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Economic theory predicts that a rise in police presence will reduce criminal activity. However several studies in the literature have found mixed results. This study adds to the literature by exploring the relationship between the size of the police force and crime experienced by firms. Using survey data for about 12,000 firms in a cross-section of 27 developing countries, the study finds that increasing the size of the police force is negatively associated with crime experienced by firms. The results are confirmed using a panel of firms for a subset of countries for which data are available. The study also finds that this negative relationship is stronger under certain macro-economic circumstances.

El treball es proposa reconstruir la producció mural de Ricardo Carpani des del seu retorn a l'Argentina el 1984 fins que va morir el 1997, deixant en evidència les marcades diferències entre el que s'ha fet en aquest període i la seva proposta mural desenvolupada entre mitjans dels anys cinquanta i 1974, moment en el qual va decidir exiliar-se a l'exterior per la situació política del país. Ricardo Carpani (1930-1997) havia estat un dels protagonistes de l'escena plàstica argentina de les dècades del seixanta i setanta. No tant per la seva tensa i irregular participació en el circuit institucional de l'art sinó perquè les seves imatges de potents treballadors van circular profusament en aquests anys il·lustrant revistes de militància, llibres, cartells sindicals, volants i decorant seus gremials amb enormes muralsEl període tardà de la seva obra, després del seu retorn a l'Argentina, ha de donar compte llavors d'un renovat interès pel muralisme, el qual havia abandonat en la seva realització sistemàtica des de 1973. Aquesta iniciativa pel format mural adquireix característiques diferents d'aquelles que havia presentat en les dècades anteriors, associada a un escenari de conflicte i organització obrera. La distància entre aquelles produccions i aquestes no només s'expressa en aspectes formals sinó fonamentalment en els temes, la iconografia i en l'emplaçament dels treballs, lligats en aquesta última etapa a un potencial espectador massiu, diferent al treballador industrial al qual destinava els seus primerencs iniciatives amb fins polític-pedagògics. És així que Carpani des de 1984 portarà endavant una obra mural confeccionada majorment en panells desmuntables per a interiors, destinada a grans institucions, edificis provincials i municipis, entre d'altres. La qual cosa es correspon amb una revisió del sentit polític dels seus projectes murals anteriors, realitzats a l'interior de seus sindicals, fàbriques o el carrer, i amb la marca evident de la derrota del projecte revolucionari i la dispersió dels espais d'organització obrers. S'adverteix d'aquesta manera, l'abandó d'una concepció militant de la pràctica mural cap a una de tipus institucional, realitzada d'acord amb les característiques particulars de cada encàrrec. Així mateix, l'article ressalta les tasques de divulgació del muralisme polític per part de l'artista, qui va resultar un promotor per al desenvolupament de la disciplina al país. Finalment, el recorregut proposat permet reflexionar sobre les condicions i l'horitzó plantejat en el camp artístic local des de mitjans dels anys vuitanta a l'Argentina, un cop extingides les utopies revolucionàries i projectades les expectatives en un florent procés de reconfiguració dels consensos socials i la cultura democràtica. ; The work intends to reconstruct the mural production of Ricardo Carpani from his return to Argentina in 1984 until his death in 1997, revealing the marked differences between what was done during this period and his mural proposal developed between the mid-1950s and 1974, moment in which he decided to exile abroad due to the political situation of the country. Ricardo Carpani (1930-1997) had been one of the protagonists of the Argentine plastic scene of the sixties and seventies. Not so much because of his tense and irregular participation in the institutional circuit of art, but because his images of powerful workers circulated profusely in those years illustrating militancy magazines, books, union posters, leaflets and decorating guild headquarters with huge murals.The late period of his work, after his return to Argentina, will then realize a renewed interest in muralism, which he had abandoned in his systematic realization since 1973. This initiative for the mural format acquires different characteristics from those he had presented in the previous decades, associated with a scenario of conflict and labor organization. The distance between those productions and these is not only expressed in formal aspects but fundamentally in the themes, the iconography and in the location of the works, linked in this last stage to a potential mass spectator, different from the industrial worker to whom he destined his early ventures for political-pedagogical purposes. Thus, since 1984 Carpani will carry out a mural work made mostly of removable interior panels, destined for large institutions, provincial buildings and municipalities, among others. Which corresponds to a review of the political sense of his previous mural projects, carried out inside union headquarters, factories or the street, and with the obvious mark of the defeat of the revolutionary project and the dispersion of the workers' organization spaces. In this way, the abandonment of a militant conception of mural practice towards an institutional one, realized according to the particular characteristics of each assignment, is noted.Also, the article highlights the dissemination of political muralism by the artist, who was a promoter for the development of discipline in the country. Finally, the proposed route allows us to reflect on the conditions and the horizon raised in the local artistic field since the mid-1980s in Argentina, once the revolutionary utopias were extinguished and expectations were projected in a flourishing process of reconfiguration of social consensus and democratic culture. ; El trabajo se propone reconstruir la producción mural de Ricardo Carpani desde su regreso a Argentina en 1984 hasta su fallecimiento en 1997, dejando en evidencia las marcadas diferencias entre lo realizado en este período y su propuesta mural desarrollada entre mediados de los años cincuentas y 1974, momento en el cual decidió exiliarse en el exterior por la situación política del país. Ricardo Carpani (1930-1997) había sido uno de los protagonistas de la escena plástica argentina de las décadas del sesenta y setenta. No tanto por su tensa e irregular participación en el circuito institucional del arte sino porque sus imágenes de potentes trabajadores circularon profusamente en esos años ilustrando revistas de militancia, libros, afiches sindicales, volantes y decorando sedes gremiales con enormes muralesEl período tardío de su obra, luego de su regreso a Argentina, dará cuenta entonces de un renovado interés por el muralismo, el cual había abandonado en su realización sistemática desde 1973. Esta iniciativa por el formato mural adquiere características distintas de aquellas que había presentado en las décadas anteriores, asociada a un escenario de conflicto y organización obrera. La distancia entre aquellas producciones y éstas no sólo se expresa en aspectos formales sino fundamentalmente en los temas, la iconografía y en el emplazamiento de los trabajos, ligados en esta última etapa a un potencial espectador masivo, distinto al trabajador industrial al que destinaba sus tempranos emprendimientos con fines político-pedagógicos. Es así que Carpani desde 1984 llevará adelante una obra mural confeccionada mayormente en paneles desmontables para interiores, destinada a grandes instituciones, edificios provinciales y municipios, entre otros. Lo cual se corresponde con una revisión del sentido político de sus proyectos murales anteriores, realizados al interior de sedes sindicales, fábricas o la calle, y con la marca evidente de la derrota del proyecto revolucionario y la dispersión de los espacios de organización obreros. Se advierte de ese modo, el abandono de una concepción militante de la práctica mural hacia una de tipo institucional, realizada acorde a las características particulares de cada encargo. Asimismo, el artículo resalta las tareas de divulgación del muralismo político por parte del artista, quién resultó un promotor para el desarrollo de la disciplina en el país. Finalmente, el recorrido propuesto permite reflexionar sobre las condiciones y el horizonte planteado en el campo artístico local desde mediados de los años ochenta en Argentina, una vez extinguidas las utopías revolucionarias y proyectadas las expectativas en un floreciente proceso de reconfiguración de los consensos sociales y la cultura democrática.

