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Предметом исследования данной статьи являются герб и флаг Грузии, история данных символов и их интерпретация. Земля, на которой существует современная Грузия, помнит множество древних государств. На ней существовали Колхидское и Иберийское царства. Эти земли входили в состав Великой Армении и Римской империи, вели войны с Монголами, Византией, Ираном, Османской империей, знали множество талантливых царей и полководцев, повидали не одну царскую династию на своём престоле. Очевидно, что геральдика грузинских земель насыщена героическими и сакральными символами, символами, которые нельзя забыть, вычеркнуть или исказить. Они как "обереги" данной земли должны присутствовать в гербе и флаге государства. Статья показывает, какие символы были учтены в гербе современной Грузии, а какие несправедливо преданы забвению. Также описана история создания современного герба государства, что позволяет понять основные ошибки поспешного "герботворчества". В исследовании использовался исторический подход, показывающий геополитические явления и предпосылки при создании герба государства. Историко-сравнительный метод наряду с историко-генетическим методом показал возможность преемственности старых символов в современном государстве. На основе методов анализа и классификации, символы Грузии сопоставляются с политическим строем государства. Все вышеуказанные методы позволили определить основные реперные точки исследования. Основным выводом статьи является то, что герб Грузии нельзя назвать завершенным. Он требует доработки участия в его создании не только художников и политиков, но и историков, геральдистов. Показаны те символы, те фундаментальные гербы, о которых забыла Грузия, а ведь это многовековая история ее земель и правящих династий. Вычеркивая эти символы, страна рискует потерять не только самоидентичность, но и собственные территории. А как показывает история, этот процесс не прекращается в государстве с 1991 года. Череда цветных революций и бессмысленных войн уже отделили от Грузии Абхазию и Южную Осетию. Возможно, настало время критично посмотреть на основные символы государства. ; Object of research of this article are the coat of arms and a flag of Georgia, history of these symbols and their interpretation. The earth on which there is modern Georgia, remembers a set of the ancient states. On it there were Colchis and Iberian kingdoms. These lands were a part of Great Armenia and the Roman Empire, waged wars with Mongols, Byzantium, Iran, the Ottoman Empire, knew a great number of talented tsars and commanders, saw not one imperial dynasty on the throne. It is obvious that the heraldry of the Georgian lands is sated with heroic and sacral symbols, symbols which can't be forgotten, deleted or distorted. They as "charms" of this earth have to be present at the coat of arms and a flag of the state. Article shows, what symbols were considered in the coat of arms of modern Georgia and what are unfairly buried in oblivion. The history of creation of the modern coat of arms of the state that allows to understand the main errors of hasty "coat of arms made" is also described. In research the historical approach showing the geopolitical phenomena and prerequisites at creation of the coat of arms of the state was used. The historical and comparative method along with a historical and genetic method showed possibility of continuity of old symbols in the modern state. On the basis of methods of the analysis and classification, symbols of Georgia are compared with a political system of the state. All above methods allowed to define the main points of research. The main conclusion of article is that it is impossible to call the coat of arms of Georgia complete. He demands completion participation in its creation not only artists and politicians, but also historians. Those symbols, those fundamental coats of arms about which Georgia forgot are shown, and after all it is centuries-old history of its lands and ruling dynasties. Deleting these symbols, the country risks to lose not only self-identity, but also own territories. And as the history shows, this process doesn't stop in the state since 1991. Series of color revolutions and senseless wars already separated Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia. Many will tell that it is result of dull policy of Mikhail Saakashvili. Yes it is, but after all at it the real coat of arms of Georgia was accepted. Perhaps, time came is critical to look at the main symbols of the state.

Aquest article analitza, des d'una perspectiva descriptiva, la presència dels temes de campanya a la premsa nacional i aragonesa durant l'últim cicle electoral complet: les eleccions municipals i autonòmiques del 2011, les generals del mateix any i les europees del 2014. Té com a objectius comparar les cobertures entre capçaleres i campanyes, identificar els principals temes, així com descobrir si hi ha assumptes recurrents o particulars. Per a fer-ho, utilitza la metodologia de l'anàlisi de contingut quantitativa i en concret analitza 6.691 peces periodístiques publicades a El País i El Mundo, editats a Madrid, i en els quatre diaris generalistes de pagament editats a Aragó (Heraldo de Aragón, El Periódico de Aragón, Diario del Altoaragón i Diario de Teruel). Els resultats de la investigació mostren que l'atenció de la premsa en els tres tipus d'eleccions està centrada en temes com ara l'organització i el disseny de la campanya, la participació/abstenció als comicis i la publicació de sondejos. Per tant, els mitjans posen èmfasi en el desenvolupament de la pròpia campanya i no tant en aquells assumptes que, segons les enquestes d'opinió, interessen als ciutadans. La crisi econòmica, en canvi, és un tema d'interès social que també rep un tracte preferent per part dels sis diaris analitzats. Per contra, un dels temes que més preocupa els espanyols, la corrupció i els escàndols polítics, gairebé no tenen cabuda a la premsa. ; From a descriptive perspective, this article analyses the presence of campaign issues in the national and Aragonese daily press during the last three elections in Spain: 2011 Local and Autonomous Regional elections, 2011 General elections and 2014 European elections. The objectives of this research are to compare the differences between newspapers and between elections, to identify the main issues, and to ascertain which issues are more recurrent. In order to achieve these goals, quantitative content analysis was applied to 6691 texts published by El País and El Mundo and by the four main daily newspapers edited in Aragon (Heraldo de Aragón, El Periódico de Aragón, Diario del AltoAragón and Diario de Teruel). The results gathered by this research show that, during the three campaigns, the focus of the press centred on issues such as the organization and design of the campaign, electoral participation and abstention, and information about voting intention surveys. Therefore, the press pays more attention to the development of the campaign itself than to the issues that, according to public opinion surveys, are the most important for the citizens. The economic crisis is, however, a very important issue for both the press and Spanish public opinion. In contrast, political corruption, which is considered one of the more prominent issues in surveys, is not highlighted by the newspapers. ; Este artículo analiza, desde una perspectiva descriptiva, la presencia de los temas de campaña en la prensa nacional y aragonesa durante el último ciclo electoral completo: las municipales y autonómicas de 2011, las generales del mismo año y las europeas de 2014. Tiene como objetivos comparar las coberturas entre cabeceras y entre campañas, identificar los principales temas, así como descubrir si hay asuntos recurrentes o particulares. Para ello, utiliza la metodología del análisis de contenido cuantitativo y en concreto analiza 6691 piezas periodísticas publicadas en El País y El Mundo, editados en Madrid, y en los cuatro diarios generalistas de pago editados en Aragón (Heraldo de Aragón, El Periódico de Aragón, Diario del AltoAragón y Diario de Teruel). Los resultados de la investigación muestran que la atención de la prensa en los tres tipos de elecciones está centrada en temas como la organización y el diseño de la campaña, la participación/abstención en los comicios y la publicación de sondeos. Por tanto, los medios ponen el acento en el desarrollo de la propia campaña y no tanto en aquellos asuntos que, según las encuestas de opinión, interesan a los ciudadanos. La crisis económica, en cambio, es un tema de interés social que también recibe un trato preferente por parte de los seis diarios analizados. Por el contrario, uno de los temas que más preocupa a los españoles, la corrupción y los escándalos políticos, apenas tiene cabida en la prensa.

