, which view security as highly contested both in the realm of politics and in the realm of ideas.[i] For some analysts security concerns political power, including the use of organised force to establish and maintain social orders and to protect them from external and internal threats. For others it is about how individuals and communities are protected (or protect themselves) from violence, abuse of power and other existential risks. We integrate both approaches whilst placing our focus on the deep tensions between them. Combining them is especially apposite in the hybrid political orders of conflict-torn regions in the developing world – where the state and its monopoly of violence are contested and diverse state and non-state security actors coexist, collaborate or compete. We ask what security in these hybrid contexts looks like from below, that is from the perspective of "end users", be these citizens of states, members of local communities or those who are marginalised and insecure. What are their own vernacular understandings of security, and how do these understandings link to wider conceptions of citizen and of human security? Even when security and insecurity are experienced and decided locally, they are at the same time determined nationally and globally. It is at the interfaces between local agency, state power and global order that the most politically salient and analytically challenging issues tend to arise. To analyse these interfaces we focus on three interconnecting political spaces, each characterised by their own forms of hybridity, in which security is negotiated with end-users: (i) "unsecured borderlands" where state authority is suspended or violently challenged by alternative claimants to power or providers of security, including non-state armed groups; (ii) "contested Leviathans", that is state security structures whose authority and capacity to deliver security are weak, disputed or compromised by special interests; and (iii) "securitised policy spaces" in which international actors collaborate to ensure peace and fulfil their responsibility to protect vulnerable end-users in unsecured regions. In making these distinctions we argue that similar analytical lenses can be turned upon international actors in securitised policy spaces as well as upon state and non-state security actors. The concluding section argues that such a reframing of the security and development debate demands not just new modes of analysis but also fresh approaches to research designed both to provide insights into the vernacular understandings, coping strategies and potential agency of end-users and to uncover the informal networks, alliances and covert strategies of the multiple actors determining their security in hybrid political orders.

Цель статьи — проанализировать роль Калининградской области во внешней политике Польши после 1989 г. Анализ касается политических и региональных детерминант, влияние которых на отношения между Польшей и Калининградской областью было наиболее значимым. Используемая методология представляет собой характеристику политической науки, которая основывается на анализе первоисточников (документов) и вспомогательных источников (научные публикации, печатные статьи). Также использовался системный анализ и анализ решений. Рассматривается период после 1989 г., когда отмена Ялтинско-Постдамской системы повлекла геополитические изменения, в результате которых Польша смогла пересмотреть приоритеты своей внешней политики. Одним из серьезных вызовов для польской дипломатии после 1989 г. стало развитие экономических и политических отношений с Российской Федерацией. Приграничное сотрудничество между Польшей и Россией осуществляется в том числе в рамках еврорегиональных структур, которые функционируют в приграничных районах. Анализ этого вопроса является важным для дальнейшего сотрудничества в российско-польском пограничье, особенно после вступления в силу договора о местном приграничном движении в 2012 г. * Варминьско-Мазурский университет в Ольштыне. 10-719, Польша, Ольштын, ул. Очаповского, 2. Поступила в редакцию 12.0 9.2012 г. doi:10.5922/2074-9848-2012-4-6 © Хелминак М., Котович В., 2012 Одним из важных выводов исследования стало заключение о том, что реализация договора о местном приграничном движении может способствовать улучшению приграничных отношений, но это принципиально не изменит роль Калининградской области во внешней политике Польши. ; This article sets out to analyse the role of the Kaliningrad region in the Polish foreign policy after 1989. The analysis focuses on the political and regional determi nants, which had the greatest impact on the Poland-Kaliningrad region relations. The methodology used in the article is not unusual for political science and is based on analysing original (documents) and secondary (scholarly publications, press artic les) sources. The authors also use the system and decision analysis methods. The ana lysis covers the period after 1989, when the geopolitical changes brought about by the collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam order resulted in Poland redefine the priorities of its foreign policy. One of the most important challenges for the Polish diplomacy after 1989 was the development of economic and political relations with the Russian Federation. Cross-border cooperation between Poland and the Kaliningrad Region is conducted, inter alia, through euroregional structures functioning in the border areas. The analysis of this issue is vital for further cooperation in the Polish-Russian borderland, especially after the conclusion of the local border traffic agreement in 2012. The authors come to a conclusion that the iimplementation of the local border traf fic agreement can improve cross-border relations but it will not significantly chan ge the role of the Kaliningrad region in the Polish foreign policy.