The article is devoted to the North American Sartre Society, which was founded in 1985. The author as its co-founder develops his point of view presenting during panel discussion of Sartre's relations with the United States on the 2015 meeting. He devoted a lot of papers and books to Sartre's philosophy. Some of them are presented in the references. The author reflects at a somewhat deeper level on Sartre's attitudes towards USA in the context of its history and international relations, saying about philosopher's contradictions, the strategy and tactics of his self-disinvitation. The author traces Sartre's transition from one myth of America to another in later life. Sartre's initial experiential encounter with the American reality was by no means entirely positive, but he did like New York City, feeling a sense of freedom in the midst of its crowds that he retained as an important part of his picture of America when back in France. Freedom, an open future, almost unlimited possibilities, and a lack of a sense of history of the sort by which Europe is shackled. Several events of the postwar world history such as Korean war, then Vietnam war paved the way for Sartre's most salient later attitudes towards America. Meanwhile, Sartre had accepted an invitation to present lectures at Cornell University in 1965. But after American massive bombing of North Vietnam in 1965 Sartre responded by disinviting himself from Cornell by way of protest. Recounting these events, the author of the paper recalls so-called "Cornell Lectures", which were saved in unfinished manuscript form and have been given the title "Morale et Histoire". A serious interest in American political life is shown on Sartre's and Beauvoir's visit to Cuba as guests of Fidel Castro and Sartre's participation in Lord Bertrand Russell's independent War Crimes Tribunal. ; Стаття присвячена північноамериканському товариству Сартра, засно­ваному 1985 року. Автор як один з його засновників розвиває точку зору, презентовану під час панельного обговорення відносин Сартра зі Сполу­ченими Штатами на зустрічі 2015 року. Філософії Сартра присвячено бага­то його книг, деякі з них наведені в кінці статті. Автор аналізує ставлення Сартра до США на більш глибокому рівні: в контексті історії країни та між­народних відносин, говорячи про протиріччя філософа, стратегію і такти­ку його самоусунення. Автор відстежує перехід Сартра від одного міфу про Америку до іншого в більш пізній період життя філософа. Первісна зустріч Сартра з американською дійсністю не була цілком позитивною, але він на­справді любив Нью-Йорк, відчуваючи почуття свободи на тлі його натов­пів, яке він після повернення до Франції зберіг як важливу частину своєї картини Америки. Свобода, відкрите майбутнє, майже необмежені можли­вості і відсутність почуття історії, яким скута Європа. Декілька подій після­воєнної світової історії, таких як війна в Кореї, а потім війна у В'єтнамі, зумовили особливе ставлення Сартра до Америки. 1965 року Сартр прийняв запрошення виступити з лекціями в Корнелльському університеті. Але піс­ля масового бомбардування США Північного В'єтнаму 1965 року Сартр са­моусунувся від Корнелла на знак протесту. Розповідаючи про ці події, автор статті згадує так звані «лекції Корнелла», збережені в незавершеній формі рукопису і які отримали назву «Мораль та історія». Серйозний інтерес до американського політичного життя виявився під час візиту Сартра і Бовуар на Кубу в якості гостей Фіделя Кастро і участі філософа в незалежному Три­буналі лорда Бертрана Рассела з військових злочинів. 1. McBride W. (1967) "Jean-Paul Sartre: Man, Freedom, and Praxis", in Existential Philosophers, ed. G. Schrader, McGraw-Hill, New York, pp. 261-329. 2. McBride W. (1969) "Sartre and the Phenomenology of Social Violence," New Essays in Phenomenology, ed. J. Edie, Quadrangle, New York, pp. 290-313. 3. McBride W. (1981) "Sartre and Marxism," in The Philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre, ed. P. Schilpp, Open Court, La Salle, Ill., pp. 605-630. 4. McBride W. (1981) "Sartre's Philosophy of History," Eros 8:1, pp. 71-81.5. McBride W. (1987) "The Evolution of Sartre's Conception of Morals," Phenomenological Inquiry, Oct. 1987, pp. 24-44. 