Aquest article analitza, des d'una perspectiva descriptiva, la presència dels temes de campanya a la premsa nacional i aragonesa durant l'últim cicle electoral complet: les eleccions municipals i autonòmiques del 2011, les generals del mateix any i les europees del 2014. Té com a objectius comparar les cobertures entre capçaleres i campanyes, identificar els principals temes, així com descobrir si hi ha assumptes recurrents o particulars. Per a fer-ho, utilitza la metodologia de l'anàlisi de contingut quantitativa i en concret analitza 6.691 peces periodístiques publicades a El País i El Mundo, editats a Madrid, i en els quatre diaris generalistes de pagament editats a Aragó (Heraldo de Aragón, El Periódico de Aragón, Diario del Altoaragón i Diario de Teruel). Els resultats de la investigació mostren que l'atenció de la premsa en els tres tipus d'eleccions està centrada en temes com ara l'organització i el disseny de la campanya, la participació/abstenció als comicis i la publicació de sondejos. Per tant, els mitjans posen èmfasi en el desenvolupament de la pròpia campanya i no tant en aquells assumptes que, segons les enquestes d'opinió, interessen als ciutadans. La crisi econòmica, en canvi, és un tema d'interès social que també rep un tracte preferent per part dels sis diaris analitzats. Per contra, un dels temes que més preocupa els espanyols, la corrupció i els escàndols polítics, gairebé no tenen cabuda a la premsa. ; From a descriptive perspective, this article analyses the presence of campaign issues in the national and Aragonese daily press during the last three elections in Spain: 2011 Local and Autonomous Regional elections, 2011 General elections and 2014 European elections. The objectives of this research are to compare the differences between newspapers and between elections, to identify the main issues, and to ascertain which issues are more recurrent. In order to achieve these goals, quantitative content analysis was applied to 6691 texts published by El País and El Mundo and by the four main daily newspapers edited in Aragon (Heraldo de Aragón, El Periódico de Aragón, Diario del AltoAragón and Diario de Teruel). The results gathered by this research show that, during the three campaigns, the focus of the press centred on issues such as the organization and design of the campaign, electoral participation and abstention, and information about voting intention surveys. Therefore, the press pays more attention to the development of the campaign itself than to the issues that, according to public opinion surveys, are the most important for the citizens. The economic crisis is, however, a very important issue for both the press and Spanish public opinion. In contrast, political corruption, which is considered one of the more prominent issues in surveys, is not highlighted by the newspapers. ; Este artículo analiza, desde una perspectiva descriptiva, la presencia de los temas de campaña en la prensa nacional y aragonesa durante el último ciclo electoral completo: las municipales y autonómicas de 2011, las generales del mismo año y las europeas de 2014. Tiene como objetivos comparar las coberturas entre cabeceras y entre campañas, identificar los principales temas, así como descubrir si hay asuntos recurrentes o particulares. Para ello, utiliza la metodología del análisis de contenido cuantitativo y en concreto analiza 6691 piezas periodísticas publicadas en El País y El Mundo, editados en Madrid, y en los cuatro diarios generalistas de pago editados en Aragón (Heraldo de Aragón, El Periódico de Aragón, Diario del AltoAragón y Diario de Teruel). Los resultados de la investigación muestran que la atención de la prensa en los tres tipos de elecciones está centrada en temas como la organización y el diseño de la campaña, la participación/abstención en los comicios y la publicación de sondeos. Por tanto, los medios ponen el acento en el desarrollo de la propia campaña y no tanto en aquellos asuntos que, según las encuestas de opinión, interesan a los ciudadanos. La crisis económica, en cambio, es un tema de interés social que también recibe un trato preferente por parte de los seis diarios analizados. Por el contrario, uno de los temas que más preocupa a los españoles, la corrupción y los escándalos políticos, apenas tiene cabida en la prensa.

Nanna Conti wurde 1881 in Uelzen geboren. Ihr Vater war der Etruskologe Carl Eugen Pauli aus Barth. Contis Kindheit und Jugend war geprägt durch finanzielle Sorgen. Der von ihr verehrte Vater beeinflusste sie durch seine Neigung zu Esoterik, Antisemitismus und Nationalismus. Sie bewegte sich im Umfeld des Alldeutschen Verbands und radikalisierte sich politisch ab 1918 gemeinsam mit ihren Söhnen Silvio, Landrat in Prenzlau 1933-1938, und Leonardo, Reichsärzte- und -gesundheitsführer ab 1939. Nanna Conti absolvierte in Magdeburg einen mehrmonatigen Hebammenkurs und ließ sich 1905 in Berlin nieder. Dort und in Mellensee lebte sie bis zur Flucht in den Kreis Segeberg 1945. Ab 1918 engagierte sie sich hebammenpolitisch. Mit der Regierungsübernahme der NSDAP wurde Nanna Conti zur Leiterin der "Reichsfachschaft Deutscher Hebammen" - später "Reichshebammenschaft" - ernannt. Als sie 1951 starb, setzte innerhalb der westdeutschen Hebammenschaft eine bemerkenswerte Verklärung dieser einstigen nationalsozialistischen Funktionärin ein. In Nachrufen und späteren Texten wurde ihr politisches Tun reduziert auf den größten politischen Erfolg seit Gründung der deutschen Hebammenvereine Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts: Die Verabschiedung des "Reichshebammengesetzes" 1938, das den deutschen und österreichischen Hebammen das Monopol auf die komplikationslose Entbindung bis heute sichert. Dabei wird übersehen, dass die Vorarbeiten für dieses Gesetz bereits 1885 begonnen hatten. Ebenfalls bleibt außen vor, dass mit diesem Gesetz jüdische Hebammen von der Berufsausübung ausgeschlossen wurden und durch die mangelnde institutionelle und finanzielle Absicherung der niedergelassenen Hebammen deren Stellung im Gesundheitswesen so sehr geschwächt wurde, dass der Beruf der Hausgeburtshebamme fast verschwand. Auch gerieten die Verdrängung oppositioneller Hebammen, die Beteiligung der deutschen und österreichischen Hebammen an der Eroberung Osteuropas, der Shoah, der Ausbeutung von Zwangsarbeiterinnen und der Sterilisation und Ermordung kranker und behinderter Menschen sowie die ideologische Beeinflussung einer ganzen Berufsgruppe durch die Reichshebammenschaft für lange Zeit aus dem Blickfeld. Für all dies trug Nanna Conti als "Reichshebammenführerin" die politische Verantwortung. Sie wurde jedoch nie dafür belangt. Selbst der internationale Hebammenverband ICM, der sich 1949 von den ehemaligen nationalsozialistischen Kolleginnen distanzierte, erinnerte sich bereits in den 1950er Jahren wieder ehrend seiner ersten Präsidentin Nanna Conti. Ihr Name wurde 1963 unkommentiert in ein Glied der Amtskette der ICM-Präsidentin eingraviert. Währenddessen verdrängte der westdeutsche Berufsverband erfolgreich die Erinnerung an das materielle Erbe Nanna Contis und sicherte sich so den Zugriff auf "kontaminiertes" Vermögen, das die Reichshebammenschaft dank der guten Kontakte ihrer Führerin zur NSDAP erworben hatte. Die Herkunft dieses Geldes ist durch den Deutschen Hebammenverband bis heute nicht hinterfragt worden. Was immer Nanna Conti 1933-1945 leistete, stand unter dem Zeichen des Hakenkreuzes. Ihre Biographie kann nur als die einer nationalsozialistischen Funktionärin gelesen werden. ; Nanna Conti was born in Uelzen near Hanover in 1881. Her father was the etruscologist Carl Eugen Pauli from Barth. Conti' s childhood and youth were influenced by financial hardship. Her father whom she adored influenced her through his tendency towards esoterism, anti-Semitism and nationalism. She moved in the circles of the Pan-German League (Alldeutscher Verband) and radicalised politically from 1918. She was joined in this venture by her sons Silvio, district administrator in Prenzlau 1933-1938, and Leonardo, Reich Physician Leader (Reichsärzteführer) and Reich health Leader (Reichsgesundheitsführer) from 1939. Nanna Conti trained as a midwife in Magdeburg before becoming a freelancing midwife in Berlin 1905. She lived there and in Mellensee before fleeing to district Segeberg in 1945. From 1918 she committed herself to midwifery policies. After the NSDAP came to power Nanna Conti was announced Head of the German Midwives Association (Reichsfachschaft Deutscher Hebammen/Reichshebammenschaft). Following her death in 1951 a remarkable glorification of this former national-socialistic functionary started among West-German midwives. In obituaries