This thesis is an ethnographic study of travelling across Estonian-Finnish borders, most widely positioned in the field of migration, mobility and border-crossing practises. The subjects of travelling are the Estonians who live permanently in Finland for the purpose of work, studies or other reasons and travel regularly to Estonia in order to facilitate lasting transnational connections. Thus, I treat travelling in this study as a necessity, which is a different approach compared to travel as leisure or self-exploration which are part of many other contemporary discourses on travel. Recent critical literature talks against the mystified perception of travel, a product of colonialism, and argues that travel should instead be viewed through its practical manifestations in people's daily lives. People's daily practises again, including travelling and border-crossing are culturally, politically, ideologically and economically bounded. For grasping better the travel in a deeply contextualised way I have firstly drawn out geographical, cultural, linguistic, political and economic connections between Estonia and Finland in historical perspective. Subsequently, I concentrate on the period of the communist régime in Estonian history and discuss the practical issues related to travelling abroad in Soviet Estonia. The latter approach is especially useful in my attempt to demystify the travel and border-crossing behind the "Iron Curtain". The methodological approach to the study is the combination of ethnography and auto-ethnography. The ethnography is based on thematic interviews with travellers, experts on travelling, and observations in the travel settings. Autoethnographic narrations are present, because I have been an active traveller in the Estonian-Finnish borderlands and my own experiences shape considerably the interpretations of the whole phenomenon as presented herein. The Estonian-Finnish border-crossing practises are specifically defined, because the travelling takes place overseas, and usually the means of transportation used is a passenger ferry, which is a central element in the studied ethnographies. The special characteristics of the overseas connections lead the following in-depth argumentations about the meanings and practises of journey today and in the past focussing on the time-distance relations, space-place-nonplace connections, travel functionality, and handling transitions in transnational spaces. Finally I show one possible way how to understand the individual's agency in the everyday-life applications of a travel, which are overwhelmingly moulded by state policies and economic forces. I argue that if the world is organised in global projects then as a parallel there are existent the personal life projects that people try to realise in the best way within the given macro conditions. The manifestations of a travel thus are the negotiations between the global and personal projects. Keywords: travelling, border-crossing, ferry-trip, ethnography, Estonians, Finland

Maximilian C. Forte; Ruins of Absence, Presence of Caribs: (Post)Colonial Representations of Aboriginality in Trinidad and Tobago (Neil L. Whitehead)Nick Nesbitt; Voicing Memory: History and Subjectivity in French Caribbean Literature (H. Adlai Murdoch)Camilla Stevens; Family and Identity in Contemporary Cuban and Puerto Rican Drama (Lydia Platón)Jonathan Goldberg; Tempest in the Caribbean (Jerry Brotton)Michael Chanan; Cuban Cinema (Tamara L. Falicov)Gemma Tang Nain, Barbara Bailey (eds.); Gender Equality in the Caribbean: Reality or Illusion (A. Lynn Bolles)Ernesto Sagás, Sintia E. Molina (eds.); Dominican Migration: Transnational Perspectives (Rosemary Polanco)Christine M. Du Bois; Images of West Indian Immigrants in Mass Media: The Struggle for a Positive Ethnic Reputation (Dwaine Plaza)Luis Raúl Cámara Fuertes; The Phenomenon of Puerto Rican Voting (Annabelle Conroy)Philip Gould; Barbaric Traffic: Commerce and Antislavery in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (William A. Pettigrew)Laurent Dubois; Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution (Yvonne Fabella)Sibylle Fischer; Modernity Disavowed: Haiti and the Cultures of Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Ashli White)Philip D. Morgan, Sean Hawkins (eds.); Black Experience and the British Empire (James Walvin)Richard Smith; Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War: Race, Masculinity and the Development of National Consciousness (Linden Lewis)Muriel McAvoy; Sugar Baron: Manuel Rionda and the Fortunes of Pre-Castro Cuba (Richard Sicotte)Ned Sublette; Cuba and Its Music: From the First Drums to the Mambo (Pedro Pérez Sarduy)Frances Negrón-Muntaner; Boricua Pop: Puerto Ricans and the Latinization of American Culture (Halbert Barton)Gordon Rohlehr; A Scuffling of Islands: Essays on Calypso (Stephen Stuempfle)Shannon Dudley; Carnival Music in Trinidad: Experiencing Music, Expressing Culture (Donald R. Hill)Jean-Marc Terrine; La ronde des derniers maîtres de bèlè (Julian Gerstin)Alexander Alland, Jr.; Race in Mind: Race, IQ, and Other Racisms (Autumn Barrett)Livio Sansone; Blackness Without Ethnicity: Constructing Race in Brazil (Autumn Barrett)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen, W. van Wetering; In the Shadow of the Oracle: Religion as Politics in a Suriname Maroon Society (George L. Huttar, Mary L. Huttar)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG), 80 (2006), no. 1 & 2