6. McBride W. (winter 1989) "The Case of Sartre," Social Research 56, 4 , pp. 849-875. 7. McBride W. (1991) Sartre's Political Theory, Indiana University Press. 8. McBride W. (1992) "Sartre's Concept of Freedom," Phenomenological Inquiry 16, (Oct. ), pp. 64-76. 9. McBride W. (1993) "La philosophie politique sartrienne d'apre1s le deuxie1me tome de la Critique de la raison dialectique," Gli scritti postumi di Sartre, ed. Invitto and Montano, Casa Ed. Marietti, Genoa, pp. 227-238. 10. McBride W. (1993)"Le changement, la liberte2, et le socialisme (sovie2tique et autre) chez Sartre," Bulletin de la Socie2te2 Ame2ricaine de Philosophie de Langue Franc)aise V, 2-3, pp. 27-43. 11. McBride W. (1995) "Sartre and the Perspectives of Global Philosophy (interview)," in Philosophy at the End of the XXth Century, interviews by Y. Raynova, Izdatelstvo, Pleven, pp. 137-147, (in Bulgarian) 12. McBride W. (1995) "Sartre's Debts to Kierkegaard: A Partial Reckoning," in Kierkegaard in Post/Modernity, ed. Matuštík and Westphal, Indiana U. Press, Bloomington, pp. 18-42 13. McBride W. (1998) "Sartre à1 Eichsta#tt," Bulletin de la Socie2te2 Ame2ricaine de Philosophie de Langue Française X, 1(spring), pp. 69-70. 14. McBride W. (2000) "Des preuves ontologiques chez Descartes et Sartre: Dieu, le 'je', et le groupe," in L' Esprit Carte2sien (Actes du XXVI Congre1s de l'Association des Socie2te2s de Philosophie de Langue Franc)aise) II, Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, Paris, pp. 645-650. 15. McBride W. (2001) "Les premiers comptes rendus de L'Être et le ne2ant," in La Naissance du 'Phe2nome1ne Sartre': Raisons d' un succe1s 1938-1945, ed. I. Galster, Éditions du Seuil, Paris, pp. 185-199. 16. McBride W. (2001) "Merleau-Ponty and Sartre: The Singular Universal, Childhood, and Social Explanation," in Merleau-Ponty's Later Works and Their Practical Implications: The Dehiscence of Responsibility, ed. D. Davis, Humanity Books, Amherst, NY, pp. 63-86. 17. McBride W. (2002) "Sartre's Critique," in The Political, ed. D. Ingram, Malden/Oxford, Blackwell, pp. 132-148. 18. McBride W. (2004) "Sartre's Response to Kant's Question, 'What May I Hope?", in Mulla Sadra, Logic & Ethics (Islam-West Philosophical Dialogue, Volume 8), Tehran: Sadra Islamic Philosophy Research Institute, pp. 333-48. 19. McBride W. (2006) "Foreword" to Michelle R. Darnell, Self in the Theoretical Writings of Sartre and Kant: A Revisionist Study, Lewiston, The Edwin Mellen Press, 2006, pp. I-iii. 20. McBride W. (2007)"Sartre e Beauvoir all'asse del ventesimo secolo," tr. from the original French ("Sartre et Beauvoir à1 l'axe du vingtie1 me sie1cle") by P. Invitto, La fenomenologia e l'oltre-fenomenologia: Prendendo spunto dal pensiero francese, ed. G. Invitto, Milan, Mimesis Edizioni, pp. 91-101. 21. McBride W. (2007) "The Sartre Centenary: Why Sartre Now?", Phenomenology 2005: Selected Essays from North America, ed. L.Embree & T.Nenon, Bucharest, Zeta Books, pp.441-57. 22. McBride W. (2009) "Taking a Distance: Exploring Some Points of Divergence between Beauvoir and Sartre," in Beauvoir and Sartre: The Riddle of Influence, ed. C. Daigle & J. Golomb, Indiana University Press, pp. 189-202.23. McBride W. (2010) "Sartre and Phenomenology," in Vol. 4, Phenomenology: Responses and Developments," ed. L. Lawlor, of The History of Continental Philosophy, ed. A. Schrift, Durham, Acumen, pp. 67-85. 24. McBride W. (2011)" Jean-Paul Sartre:'In the Soup'," in Political Philosophy in the Twentieth Century: Authors and Arguments, ed.C. Zuckert, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, pp. 215-227. 25. McBride W. (2012) Pra2face à1 Esthe1tique de la Re2flexivite2: Essai sur la dimension interculturelle de l'anthropologie existentielle de J.-P. Sartre, par Nke Fridolin, Saarbru#cken, Éditions Universitaires Europe2ennes, pp. 11-16. 26. McBride W. (2013) "Politics and the Engaged Intellectual," in Jean-Paul Sartre: Key Concepts, ed. S. Churchill and J. Reynolds, Durham, Acumen Publishing, pp.173-183. 27. McBride W. (2016) "La dignite2 humaine et la Pre2face sartrienne aux Damne2s de la terre," Dioge1ne 253 , (Janv.-Mars), pp. 86-90.