and later texts her influence was reduced to the biggest political success since the founding of the German midwives organisations in the late 19th century: the passing of the Reich Midwives Law (Reichshebammengesetz) in 1938, which has secured the midwives' monopoly within complication-free deliveries until today. Meanwhile it is overlooked that the preparatory work for this law had already started in 1885. It is also overlooked that by this law Jewish midwives became excluded from the profession. Following this omission and through the lack of institutional and financial support of free-lancing midwives, Jewish midwives' position in health system became so weak that they were almost entirely absent from the system until the 1980s. Similarly ignored was the exclusion of oppositional midwives, the participation of German and Austrian midwives in the annexation of Eastern Europe, the Shoah, the exploitation of forced labourers and the sterilisation and killing of disabled persons. Overall this amounted to the ideological manipulation of a whole profession by the German Midwives Association. As Reich Midwives Leader, Nanna Conti was politically responsible for all this. Despite this she was never prosecuted. To the contrary, the international midwives association ICM, which had renounced their former Nazi colleagues in 1949, remembered its first president Nanna Conti honourably in the 1950s. In 1963 her name was engraved into one link of the ICM' s presidential chain without additional comment. Meanwhile the West-German midwives association successfully repressed the memory of the material estate of Nanna Conti and by that secured the access to ' contaminated fortune' which the Reich Midwives Association had acquired by the good contacts of their leader to the NSDAP. To date, the German Midwives Association (Deutscher Hebammenverband) has yet to question the origins of this money. Whatever Nanna Conti achieved, her actions between 1933-1945 stood under the sign of the Swastika. Her biography can only be read as one of a Nazi functionary.

Information flows in EU policy-making are heavily dependent on personal networks, both within the Brussels sphere but also reaching outside the narrow limits of the Belgian capital. These networks develop for example in the course of formal and informal meetings or at the sidelines of such meetings. A plethora of committees at European, transnational and regional level provides the basis for the establishment of pan-European networks. By studying affiliation to those committees, basic network structures can be uncovered. These affiliation network structures can then be used to predict EU information flows, assuming that certain positions within the network are advantageous for tapping into streams of information while others are too remote and peripheral to provide access to information early enough. This study has tested those assumptions for the case of the reform of the Common Fisheries Policy for the time after 2012. Through the analysis of an affiliation network based on participation in 10 different fisheries policy committees over two years (2009 and 2010), network data for an EU-wide network of about 1300 fisheries interest group representatives and more than 200 events was collected. The structure of this network showed a number of interesting patterns, such as – not surprisingly – a rather central role of Brussels-based committees but also close relations of very specific interests to the Brussels-cluster and stronger relations between geographically closer maritime regions. The analysis of information flows then focused on access to draft EU Commission documents containing the upcoming proposal for a new basic regulation of the Common Fisheries Policy. It was first documented that it would have been impossible to officially obtain this document and that personal networks were thus the most likely sources for fisheries policy actors to obtain access to these "leaks" in early 2011. A survey of a sample of 65 actors from the initial network supported these findings: Only a very small group had accessed the draft directly from the Commission. Most respondents who obtained access to the draft had received it from other actors, highlighting the networked flow of informal information in EU politics. Furthermore, the testing of the hypotheses connecting network positions and the level of informedness indicated that presence in or connections to the Brussels sphere had both advantages for overall access to the draft document and with regard to timing. Methodologically, challenges of both the network analysis and the analysis of information flows but also their relevance for the study of EU politics have been documented. In summary, this study has laid the foundation for a different way to study EU policy-making by connecting topical and methodological elements – such as affiliation network analysis and EU committee governance – which so far have not been considered together, thereby contributing in various ways to political science and EU studies. ; Informationsflüsse im Kontext von EU-Entscheidungsprozessen sind ohne persönliche Netzwerke kaum denkbar, sowohl solche innerhalb der Brüsseler Sphäre aber auch solche, die über die engen Grenzen der belgischen Hauptstadt hinausreichen. Solche Netzwerke entwickeln sich zum Beispiel im Laufe von offiziellen und inoffiziellen Treffen, oft auch am Rande solcher Ereignisse. Die Vielzahl von Ausschüssen auf europäischer, transnationaler und regionaler Ebene bildet daher die Grundlage für die Schaffung europäischer Netzwerkstrukturen. Indem wir die Teilnahme an solchen Ausschüssen untersuchen, ist es uns möglich, grundlegende Strukturmerkmale solcher Netzwerke aufzudecken. Solche Affiliationsnetzwerk-Strukturen können dann die Grundlage zur Vorhersage von europäischen Informationsflüssen bilden: Die Annahme ist, dass bestimmte Positionen in solchen Netzwerken vorteilhaft für den Zugang zu Informationsflüssen sind, während andere Positionen (zu) weit entfernt und zu peripher sind, um rechtzeitigen Zugriff auf relevante Informationen zu erhalten. Die vorliegende Studie testet diese Annahmen anhand der Reform der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik der Europäischen Union für die Zeit nach 2012 . Basierend auf Teilnahmedaten von 10 Fischereipolitik-Ausschüssen über den Zeitraum von zwei Jahren (2009 und 2010) wurde ein Affilationsnetzwerk aus mehr als 1300 Interessenvertretern und –vertreterinnen sowie über 200 Ereignissen erhoben. Die Struktur dieses Netzwerks zeigt eine Reihe von interessanten Mustern auf, zum Beispiel die zentrale Rolle von Brüssel-basierten Ausschüssen aber auch die enge Verknüpfung bestimmter Interessen mit dem Brüsseler Kern des Netzwerk sowie die enge Vernetzung geographisch benachbarter Meeresregionen. Die Analyse von EU-Informationsflüssen wurde dann Anhand des Zugangs von Akteuren aus dem erhobenen Netzwerk zu (nichtöffentlichen) Entwurfsfassungen des Kommissionsvorschlags für eine neue Gemeinsame Fischereipolitik durchgeführt. Zunächst wurde dokumentiert, dass der Zugang zu diesen Dokumenten auf offiziellen Wegen unmöglich war und dass daher Zugang durch erweiterte persönliche Netzwerke die wahrscheinlichste Erklärung für den Erhalt von "Leaks" durch Fischereipolitik-Interessengruppen in der ersten Hälfte von 2011 war. Eine Umfrage unter 65 Akteuren aus der Gesamtpopulation des Gesamtnetzwerk unterstützte diese Vermutung: Nur eine kleine Gruppe hatte Zugang zu den nicht-öffentlichen Entwurfsdokumenten durch ihre direkten Beziehungen mit der EU-Kommission. Die meisten Teilnehmer der Umfrage hatte Zugang zu diesen Dokumenten durch Dritte erhalten, ein Nachweis, dass EU-Informationen sich tatsächlich in weiteren Netzwerkstrukturen verbreiten. Die Studie konnte auch zeigen, dass enge Affiliations-Beziehungen zur Brüsseler Sphäre ein relevanter Indikator für den (zeitnahen) Zugang zu nicht-öffentlichen EU-Dokumenten ist. Die Herausforderungen in der methodischen Erhebungen von europäischen Affiliationsnetzwerkdaten und von EU-Informationsflüssen werden dabei in der Studie ausführlich dokumentiert. Die Relevanz dieser Methoden zur Analyse von EU-Politik wird ebenfalls im Detail dargelegt. Zusammenfassend legt diese Doktorarbeit die Grundlage für eine neue Art, europäische und transnationale politische Prozesse in Europa zu untersuchen. Sie verbinden thematische und methodische Ansätze – zum Beispiel Affiliationsnetzwerkanalyse und die Untersuchung des EU-Ausschusswesens – die bislang in dieser Form noch nicht zusammengeführt wurden, und trägt dadurch auf verschiedenste Weise zur Weiterentwicklung der Politikwissenschaft und der Europastudien bei.

Die Einzelhandelsbranche war in jüngster Vergangenheit häufig Gegenstand der öffentlichen und politischen Diskussion. In vorliegendem Forschungsbericht werden zum einen die Grundstruktur der Einzelhandelsbetriebe und zum anderen deren betriebliche Charakteristika im Vergleich zu Betrieben des Dienstleistungssektors und der Privatwirtschaft analysiert. Hierbei wird ein besonderer Fokus auf die Verbreitung atypischer Beschäftigungsformen, die Tarifbindung, die betriebliche Aus- und Weiterbildung, erwartete Personalprobleme, den Fachkräftebedarf und die Beschäftigung älterer Mitarbeiter gelegt. Basierend auf den Auswertungen des IAB-Betriebspanels der Jahre 2010 und 2011 zeigt sich in der Einzelhandelsbranche sowohl eine starke betriebliche Verbreitung als auch eine hohe Nutzungsintensität der Teilzeitarbeit sowie der geringfügigen Beschäftigung. 82 Prozent der Betriebe nutzen Teilzeitarbeit und 64 Prozent der Einzelhandelsbetriebe beschäftigen mindestens einen Mini-Jobber. 44 Prozent der Beschäftigten des Einzelhandels arbeiten in Teilzeit und 23 Prozent sind geringfügig beschäftigt. In den Betrieben des Einzelhandels ist, trotz der Aufhebung der Allgemeinverbindlichkeitserklärung im Jahr 2000, eine geringfügig höhere Tarifbindung als im Dienstleistungssektor festzustellen. 27 Prozent der Einzelhandelsbetriebe unterliegen einem Branchentarifvertrag, 2 Prozent der Betriebe einem Haus- oder Firmentarifvertrag, während 71 Prozent der Einzelhandelsbetriebe nicht-tarifgebunden sind. Die betriebliche Ausbildung spielt im Einzelhandel eine große Rolle. ; In the recent past, the retail trade was frequently discussed in public and political debates. This research report on the one hand investigates the basic structure of retail trade and on the other hand studies the in-plant characteristics of establishments in the retail trade compared with establishments in the service sector and the private sector. The analysis will focus on the distribution of the atypical employment, the bargaining coverage, the in-plant education and training, expected problems with human resource management, the need for skilled workers and the employment of older workers. Based on the analysis of the IAB Establishment Panel 2010 and 2011, there is a strong distribution and intensity in the use of part-time work and marginal employment in the retail sector. 82 percent of the establishments in the retail sector use part-time work and 64 percent employ at least one mini-jobber. 44 percent of the employees in the retail trade work part-time and 23 percent are marginally employed. Despite of the annulment of the collective agreement in 2000, retail trade establishments have a higher degree of collective bargaining coverage compared to establishments of the service sector. 27 percent of the establishments in the retail trade are subject to an industry-wide wage agreement, 2 percent to a company agreement concluded by the establishment and the trade union and 71 percent of all establishments in the retail sector are not bound by collective bargaining. In-plant education plays an important role in the retail sector. Compared to the service and the private sectors, more establishments in retail trade are legally authorised to educate apprentices and actively train apprentices at a higher rate. Otherwise there aren't differences concerning the participation in in-plant training. The most frequently used types of qualification are external and internal seminars and on-the-job training (instruction, initial skill adaption training). The analysis show that there aren't major differences concerning the expected problems with human resource management between the three sectors. Nearly 60 percent of all establishments in retail, the service and the private sectors predict no problems with human resource management. The problems mentioned most frequently are high financial burden on wage cost, difficulties in finding the required specialized personnel on the labor market, followed by lack of motivation in the workplace. In the first half of 2011 the need for skilled workers in the retail trade in Germany was about 106.000 persons. This is an increase of 4.000 employees compared to the previous year. Furthermore, 19 percent of the establishments in retail trade expect having to fill new vacancies or reoccupy old vacancies with qualified employees until 2013. However, the majority of establishments of the retail sector (58 %) do not agree with this. To what extent do the establishments, which need skilled workers in the near future, expect problems to find suitably qualified applicants? 35 percent of the establishments in the retail trade predict problems in filling several vacancies for skilled workers and 33 percent expect difficulties in filling all vacancies for qualified staff. The establishments of the service sector and the private sector expect to a lower extent that staffing problems will concern all vacancies, but a higher rate predict problems in filling several vacancies for qualified workers. A low supply of applicants and a difficult search for special additional qualifications are the reasons mentioned most frequently for problems in filling vacancies. Only 11 percent of the establishments in retail trade, which employ individuals aged 50 and more, offer measures for older workers. In the service sector and the private sector this rate is slightly higher. If the establishments do offer measures for older workers, then they particularly involve older employees in in-firm advanced training activities, use mixed age teams and lower job performance requirements.