La manumisión fue uno de los tantos caminos que le permitió a las personas esclavizadas, acceder a la libertad con o sin dinero de por medio. Esta práctica, heredada del sistema esclavista romano, estuvo presente en el continente americano al unísono con la esclavitud misma. Para una mejor comprensión, la manumisión la hemos dividido en dos momentos: manumisión notarial y manumisión republicana. La primera surge paralelamente con la esclavización, siendo su espacio natural la notaría. A ella acudían los esclavizados, los amos y los testigos para finiquitar la libertad, después de firmar un documento que se conoció como carta de libertad o de manumisión. En él, quedaron consignados todos los pormenores de la transacción. La segunda aparece como resultado de la independencia; de la participación de las personas esclavizadas en este proceso y de las promesas de libertad de Bolívar. El escenario de ella fueron las Juntas de Manumisión, organismos republicanos; que si bien no cumplieron a cabalidad con el objetivo para lo cual fueron creadas, se encargaron de administrar y otorgar las libertades. En el Caribe colombiano, en las dos formas que asumió la manumisión, fueron los esclavizados los protagonistas principales en la consecución de la libertad. La Constitución de Cartagena de 1812, fue la primera en legislar en Colombia en torno a la manumisión republicana. Fue allí en donde se inició el largo camino hacia la abolición que culminó el Io de enero de 1852. En este sentido, el Congreso y la Constitución de Cúcuta de 1821, se erigieron como el punto de quiebre del proceso de abolición, ya que aprobaron la Ley de Partos, que en contravía de los intereses de los esclavizados terminó avalando la extinción gradual de la esclavitud y no inmediata como lo había prometido Bolívar. Solo accederían a la libertad los hijos de las esclavizadas que nacieran a partir de esta fecha, pero después de trabajarles a los amos de sus madres 18 años, y con esto resarcir los gastos de su manutención. Durante estos 40 años la abolición se convirtió en uno de los problemas cruciales de la independencia y la postindependencia, que enfrentó no solo a los abolicionistas y antiabolicionistas, sino también a los recién aparecidos partidos Liberal y Conservador. Las contradicciones ideológicas y políticas en torno a la abolición que esgrimieron los sectores enfrentados, se saldaron cuando el Estado les garantizó el pago o indemnización por los esclavos a liberar. Sin lugar a dudas, todos estos contrapunteos estuvieron influenciados por fenómenos externos tales como la Revolución Francesa, la Independencia de E.U., el Movimiento Juntero, Las Cortes de Cádiz y la ofensiva abolicionista inglesa.Además, es menester señalar que la decisión final de aprobar la abolición absoluta, estuvo mediada por el ascenso al poder del recientemente formado partido Liberal que lideró las aspiraciones de la elite de modernizar al país, e introducir los cambios que permitieran superar el atraso, y romper definitivamente con algunas prácticas heredadas de España. Para conseguir este objetivo, los liberales hicieron realidad una serie de reformas, conocidas en su momento como Revolución de Medio Siglo, entre las que sobresalió la abolición de la esclavitud que finalmente fue aprobada el 21 de mayo de 1851. Paralelamente a esta abolición jurídica o parlamentaria, hubo otra de carácter marginal que, manipulada por las personas esclavizadas, condujeron a la libertad, y que en la larga duración contribuyeron significativamente con la destrucción definitiva de la esclavitud. Entre ellas podemos mencionar algunas como la presión jurídica, la denuncia del amo para conseguir la libertad o mejor trato, la autocompra de la libertad, el "buen" comportamiento y el ahorro para comprar la libertad, entre otros. A todas las anteriores hay que agregarle la de mayor espectacularidad: el cimarronaje. A esta vía alternativa para acceder a la libertad la hemos tipificado como abolicionismo negro o abolición desde abajo. Es preciso aclarar que con la entrada en vigencia de la Ley de abolición, no terminaron los problemas para los antiguos esclavizados, esencialmente por la negativa de los antiguos amos a perder los privilegios y ventajas que les ofreció la esclavitud. Por ello le pusieron trabas al pago de las indemnizaciones, se opusieron a liberar a los jóvenes esclavizados menores de 18 años, le negaron los derechos políticos y la nacionalidad a los exclavizados y finalmente acuñaron el concepto de "individuos emancipados", para recordarle a los antiguos esclavos el estigma que pendía sobre ellos por no ser personas libres de nacimiento, sino libertos. ; The manumission was one of the ways that let slaves access to freedom with or without economical support. This practice was inherited from the roman slavery system and was present in the whole American continent. For a better understanding, the manumission has been divided in two stages: Notarial and republican. The first one emerges from the slavery itsef and was used by slaves, owners and witnesses to agree on freedom by signing a freedom or manumission letter that includes all the specific details of the agreement. The second one was born as the result of independence; from the participation of all slaves involved in this process and Bolivar's promises of freedom. It was developed in the manumission meetings, republican organizations that administered and gave freedom despite the fact of not achieving the main objective of their creation. In the Colombian Caribbean, the two ways that manumission was in charge of, were the slaves as main characters of the freedom process. 1812 Cartagena's constitution was the first one to consider republican manumission. 11 was the starting point of the end of slavery that was granted in January 1st 1852. In this way, the congress and 1821 Cucuta's constitution played an essential role in the abolition process by approving The Birth Law that gradually contributed to the freedom process instead of obtaining it immediately as Bolivar thought. Newborns would get their freedom if they were born after this date but only after have worked during 18 years for their mothers' owners to pay for their expenses. During these 40 years, the abolition turned into one of the most relevant problems for independence and post-independence that not only faced the abolitionists and their detractors but also the new political parties Liberal and conservatives. The ideological and political contradictions about abolition finished when the government guaranteed payment for the slaves that were about to be free. All these facts were clearly influenced by the French revolution, The United states independency, The Movimiento Juntero, The Cortes of Cadiz and The abolitionist English offensive. Furthermore, it is important to mention that the final decision of approving absolute abolition, was supported by the increasing power of the new liberal political party that wanted to change some old regulations directly related to Spain. In order to achieve this goal, the liberals developed some important reformations known as the Half century revolution which brought the slavery abolition approved in May 21st 1851. In pararell of this legal abolition, there was another one leaded by slaves that contributed to freedom and in long term to obtained the total destruction of slavery. Some examples of it were the juridical pressure, the legal complaints against the owner, self purchase of freedom, among others. It is necessary to exalt the most important of all: The Cimarronaje: understood as the complete abolition of slavery. It is important to clarify that within the new law of abolition, problems did not finish for old slaves, mainly because their owners did not want to lose all the benefits slavery gave them. For this reason they did not agree on freeing under 18 slaves, they denied political rights to their slaves and finally categorized them into non free people.