Qualitative research whose objectives were to analyze relations of hegemony and counter-hegemony of health budget management; analyze differences and similarities of behavior and counter-hegemonic hegemonic groups, discussing the influence comparatively financial management in health. Method study compared dialectical approach. The scenarios were a rural municipality of Mexico (Tzurumútaro) and a rural locality, Peru (Simbal) interviewed 20 stakeholders of both sexes in each locality, intentionally selected which enabled theoretical analysis supported in Antonio Gramsci and scholars of him. Results from the analysis yielded three dimensions that are hegemonic relations groups and counter-hegemonic in health management, with sub-categories: management from explicit demands of citizens from humanism and perception of corruption, the second budget allocation mechanisms for health, with participation of hegemonic and counter-hegemonic, third, parameters for the budgetary allocation to sub-categories, justice and equity in the allocation of the budget and inequity in health, being obvious similarities in both countries under the public policy that have established it as a substantive part of governments, but final considerations are described with several questions that will further investigate this line in the guild since nursing is a scenario which should influence and participate politically and forays into the decision-making in the two countries under study. Recommendations: Addressing public policy in the budget allocation for health equitably, from needs expressed by families and generate initiatives for transparency and spending increases to then manage the budget for public health policy as a constitutional right is laid down in Article 4 in Mexico and Peru in 7, 9 and 11, and not only handled this right during political campaigns in order to maintain hegemony and social control in rural areas, where it has been revealed the dissatisfaction of the anti-hegemonic by the unequal treatment they receive and feel. Since the public health law is a prerogative of dignity that every human have and their community to demand an equitable distribution of opportunities and services for the protection of health and family welfare and social. ; Investigación cualitativa, cuyos objetivos fueron analizar relaciones de hegemonía y contra-hegemonía de gestión del presupuesto en salud; analizar diferencias y semejanzas del comportamiento de grupos hegemónicos y contra-hegemónicos; discutiendo comparativamente la influencia de gestión financiera en salud. Método estudio comparado con abordaje dialéctico. Los escenarios fueron una localidad rural del municipio México (Tzurumútaro) y una localidad rural, Perú (Simbal); fueron entrevistados 20 actores sociales de ambos sexos en cada localidad, seleccionándose de manera intencionada que permitió hacer análisis con soporte teórico de Antonio Gramsci y estudiosos de él. Resultados: a partir del análisis, emergieron tres dimensiones que son: Las relaciones entre grupos hegemónicos y contra-hegemónicos en la gestión para la salud, con las sub-categorías de: gestión a partir de las demandas expresas de ciudadanos; a partir del humanismo y percepción de corrupción; la segunda mecanismos de asignación presupuestal para la salud; con participación de hegemónicos y contra-hegemónicos; tercera, parámetros para la asignación presupuestal con sub-categorías, justicia en la asignación y equidad e inequidad del presupuesto en salud, siendo evidentes las semejanzas en ambos países en virtud de que como política pública lo tienen establecido como una parte sustantiva de los gobiernos; sin embargo se describen consideraciones finales con varias interrogantes que permitirán seguir investigando esta línea en el gremio de enfermería puesto que es un escenario en donde se debe incidir y participar políticamente y se incursione en la toma de decisiones en los dos países en estudio. Recomendaciones: Direccionar las políticas públicas en la distribución presupuestal para salud de manera equitativa, a partir de necesidades expresadas por familias; así como generar iniciativas para transparentar el gasto y poder entonces gestionar incrementos al presupuesto para la política pública de salud como un derecho constitucional que está establecido en el artículo 4º en México y en Perú 7º,9º. Y 11º. Y sólo sea manejado este derecho, durante campañas políticas con el fin de mantener la hegemonía y el control social en las zonas rurales donde ha quedado de manifiesto la inconformidad del grupo contra-hegemónico por el trato tan desigual que perciben y sienten. Ya que el derecho a la salud pública es una prerrogativa de dignidad que tiene todo ser humano y su comunidad para reclamar una equitativa distribución de oportunidades y servicios para la protección de su salud y bienestar familiar y social.

Declines in hunter recruitment coupled with dramatic growth in numbers of white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) have challenged our ability to manage deer populations through traditional methods. We surveyed all state wildlife agencies and estimate the abundance of white-tailed deer in North America currently exceeds 30 million. Traditional methods of population management have been ineffective in reducing numbers of deer sufficiently in some environments. The only way to manage overabundant deer directly, cost-effectively, and in a timely fashion is through lethal methods. States currently are issuing record numbers of permits to hunters to increase harvest of white-tailed deer. Unfortunately, hunter participation has been declining in North America during the past two decades. Regulated commercial harvest would help state wildlife agencies manage overabundant populations of white-tailed deer andallow hunters to sell all orparts of harvested deer. We anticipate that many will criticize regulated commercial harvest of deer and claim that it is contrary to the North American Model of Wildlife Conservation (NAMWC). We can, however,argue that regulated commercial harvest meets all seven of the pillars of the NAMWC: 1) Wildlife is a natural resource of the public trust(state wildlife agencies willmanage deeranddeerwould continue to be a public resource). 2) No commercial use of wildlife [a direct reaction to exploitive and unsustainable market hunting in the 18th and 19th Centuries; commercial markets currently exist for other natural resources (e.g., furbearers, fish, timber); contemporary conservation values would not allow overexploitation; a framework for regulations, monitoring, and enforcement already isin place in every state]. 3) Democratic rule of law to regulate use of wildlife (commercial harvest of white-tailed deer would be highly regulated by wildlife agencies through public processes). 4) Hunting opportunity for all (anyone legally able to hold a deer hunting license would be eligible to apply for a Commercial Deer Harvest License (CDHL), CDHL programs would be implemented only where recreational hunting is proven inefficient or inappropriate). 5) No frivolous use of wildlife (CDHLs will beused to generate of food and other products, management would address risk to human health and safety andlosses ofagricultural resourcesto deer). 6) Wildlife is an international resource (has little to do with our proposed idea of managing overabundant resident populations of white-tailed deer, but a CDHL program may be applicable to any overabundant species, including internationally migratory species,such assnow geese,Chen caerulescens). 7) Science-based wildlife policy (a CDHL program would rely on science and research-based data to estimate densities before, during, and after commercial harvest). A CDHL program should be managed and distributed by state wildlife agencies, issued only to qualified individuals, enable harvest of an allotment of deer in areas targeted for population reduction, and permit the sale of whole carcasses and parts of harvested deer. Administration of a CDHL program will be taxing. State agencies alreadyareunderstaffed, but administrative and enforcement frameworks already exist for commercial harvest of publicly owned natural resources (e.g., furbearers, fish, timber) and the processing and handling of meat (e.g., USDA inspections). Revenue generated by CDHL programs could be directed back toward agencies and personnel who will administer and oversee these programs. Looking forward, we anticipate several issues mustbe addressed for regulated commercial harvestof deer to be accepted by agencies, hunters, and the public. The dogma against commercial use of wildlife may be well established. It may be difficult to mediate changesin attitudes in the wildlife community, stakeholders, and other publics. It will require adoption at all levels. State laws and regulations will need to be reviewed and some will have to be changed. Some will argue that we do not have the strength, stamina, or political will necessary to implement such broad sweeping changes. On the other hand, many wildlife managers will appreciate having an alternative tool for managing overabundant populations of white-tailed deer. We identified several benefits (reduce overabundant populations of deer; source of healthy, natural, green, locally-produced protein; economic growth, entrepreneurship, and market expansion; and public engagement and appreciation) and expected concerns associated with this concept(privatization of wildlife; overexploitation; food safety; competition with existing commodities; law enforcement; challenges of changing laws, regulations, and attitudes). We encourage a professional discussionof regulated commercial harvestto address the issue of overabundant white-tailed deer.

This is a report on the educational merits of an extracurricular community-building learning project undertaken at Kyoto University of Foreign Studies which was begun in April 1997 and is still operating at the time this article was written in early 2012. This project is a micro-financing house-building initiative conducted in collaboration with the NGO Habitat for Humanity International (HFHI). The houses are built to reduce poverty and to provide protection and relief from natural disasters. A description of the project, an outline of its major activities, an analysis of its development as an agent of innovative student-led educational extracurricular activities, and a discussion of the project's possible links with the curriculum are included. The HFHI extracurricular learning project has benefited the university in three ways. First, the projects have provided students with practical experiences in conceiving, planning, and carrying out action-plan projects which are small-scale simulations of the work of international community-building NGOs and also of logistical and communication aspects of business activities. Second, it may be claimed that the projects outlined in this report have Peace Studies curriculum links in the learning of foreign languages and cultures, the practice of intercultural communication skills and the development of better understandings of global political, social and economic issues. Third, student management of, and participation in, the projects may lead to important attributes of university success: a development of critical thinking capacity and a dedicated engagement in self-regulated learning. 要旨 本稿は、1997年4月に開始され、2012年初頭の本論執筆時現在も実施されている、京都外国語大学のコミュニティ構築課外学習プロジェクトの教育的メリットについての報告である。このプロジェクトは、NGO団体ハビタット・フォー・ヒューマニティー・インターナショナル(HFHI)と共同で実施されている少額融資による住宅建設の取り組みであり、住宅を建設することによって貧困を減らし、自然災害の危険と不安を取り除くことを目指している。本稿にはプロジェクトの説明、主な活動の概要、革新的な学生主導型教育課外活動の担当教員として述べるプロジェクト展開の分析、およびプロジェクトをどのようにカリキュラムと関係づけられるかに関する議論が含まれる。HFHI課外学習プロジェクトが大学に果たしてきた貢献は次の3点である。第一に、プロジェクトのおかげで学生たちは、国際的コミュニティ構築NGOの業務、ならびに商業活動の物流管理と意思疎通を小規模にシミュレーションできる行動計画プロジェクトを着想し、計画し、実行することを実地に経験できた。第二に、本報告で概述されるプロジェクトは平和学カリキュラムを通じて、外国の言語と文化の学習、異文化間における意思疎通能力の実践、そして世界的な政治、社会、経済問題の理解を深めることにつながっていると言える。第三に、学生がプロジェクトをまとめ、プロジェクトに参加することによって、大学が躍進するための重要な特質である、批判的思考能力の育成と自己管理型学習への熱心な取り組みが実現され得る。

This study primarily aimed to discuss and analyze the institutional features of the LLDA and LGUs which affected the implementation of the LLDA B.R. No. 169 in Batangas Province. The other objectives were to document the existing environmental regulations in Malvar and Tanauan City which govern the operations of backyard hog farms, to evaluate the level of awareness of the hog raisers and LGUs regarding the LLDA B.R. No. 169, measure the potential waste reduction due to potential compliance with the LLDA B.R. No. 169, and to analyze and solve the regulatory problem between the State and LLDA, LLDA and LGUs, and LGUs and hog raisers. The researcher conducted key-informant interviews with key-respondents from LLDA and LGUs to gather information regarding the institutional limitations of these two entities. Research on office records of, and short interviews with representatives from the Business Permits and Licensing, Agriculture, Veterinarian, Environment, and Sanitation Offices were conducted to reveal relevant information regarding the environment regulations implemented in the LGUs, and the level of monitoring of the LGUs on the operations of the backyard hog raisers. Survey interviews were administered to 96 backyard hog raisers from Malvar and Tanauan City to elicit information regarding their awareness about the LLDA B.R. No. 169, and their willingness to comply with it, which in turn were used to determine the potential environment benefits due to potential compliance. Finally, the regulatory problem that resulted to failed delegation between the LLDA and LGUs, and LGUs and hog raisers was solved in the context of the Principal-Agent and incentive-design framework. First, the study found out that the LLDA B.R. No. 169 is not implemented in Batangas Province, because the LLDA and LGUs face institutional limitation, such as inadequate number of personnel and logistical support, lack of strong political will to implement the LLDA B.R. No. 169, and preoccupation with activities associated with their own local development and achievement of individual objectives, thus failure to commit to their tasks pertinent to the LLDA B.R. No. 169. Second, the documentation of the environment regulations for Malvar and Tanauan City revealed that both LGUs do not have concrete regulations for governing the operations hog farms within their jurisdiction. Also, the level of monitoring on backyard hog farms is minimal, occurring only when the LGU receives complaints. Third, the survey revealed that only 10% (10 out of 96) of the respondents are aware that LLDA exists, while only 6% are aware of the LLDA B.R. No. 169. Fourth, about 72% (69 out of 96) of the respondents are willing to comply with the LLDA B.R. No. 169. Of this number, 45% (43 out of 69) would adopt waste minimization, 23% (22 out of 69) would adopt waste recycling, and 4% (4 out of 69) would adopt waste treatment as their waste management method in case they will comply. Waste reduction estimates from waste recycling were computed, since, among the three, this option guarantees 100% waste reduction, which produces a good example. Computations revealed that the compliance with waste recycling of the 23% of complying hog raisers would reduce 44,955 kg of wastes per cycle (1 cycle = 112 days), equivalent to 0.38 MT of BOD. Lastly, the institutional problems resulted by regulatory failure could be resolved with the correct mechanisms that would induce the participation of each of the agents in favour of the principals' objectives, such that (a) the State (DENR) could induce cooperation and harmony among conflicting actors within LLDA through the provision of a compensation package, (2) the LLDA could convince the LGUs to partake in the implementation of the LLDA B.R. No. 169, in exchange for financial and research support that could contribute to the improvement of development strategies, and cost-sharing with the LGUs the costs of implementing the LLDA B.R. No. 169, and (3) the LGUs shall invoke sense of ownership among hog raisers, and help the hog raisers to overcome the barriers to compliance with the LLDA B.R. No. 169. Minimizing and reversing the negative conditions of our environment and natural resources requires a great deal of both strong incentive-mechanisms and cooperation among the players to initiate the each others' responsiveness, and change of the indifferent attitude towards the ill-disposed hog wastes from backyard hog farms.

El propósito de este trabajo es realizar el análisis de la producción de conocimiento desarrollada, durante quince años (1990 – 2005), en una universidad pública, la Universidad Nacional del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires a fin de caracterizar cómo se produce conocimiento en su ámbito, en tanto éste posee la particularidad de ser un espacio localizado en el interior de una provincia de un país periférico. Para ello se intentará identificar los cambios operados en cuanto al modo de producción de conocimiento en el campo de Física, como resultado de la creciente internacionalización acontecida en esos 15 años, tomando en cuenta las particularidades del campo, del espacio institucional, de los distintos actores, participación en redes, origen del financiamiento, selección de temas, definición de objetivos y destinatarios de los resultados de la investigación. Además del análisis las vinculaciones centro - periferia para identificar la trama de relaciones internacionales, se hace necesario pensar el problema desde una perspectiva dinámica y relacional referida a la dinámica interna de los grupos locales de investigación pero sin dejar de tener en cuenta el peso que los vínculos externos han tenido en la composición de las tradiciones de las comunidades científicas locales. Desde perspectivas constructivistas de la sociología, los procesos de producción de conocimiento fueron ubicados en un espacio de determinaciones que hacían que las dinámicas presentes en la sociedad local atravesaran el campo del trabajo científico tanto como atravesaban todo otro espacio de interacción social, simbólica y material. Esto implica ingresar a los espacios donde el conocimiento es efectivamente producido, negociado, certificado y validado, como forma para identificar actores, contenido de sus prácticas y recursos que movilizan. A su vez, la perspectiva neoinstitucional, que permite analizar los factores económicos, políticos y posicionales tanto como factores intelectuales referidos a la selección de tópicos de investigación, instrumentación, procesos de razonamiento y de evaluación, en tanto toma en cuenta la el papel de las restricciones en la práctica científica y analiza a la investigación científica según dos dimensiones: los condicionamientos cognitivos que están asociados al logro de la trayectoria intelectual y los condicionamientos socio-estratégicos que están asociados con el mantenimiento o el crecimiento de la reputación profesional. The intention of this work is to realise the analysis of the production of knowledge developed, during fifteen years (1990 - 2005), in a public university, the National University of the Center of the Province of Buenos Aires in order to characterize how knowledge in its scope takes place, in as much this one owns the particularitity of being a space located inside a province of a peripheral country. For it will be tried to identify the changes operated as far as the way of production of knowledge in the field of Physics, as a result of the increasing internationalization occurred in 15 years, taking into account the particularitities of the field, of the institutional space, of the different actors, participation in networks, origin of the financing, selection of subjects, definition of objectives and adressees of the results of the investigation. Besides the analysis the entailments centro-periphery to identify the plot of international relations, become necessary to think the problem from referred a dynamic and relational perspective to the dynamic intern of the local groups of investigation but without stopping considering the weight that the external bonds have had in the composition of the traditions of the local scientific communities. From constructivist perspective of sociology, the processes of knowledge production were located in a space of determinations that made that the dynamic presents in the local society crossed the field of the scientific work as much as they crossed all other space of social interaction, symbolic and material. This implies to enter to the spaces where the knowledge indeed is produced, negotiated, certificate and validated, as it forms to identify actors, content of his practices and resources that mobilize. As well, the neoinstitutional perspective, that allows to analyze the economic, political and positional factors as much as intellectual factors referred the selection of investigation topics, instrumentation, processes of reasoning and evaluation, in as much take into account the paper of the restrictions actually scientist and analyzes to the scientific research according to two dimensions: the mental agreements that are associate to the partner-strategic profit of the intellectual trajectory and agreements that they are associate with the maintenance or the growth of the professional reputation.