Universidad Nacional Agraria La Molina. Escuela de Posgrado. Maestría en Agronegocios ; El presente trabajo de investigación, se basa en el estudio de la cadena de valor del rocoto, como respuesta a la necesidad de conocer de manera detallada la situación actual y potencial de la principal zona productora de rocoto del Perú. Se empleó la metodología ValueLink, la cual es usada en programas y proyectos de desarrollo económico en agronegocios, la cual nos proporciona herramientas para discernir la información obtenida en el trabajo de campo. A partir del trabajo de campo se pudo describir y analizar la cadena de valor encontrando los siguientes resultados: la articulación a lo largo de la cadena no es la adecuada por la presencia de varios actores antes de que el producto llegue al mercado. Los productores reciben un bajo beneficio económico debido a la poca información del precio de venta del rocoto y no estar asociados por lo que tienen un bajo poder de negociación. Así mismo para la ampliación de la superficie de producción del rocoto los productores vienen deforestando el bosque para aprovechar el nuevo terreno rico en nutrientes. Los costos de producción se basan principalmente en costos de insumos y de mano de obra. El precio de chacra representa el 58 por ciento del precio final de venta en Lima. Finalmente en el análisis de la gobernanza, que hace referencia al poder y control entre los eslabones de la cadena de valor, se encontró como resultado una gobernanza del tipo Mercado debido a que las transacciones en la cadena son relativamente simples, las que se basan en el poder del comprador. En base a estos resultados encontrados se plantearon estrategias para el mejoramiento, a nivel técnico y social, para lograr un fortalecimiento o mejora conjunta de todos los componentes de la cadena de valor del rocoto fresco de la selva central. ; One of the issues that Espinar faces is the presence of conflicts due to the expanding activity of the 'Great Mining'. The objective of this study was to understand and determine the cause-effects and the relationships of the socioenvironmental struggles of the 'Great Mining' in Espinar (1980-2013). In order to accomplish this, compiling information on the history of mining was done first, which identified and characterized cycles by the methodology of analysis of political ecology and adaptive cycles. Afterwards, qualitative models of historical evolution were produced, which allowed identification of the main actors and factors at different moments. Lastly, a survey was carried out, which aided to understand the environmental perception of the civil society. Ω (omega) moments or collapse of each cycle were characterized through analyzing the six capitals (natural, economic, human, social, political and physical). The arrival of Minero Perú gave rise to subsequent explorations and exploitations by tunnel until the 1980s with a medium amount of mining, as well as open-pit mines to present day. A single stage is divided into a partial cycle and two mini-cycles. The partial cycle is in a state of maturity, and it comprises mini-cycles: exploitation by EMETINSA S.A, until their privatization in 1994, and exploitation by Magma Copper Company until 2003. The analysis indicates that at the end of stage 0, the natural capital (Kn) and the economic one (Ke) are falling. On one hand, we have the price of the copper in decadence on an international level, and on the other hand, many local miners were devoted to handmade mining, preferably of gold. As for copper, it was difficult to be exploited due to the complex geologic organization of the mine. The social capital (Ks), the political capital (Kp) and the human capital (Kh) remain steady, whereas the physical capital (Kf) tends to fall a little, prior to the opening of the pits. To begin 'open cut' mining, a number of variables enter, jointly or simultaneously, a phase of collapse, thereby indicating that the whole system is entering the omega phase (Ω) of stage I. Kn (↓) declines because of the international price of copper. Originally, the infrastructure was faulty since it lacked electric power and highways to transfer minerals on a larger scale, which were difficult to guide due to the unfavorable behavior of the price of metals, making Ke (↓) diminish. Kp (↓) fell because many political decisions regarding exploitation had not been made, and with the clearing of the floor they lost their infrastructure, which caused the deterioration of ancestral ways of life, customs, personal relationships, as well as the introduction of mental exogenous molds to the system, causing a decline in Kf (↓). Ks (↓) had the forced expropriations of cattle and agricultural lands to clear and open the pit, plus the displacement of the populations, which generated further socio-cultural issues, such as country-city migration, breakdown of families, among others. Although Kh remained steady, it showed a slight fall at the beginning of this stage. In mini-cycle 1, Ks (↓) fell due to the drastic reduction of workforce and the dissipation of the mining organization. Kn and Ke (↑) were favorable due to the evident rise of the international price of copper since 1993, as well as the polymetallic mining exploitation, and a diversification of its production. Kp (→) remains the same, due to the central government's 'closed policy'. Kh (→) remains the same too, although its first negative effects on the environment become clear; the first indications of contamination are evidenced primarily from several environmental studies. In minicycle 2, Ks (↑) showed a slight improvement because of the agreements reached between the civil society and the mining one. Kp (↑) increased due to the connectivity, participation and proposal developed by the local government and the civil society with other international entities. Over time, Kn (↓) has been declining in terms of access to natural resources and quality, focused on the adjacent populations and the rising price of copper; the per capita income and HDI for Ke (↑) has been increasing too. Initially, the most influential actors in the partial cycle and mini-cycles were the local miners and Minero Perú, the central government, a number of expropriated populations, and EMETINSA S.A.; however, the adjacent populations to the mine, as well as the central and local government, CooperAcción, the civil society, the mine and Fundación Tintaya are currently the most influential ones. The price of copper, Law N° 18880 (nationalization), Royal Legislative Decree N° 41/81/ME/Municipal Decree (expropriation), Legislative Decree N° 674 and 708 (privatization), and the demand for metals have been major influencers, too. The influence scales of the actors reach from a global standpoint to a local one. The mining has an impact on some variables in the system, such as migration, governance, escalation, and environmental impacts. The conflict was due to the degradation of the water and soil resources, which led to socio-environmental degradation of adjacent populations. Such resources have been contaminated and degraded, and so has the quality of people's health. The mining sector is not perceived as an employment generator, despite it is claimed to contribute to the development and the sustainability of the environment (NGOs). It is suggested to conduct an analysis with adaptive cycles in order to organize the data and describe the dynamics of the system. It is also recommended to institutionalize a permanent dialogue and have a goal-oriented development in order to effectively transform the conflicts and promote individual consent for better decisions that affect our natural resources. ; Tesis