Resumen: los estudios sobre el aumento de la pobreza y la desigualdad que se registra en vastas regiones del mundo se han visto enriquecidos por el desarrollo de nuevos enfoques multidimensionales, destacándose el enfoque de las capacidades planteado por amartya sen y enriquecido, entre otros, por martha nussbaum. esta última destaca la "afiliación" como una de las capacidades centrales del funcionamiento de las personas. desde esta perspectiva, sen sostiene que la privación de la capacidad de las personas de vincularse con los otros constituye una parte de la pobreza y origina dos tipos de desigualdad: exclusión o inclusión desfavorable. avanzando en un mayor nivel de desagregación, se propone aquí una operacionalización de la sociabilidad concebida como el conjunto de relaciones sociales horizontales y verticales que las personas manifiestan en una pluralidad de vínculos que se diferencian según el estrato socioeconómico. la sociabilidad horizontal o interpersonal es clasificada de acuerdo con el contenido que fluye en la relación y el tipo de vínculo con el otro. la sociabilidad vertical o institucional remite a la participación en diversas organizaciones. esta natural capacidad de relacionarse caracteriza a todos los individuos, pero no todos logran convertirla en un funcionamiento valioso, originándose efectos de aislamiento, especialmente en los sectores más desaventajados. a su vez, la población exhibe una marcada preferencia por mantener relaciones cercanas mientras son poco propensas a involucrarse en emprendimientos colectivos. esto ratifica la segmentación y polarización de la sociedad estudiada y la heterogeneidad entre los estratos bajos. en todas las formas de sociabilidad predominan los vínculos con parientes y amigos. los jóvenes sobresalen con respecto a recibir apoyo emocional, ayuda para conseguir trabajo, ayudar en tareas domésticas y participar en actividades artísticas. los que más dan y reciben apoyo emocional y cuentan con gente para solucionar sus problemas viven solos o en familias con núcleo completo. Las personas que viven solas o en familias incompletas prevalecen cuando se trata de dar y recibir ayuda doméstica, participar de actividades religiosas, organizaciones solidarias, partidos políticos y grupos de actividades artísticas. los indicadores fueron elaborados con los microdatos de la encuesta de la deuda social argentina (edsa) de la pontificia universidad católica argentina correspondientes al área metropolitana de Buenos aires, cuya muestra es estratificada por nivel socioeducativo como proxy del estrato socioeconómico de las personas. ; Abstract: in recent years, studies showing increases in poverty and inequality throughout the world have been enriched by the development of new multidimensional approaches, most importantly the capabilities approach proposed by amartya sen and later enriched by martha nussbaum, among others. according to nussbaum, "affiliation" is one of people's central capabilities. sen argues that the deprivation of people's capability to relate to others results in two kinds of inequality: exclusion and negative inclusion. in this paper, we propose a means of measuring sociability based on a range of horizontal and vertical relationships that vary with socioeconomic strata. horizontal or interpersonal sociability is classified according to the content and type of relationship. the vertical or institutional sociability refers to participation in organizations. all individuals have the natural ability to relate to others, although not everyone is able to convert this into a valuable functioning, leading to isolation, especially among disadvantaged groups. at the same time, the population has a strong preference for maintaining close relationships, but is more reluctant to engage in collective activities. this reinforces the segmentation and polarization of the society as well as the heterogeneity among the lower social strata. the most common forms of sociability are the relationships with friends and family. among youths, the most relevant motivations for sociability are to obtain emotional support, to solicit help with job search or domestic activities and to participate in artistic activities. the people that are most likely to give and receive emotional support and can count on people to help them with their problems are those who live alone or in a nuclear family. the people that live alone or have an incomplete family are more likely to give and receive domestic help and participate in religious activities, voluntary organizations, political parties and group artistic activities. the analysis was based on micro-data from the argentine social debt survey (encuesta de la deuda social argentina, edsa) of the pontifical catholic university of argentina for the metropolitan area of Buenos aires. the survey sample was stratafied by socioeducational level as a proxy for socioeconomic strata.

Рассматривается характеристика «женских» и гендерных исторических исследований в свете истории европейской правящей элиты раннего Нового времени. Приводится библиография работ аналитического и конкретно-исторического плана, выделяются основные темы, используемые понятия, теоретические положения и отдельные подходы. ; This article is devoted to the description of "woman" and gender historical studies in the light of history of the European ruling elite of early modern history. The bibliography of works of the analytical and specifically historical plan is given, and the basic themes, notions, theoretical positions and separate approaches are sorted out. It is emphasized that modern gender history is one of the most rapidly developing historical subdisciplines. Stages of formation of the specified research area are given. "Woman's history" appeared in late 1960s − early1970s; "Man's History", or historical andrology, appeared in 1980s. Special value for the considered direction of theoretical ideas of the American scientists is emphasized; the European (German and French) historians' contribution is analysed. The wave of topical historical publications from the boundary of 1970-1980s is characterized. The important scientific series and collective projects, and also the monographic researches devoted to the problem of gender in the history as a whole, and actu ally histories of the European elite of early modern history are named. The condition of researches in the national science, in general, as well as in the regional studies is estimated. It is marked that "woman's history" possesses its own conceptual and notional device and range of scientific problems, theoretical positions that developed on the basis of processing of feminist movement ideas, and it also uses interdisciplinary scientific methods and concepts of "new social history". The use of neo-Marxian theoretical model, the notion of the patriarchal society, the concept of "incorporating spheres" and some other statements promoted some new themes for research, first of all, concerning the study of vital spheres and daily practice of women. The direction concentrated on the study of the history of man's representations and discourses about women is actively developed. A new set of problems was generated within "Man's history", including the history of courage, paternity, man's honour and so forth. The consequences are analysed of re-thinking of the subject, of the conceptual device and methodological principles at the turn from "woman's history" proper to the "history of genders". The specific system of notions, such as gender stratification, gender system, gender contract and a lot of others, spread broadly in gender history. Sociological concepts, including socially-constructivist approach, which considers historical reality and gender differences as a result of social constructing, influenced strongly the language and rhetoric of historical gender researches. The concepts of gender identity, social and sexual roles and institutes of socialization gained in importance. The theoretical positions of the so-called "Linguistic turn" with an emphasis on the active participation of verbal practices in modelling the social reality played an especially significant role. The theory of the "power of speaking" raised a problem of the strategies of authority hidden in the language. Great attention was given to the study of the literary discourse and its communication with the social reality, especially during the epoch of transition. The notions of the woman's and man's letters entered the science. The Christian "anthropology of sexes" and gender discourses of mass texts were analysed. The author comes to a conclusion, that the general theoretical positions and research approaches of woman's and gender history have found wide application in studying elite in the epoch of early modern history; and at the same time certain specificity, first of all, connected with the features of social existence of the considered social group is inherent in the given area. So, one of the central themes became studying of the forms of political behaviour of women, gender aspects of functioning of such important institutes, as a court yard of the governor and the dynasty. A lot of attention is given to the activity of elite women in the field of culture and art. Among the actively developed themes it is possible to name studying of religiousness and, in particular, processes of confessionalization among women of the elite, the institute of women widowhood, the family strategy of the elite and some others.

Subject of the final master's thesis is topical, because development and functioning of the common European Union monetary policy is especially important step in European integration, opening the way for final political approach of the member states. Thus a detailed study of this sphere of the European Union politics is necessary striving to cognize possibilities and challenges of the future integration processes. The last expansion in the Euro-area happened on 1 January 2009, when the euro was introduced in Slovakia. A number of the EU member states that use the currency of the European Union increased up to sixteen. Though Estonia still hasn't reached complete integration in the EMU process, yet in May 2010 European Commission officially suggested Estonia to join the Euro-area from 1 January 2011. Objective of the research is to assess Slovakia's and Estonia's economic and legal convergence. Considering the objective of the research and set tasks, stages of development of the Economic and Monetary Union in Europe are covered in the work in theoretical aspect, advantages and disadvantages of participation in the Economic and Monetary Union are highlighted; policy of the European Central Bank and other institutions of the European Union in the process of euro-area expansion is analysed; conformity of Slovakia's and Estonia's macroeconomic indices to criteria of Maastricht convergence and harmonization of the European Union Law and national law of the mentioned countries and estimation of Slovakia's benefits being in euro-area is presented as well as Estonia's preparation to join the Economic and Monetary Union. Performed dynamic analysis of Slovakia and Estonia's inflation, government budget deficit and gross debt, long-term interest rate and national currency stability level as well as analysis of the documents of the European Union, Slovakia and Estonia has revealed that Slovakia's convergence criteria have stabilized just after joining the EU and particular attention was paid to inflation reduction process. In convergence reports of 2008 published by the European Central Bank and European Commission Slovakia satisfied economic convergence criteria at least during the short period, however price stability and fiscal development durability in the long-term perspective remained unvalued. Situation in 2009 is a matter of great concern not only because of the price increase tendencies but also through unreliable management of public finances. Situation in Estonia is a bit different; however stabilisation of convergence criteria is also noticeable after joining the EU. While Slovakia has been trying to stabilize and retain convergence criteria keeping within control limits, Estonian Government spared a lot of attention towards securing stability of public finances, and this is proved by the fact that fiscal surplus and amount of gross debt of the government sector having prevailed during the period 2003 – 2008 haven't exceeded the limit of 8 per cent of GDP. However economic crisis that broke in 2008 caused overheat of Estonian economics. Inflation became uncontrolled and reached 10,6 per cent, deficit of government sector increased, simultaneously increasing the gross debt of the government sector. Thus Estonia's convergence in the long-term perspective is estimated as nondurable through macroeconomic imbalance likely to recur in future. The most important legal standards that required harmonization in Slovakia and Estonia: regulations ignoring objective, functions, independence of the National Bank of Slovakia and the Bank of Estonia. Legal preparation is necessary for smooth introduction of the euro, providing necessary procedures of the introduction of the euro. However there are still certain demerits in the law of the Bank of Estonia related to integration of the Bank of Estonia to the European System of Central Banks with respect of issuance of banknotes and collection of statistical information. Research methodology. A comparative historical method was applied describing origin, development and conception of common monetary politics of the European Union. Analysis of literature and legal documents was applied in order to ascertain the role of the ECB and institutions of the European Union in the process of euro area expansion. A data analysis method was applied in order to establish macroeconomic problems in Slovakia and Estonia. A comparative analysis method was applied while analysing and assessing economic and legal convergence in Slovakia, Estonia and euro area. A generalization method was applied to make clear whether thorough satisfaction of economic convergence criteria and legal standards has been implemented in Estonia; assessment of Slovakia's benefit in euro area is presented, and final conclusions are drawn.

Subject of the final master's thesis is topical, because development and functioning of the common European Union monetary policy is especially important step in European integration, opening the way for final political approach of the member states. Thus a detailed study of this sphere of the European Union politics is necessary striving to cognize possibilities and challenges of the future integration processes. The last expansion in the Euro-area happened on 1 January 2009, when the euro was introduced in Slovakia. A number of the EU member states that use the currency of the European Union increased up to sixteen. Though Estonia still hasn't reached complete integration in the EMU process, yet in May 2010 European Commission officially suggested Estonia to join the Euro-area from 1 January 2011. Objective of the research is to assess Slovakia's and Estonia's economic and legal convergence. Considering the objective of the research and set tasks, stages of development of the Economic and Monetary Union in Europe are covered in the work in theoretical aspect, advantages and disadvantages of participation in the Economic and Monetary Union are highlighted; policy of the European Central Bank and other institutions of the European Union in the process of euro-area expansion is analysed; conformity of Slovakia's and Estonia's macroeconomic indices to criteria of Maastricht convergence and harmonization of the European Union Law and national law of the mentioned countries and estimation of Slovakia's benefits being in euro-area is presented as well as Estonia's preparation to join the Economic and Monetary Union. Performed dynamic analysis of Slovakia and Estonia's inflation, government budget deficit and gross debt, long-term interest rate and national currency stability level as well as analysis of the documents of the European Union, Slovakia and Estonia has revealed that Slovakia's convergence criteria have stabilized just after joining the EU and particular attention was paid to inflation reduction process. In convergence reports of 2008 published by the European Central Bank and European Commission Slovakia satisfied economic convergence criteria at least during the short period, however price stability and fiscal development durability in the long-term perspective remained unvalued. Situation in 2009 is a matter of great concern not only because of the price increase tendencies but also through unreliable management of public finances. Situation in Estonia is a bit different; however stabilisation of convergence criteria is also noticeable after joining the EU. While Slovakia has been trying to stabilize and retain convergence criteria keeping within control limits, Estonian Government spared a lot of attention towards securing stability of public finances, and this is proved by the fact that fiscal surplus and amount of gross debt of the government sector having prevailed during the period 2003 – 2008 haven't exceeded the limit of 8 per cent of GDP. However economic crisis that broke in 2008 caused overheat of Estonian economics. Inflation became uncontrolled and reached 10,6 per cent, deficit of government sector increased, simultaneously increasing the gross debt of the government sector. Thus Estonia's convergence in the long-term perspective is estimated as nondurable through macroeconomic imbalance likely to recur in future. The most important legal standards that required harmonization in Slovakia and Estonia: regulations ignoring objective, functions, independence of the National Bank of Slovakia and the Bank of Estonia. Legal preparation is necessary for smooth introduction of the euro, providing necessary procedures of the introduction of the euro. However there are still certain demerits in the law of the Bank of Estonia related to integration of the Bank of Estonia to the European System of Central Banks with respect of issuance of banknotes and collection of statistical information. Research methodology. A comparative historical method was applied describing origin, development and conception of common monetary politics of the European Union. Analysis of literature and legal documents was applied in order to ascertain the role of the ECB and institutions of the European Union in the process of euro area expansion. A data analysis method was applied in order to establish macroeconomic problems in Slovakia and Estonia. A comparative analysis method was applied while analysing and assessing economic and legal convergence in Slovakia, Estonia and euro area. A generalization method was applied to make clear whether thorough satisfaction of economic convergence criteria and legal standards has been implemented in Estonia; assessment of Slovakia's benefit in euro area is presented, and final conclusions are drawn.