Correspondence between Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón and his father Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles who lived in exile in San Diego, CA in 1939. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles informs his son about the wheat sowing in the Yaqui Valley and the convenience to delay the purchase of a pump until they make sure that private property is respected. Rodolfo Elías Calles asks him to tell him as soon as possible if he wants to get the lots at the Valle Imperial, so he can make plans. He informs him of the manifesto that Gen. Joaquín Amaro published and that can be used to attack him. Moreover, he informs that some people have been arrested without reason, among them Zárraga and Amézcua. They are employees of Fernando Torreblanca and are accused of receiving suspicious correspondence. Balance of the Hacienda Santa Bárbara from March 5 to March 31. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles informs his son that the owner of the lots in the Valle Imperial has put some barriers for the sale. He learned from the press about the manifesto of Amaro and the reactions by the government. Concerning the attacks against him, he expresses that they only show that he is still a significant figure. He analyzes the actions of the government and says they show ignorance, disloyalty, corruption and lack of values from those who claim to be revolutionary but only pursue personal interests. He expresses it is a shame that there is only hate and arrogance and not serenity. Rodolfo Elías Calles complains to his father for the espionage that friends and family are subjected for being in contact with him. He informs that during the anniversary of the oil expropriation there were attacks against the "callismo" defending the expropriation of the Hacienda El Mante. He informs that he was present at the funeral of Mrs. Llorente. He asks to inform Fernando that he sent a gift. The situation of Anzures is bad. He will inform later about private affairs through means that are not censored. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles thanks his son for representing him and the children at the funeral of Mrs. Llorente. He asks to tell Alfonso Llorente that the money from the lease of the house in Parras will be deposited in a bank account for the children, so they have savings. Rodolfo Elías Calles informs his father about the liquidation of his business. The Hacienda Santa Bárbara is working at its minimum capacity. They had to get an "amparo" (legal protection) because the state government continues collecting taxes from the expropriated land and since they did not pay, the state seized the hacienda. Concerning the El Mante, as soon as the sugar harvest is done, a general assembly will be carried out to liquidate the business. He states no one wants the land because of the government's participation. He informs that Alfredo Elías Calles faces the same issue and since the El Mante Sugar Company is cancelling its credits it has not been possible to sow. He informs that the attack of Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas against Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles continue. Some farmers have saved their lands from expropriation by giving money. For instance, Lamberto Hernández and Primitivo González. The Anzures Cooperative is doing well. He makes suggestions for the management of the house in Anzures. He adds reports of income and expenses, budget and balances of the Hacienda Santa Bárbara. Reply of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles to his son Rodolfo informing of the issues he is having for the business in the Valle Imperial and that he approves the way his business are being liquidated. He informs that the court gave a verdict for the case of Alfredo and that he will only have to pay a minimum amount of what it was originally claimed by the people from New York. Rodolfo Elías informs his father that he had to take an anti-rabies treatment because a dog bit him. Regarding El Mante, he is waiting for the sugar harvest to deliver the mill that was expropriated. He informs about a trip to Cajeme. He advises to be careful with his expenses and informs that the matter of the house in Parras will be soon solved. Rodolfo adds a report of money orders and states the debt of Carlos will be soon settled. He presents a detailed report of the situation of El Mante after the decree of expropriation, which will cause a drop in sugar production. The situation in Santa Bárbara is quiet. They have reduced expenses for the house in Cuernavaca. Family life at the house in Anzures is sometimes difficult but they have been able to solve the issues and that defraying costs jointly proved to work. He gives news of Amanda, Alfonso, Gustavo and Carlos Herrera. He confirms his trip to Cajeme and expresses his hope to find an activity that allows him to live in his home state. Rodolfo Elías Calles informs his father of his finances and of the errands he has done. He adds a report of money orders and expenses of the Hacienda Santa Bárbara. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles replies of acknowledgment and says he is satisfied with the progress of the matter that his son Rodolfo is handling. Rodolfo informs his father that he is in Sonora, the wheat harvest went well and possibilities to stay there. He informs that he will call a general shareholders' assembly to liquidate the hacienda with the bank. He requests a power of attorney and stocks to represent him. Reply of acknowledgment by Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles sending the stocks of the bank and asking to inform Romo that he did not received any reply for the letter he sent to Nogales. He is afraid he did not received it. Copy of the draft for the power of attorney that Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles gives to his son Rodolfo so he can represent him at the General Assembly of Shareholders of the Commercial and Agricultural Bank Ltd. in Hermosillo, Sonora. Rodolfo Elías Calles informs his father that he received the power of attorney and the stocks to represent him at the assembly that will take place as soon as Sobarzo and Rome determine a date. Regarding the wheat harvest, he informs of issues to commercialize since the government has not establish a price and that the contract they have for goods was extended for one more year. He is analyzing the possibilities of living in Sonora and having his own business because it is very difficult to share business with Terminel, despite the good relationship between the two of them … (it continues in the next record) / Correspondencia entre Rodolfo Elías Calles Chacón y su padre, el Gral. PEC, quien vive en el exilio en San Diego, Cal., E.U.A. en 1939. El Gral. PEC comenta a su hijo Rodolfo acerca de las siembras de trigo en el valle el Yaqui y de la conveniencia de postergar compra de bomba hasta estar seguros que hay respeto por la pequeña propiedad. Rodolfo Elías Calles solicita a su padre resuelva cuanto antes si adquiere los terrenos en Valle Imperial, para poder hacer sus planes y le comenta del manifiesto que publicó el Gral. Joaquín Amaro en la prensa y que sirve de pretexto para atacarlo; asimismo, le informa que diversas personas sin motivo han sido detenidas, entre ellas Zárraga y Amézcua, empleados de Fernando Torreblanca, acusados de recibir correspondencia sospechosa. Corte de Caja de la Hacienda Santa Bárbara del 5 al 31 de marzo. El Gral. PEC informa a su hijo Rodolfo que el dueño de los terrenos del Valle Imperial ha puesto dificultades para su venta; que por la prensa se enteró del manifiesto de Amaro y de las reacciones viscerales del gobierno, con lo que la figura de Amaro se enaltece; respecto a los ataques en su contra sólo demuestran que todavía es importante y analiza las acciones del gobierno que son prueba de la intolerancia, deslealtad, corrupción y falta de valores de quienes se dicen revolucionarios y sólo actúan por intereses personales y mezquinos; lamenta que en ese mar de odios y torpes vanidades no se escuche una voz serena. Rodolfo Elías Calles se queja con su padre, por el espionaje a que son sometidos amigos y familiares por la sola sospecha de estar en contacto con él; que en el festejo del aniversario de la expropiación petrolera no faltaron los ataques al callismo defendiendo la expropiación de la Hacienda El Mante. Le comenta que asistió a los funerales de la Sra. Llorente; pide que le avise a Fernando que le envió un obsequio; que la situación económica de Anzures es mala; que posteriormente le informará de sus asuntos particulares por algún medio que evite la censura. El Gral. PEC agradece a su hijo Rodolfo el haberlo representado a él y a los niños en los funerales de la Sra. Llorente y que le avise a Alfonso [Llorente] que en lo sucesivo la renta de la casa de Parras se depositará en una cuenta a nombre de los niños para irles haciendo una ahorro. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a su padre de la situación en que se encuentran las liquidaciones de todos sus negocios: la Hacienda de Santa Bárbara que trabaja a su mínima capacidad y que ha tenido que ampararse porque el gobierno del estado sigue cobrando las contribuciones de las tierras expropiadas y como no pagaron los embargó; en relación a El Mante en cuanto se coseche la zafra se convocará a una Asamblea General para liquidar el negocio, y que el lugar está tan destruido por el hostigamiento del gobierno y que nadie quiere las tierras; le informa que Alfredo Elías Calles tiene el mismo problema con su negocio, y que como la Compañía Azucarera del Mante está cancelando créditos no se ha podido sembrar; informa que continúan los ataques del Gral. Lázaro Cárdenas al Gral. PEC, que mediante gratificaciones se han salvado de la afectación agraria algunos colonos de la región como Lamberto Hernández y Primitivo González; la Cooperativa Anzures marcha bien; hace algunas sugerencias para el manejo y destino dde la casa de Anzures; anexa informe de ingresos y egresos de la Hacienda Santa Bárbara, presupuestos y cortes de caja. Respuesta del Gral. PEC a su hijo Rodolfo, informando de dificultades para realizar el negocio del Valle Imperial y de su conformidad a la forma en que se están liquidando sus empresas; le informa que ya se falló en el caso de Alfredo y que tiene que pagar sólo una mínima cantidad de lo reclamado, no el total que cobraban los pícaros judíos de Nueva York. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a su padre que tuvo que aplicarse el tratamiento antirrábico más agresivo porque lo mordió un perro; en el asunto de El Mante sólo se espera la cosecha de la zafra para entregar el ingenio que fue expropiado totalmente; anuncia un viaje a Cajeme, le aconseja ser cauto en sus gastos y que pronto quedará resuelto el asunto de la casa de Parras. Rodolfo informa a su padre, estar anexando relación de giros enviados; asegura que el saldo del adeudo de Carlos (?) será pagado. Asimismo, hace un relato detallado de la situación de El Mante después del anárquico decreto de expropiación, lo que provocará una caída en la producción de azúcar; en Santa Bárbara las cosas están tranquilas; en la casa de Cuernavaca se ha procurado reducir los gastos; en Anzures la convivencia es difícil pero han podido irse sorteando los problemas y que el sufragar los gastos en cooperativa sí funciona; da noticias de Amanda y Alfonso, Gustavo y Carlos Herrera; confirma su viaje a Cajeme y se muestra esperanzado en encontrar alguna actividad que le permita radicar en su estado. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a su padre de la marcha de sus asuntos financieros y de los encargos que le ha hecho; anexa relación de giros y corte de caja de gastos de la Hacienda Santa Bárbara. El Gral. PEC responde dándose por enterado y conforme con la marcha de los asuntos que le maneja su hijo Rodolfo. Rodolfo informa a su padre que ya está en Sonora, que la cosecha de trigo es muy buena y que tiene posibilidades de quedarse ahí; le comunica que de acuerdo con Romo convocará a una Asamblea General de Accionistas para liquidar el Banco; le pide un poder y las acciones para que él lo represente. Respuesta del Gral. PEC dándose por enterado, anexando las acciones del Banco y pidiéndole le diga a Romo que no ha recibido contestación de la carta que le mandó a Nogales, que teme no la haya recibido. Copia borrador del poder que el Gral. PEC otorga a su hijo Rodolfo para que lo represente en la Asamblea General de Accionistas del Banco Mercantil y Agrícola, S.A. de Hermosillo, Son. Rodolfo Elías Calles informa a su padre haber recibido acciones y carta poder para asistir a la Asamblea que se llevará a cabo en cuanto Sobarzo y Romo fijen la fecha; respecto a la cosecha de trigo informa de los rendimientos y dificultades para comercializar el grano porque el gobierno no ha fijado el precio y que ya les prorrogaron el contrato de los bienes por un año más; que está estudiando con todo detenimiento las posibilidades de radicar en Sonora pero con una actividad propia porque ve muy difícil compartir negocios con Terminel a pesar de las buenas relaciones entre ellos. (Continúa en el siguiente registro)

This synthesis paper is based on a review of three countries in West Africa-Burkina Faso, Mali, and Mauritania where state owned enterprises (SOEs) continue to play an important role and Governments have embarked on a number of public sector reforms are intended to have a positive impact on SOEs. SOE governance practices and problems are having strong similarities in all of the countries reviewed. These commonalities can be ascribed to the fact that all of the countries are transitioning from centrally controlled economic and political traditions to more liberal economies and to a more democratic government. All are facing challenges with implementing the legal structures left behind from colonial times. The data that is available shows that wholly-owned and state controlled SOEs under perform. Many are technically insolvent and survive only through government support. Their performance is not only poor in the financial area but also in the provision of needed social services. The country studies link the poor performance of SOEs, in particular wholly-owned SOEs, to their governance practices. Long-lasting reforms are not simply a matter of plugging holes in the legislative or institutional framework. Corporate governance is the result of a complex interplay of law, practice, institutions and culture. Action plans need to take into account incentives and the political, social and cultural context of corporate governance in the country in addition to the legal framework. Indeed, SOE governance is a system and making it work better requires a systems approach. Most reform plans in the past have focused on one or another element of SOE governance, which might explain why many have fallen short of hopes and expectations. Systems approaches, on the other hand, are important in complex organizations (such as SOEs) whose success depends upon the interaction and cooperation of other organizations and institutions. This synthesis paper presents the objectives and the methodology used in carrying out the reviews followed by a discussion of the features and importance of SOEs in each of the countries studied. It then segues into a discussion on the performance of SOEs which is supplemented by case studies of both successful and unsuccessful SOEs and key lessons learned the paper then presents the current Government initiatives for reform and the remaining challenges and recommendations. The paper concludes with suggestions on how to implement the recommendations based on examples from other countries that have embarked on comprehensive governance reforms for the SOE sector.

When we launched the call to publish in the present issue, back in May of two thousand nineteen, we proposed to give an account, through the different productions, of the modifications produced in the living conditions of the subjects with whom we developed our intervention, and also of the modifications produced in our professional practice, since the establishment in Argentina of the third neoliberal wave. We know that the management of neoliberal governments unfailingly favors the interests of concentrated economic groups, to the detriment of the living conditions of the majority of the population. Thus, inequality is increasing, whether it is considered in regional, provincial or social terms. And this is true wherever and whenever neoliberalism is imposed as a socio-political model. The appearance of number 6 of Social Science, already averaging the year 2020, finds us -and this is central for the social sciences and particularly for social work- facing the profound consequences of a process of exclusionary modernization, which was rejected through the popular vote on October 27, 2019. Exclusion is based on a strong attack against acquired economic and socio-cultural rights, an attack that was made concrete through the closure of strategic state areas from the point of view of guaranteeing rights; through massive layoffs - which at the state level were associated with political persecution and at the private level with the need to discipline the workforce in order to guarantee the lowering of salaries. In summary, a scenario has been configured that has destroyed the inalienable rights of Argentine society, such as public education, the right to work, health, truthful information, freedom of expression, freedom of association and political participation. This is a regressive process that has already been tried on different occasions in our country, always with the same results: impoverishment, loss of rights and awareness of our rights. The present moment illuminates us with a dim light, which can be interpreted as either sunset or sunrise. In fact, neither of the two possibilities is guaranteed. However - and as a permanent and majority bet in the field of Social Work - we want to push for the dawn. In this perspective, the professionals that intervene in the social question can build a horizon that guides their practices. In it, the recognition that ours is at the same time a distributive and cultural practice occupies an important place. In the first dimension, we have the possibility of distributing use goods, with no other restrictions than those imposed by the context. And as a cultural practice, it is necessary to develop a discursive struggle that confronts aporophobia -hate towards the poor-; and secondly, to confront the rejection of social protection policies that predominate in common sense. From this point of view, we define ourselves by what Habermas calls the emancipatory interest that structures the critical sciences. Emancipatory interest is aimed, both subjectively and socially, at breaking, in what is within our reach, with the different forms of domination, and has emancipation as its horizon. As María Inés Peralta points out in her article for this issue, the emancipatory interest needs the exercise of criticism, which . " must be recovered, treasured, activated, updated in the light of what the current social practices summon us to think". This definition requires encouraging and renewing interest in the ethical dimension, both in training processes and in professional practice, overcoming the idea of ethics as a set of prohibitions and permissions, and facing it as a privileged space of inquiry about the social meaning of our professions, and the scope of our freedoms and responsibilities in our condition as professionals. And if this interest is addressed collectively, so much the better. Our practices and representations cannot be separated from their conditions of possibility: our analyses, our proposals, our criticisms, are inscribed in the conditions that geography and historical time exert on us. Historical time seems to be changing. Let us try to live up to this change. In terms of Michele de Certeau, let us be at the same time voyeurs and walkers, let us not grow old, let us continue to invent hour after hour the act of challenging the future. ; Cuando lanzamos la convocatoria para publicar en el presente número, allá por mayo de dos mil diecinueve, nos propusimos dar cuenta, a través de las distintas producciones, de las modificaciones producidas en las condiciones de vida de los sujetos con quienes desarrollamos nuestra intervención, y, también, de las modificaciones producidas en nuestro ejercicio profesional, a partir de la instauración en la Argentina de la tercera ola neoliberal. Sabemos que la gestión de los gobiernos neoliberales favorece indefectiblemente los intereses de los grupos económicos concentrados, en detrimento de las condiciones de vida de la mayoría de la población. Aumenta así, y de modo notable, la desigualdad., sea ésta considerada en términos regionales, provinciales o entre sectores sociales. Y ello es así en cualquier tiempo y lugar en que se imponga el neoliberalismo como modelo socio-político. La aparición del número 6 de ConCiencia Social, ya promediando el año 2020, nos encuentra –y esto es central para las ciencias sociales y particularmente para el trabajo social— afrontando las consecuencias profundas de un proceso de modernización excluyente, que fuera rechazado a través del voto popular el 27 de octubre de 2019. La exclusión radica en una fuerte embestida contra derechos económicos y socioculturales adquiridos, embestida que se concretó a través del cierre de áreas estatales estratégicas desde el punto de vista de la garantía de derechos; a través de despidos masivos —que a nivel estatal estuvieron asociados a la persecución política y a nivel privado a la necesidad de disciplinar la fuerza de trabajo de modo de garantizar la baja del salario—. En síntesis, ha quedado configurado un escenario que dio por tierra con derechos inalienables de la sociedad argentina como son la educación pública, el derecho al trabajo, a la salud, a la información veraz, a la libertad de expresión, a la libertad de asociación y de participación política. Se trata de un proceso regresivo que ya se ha ensayado en distintas oportunidades en nuestro país siempre con los mismos resultados: el empobrecimiento, la pérdida de derechos y de conciencia de nuestros derechos. El actual momento nos ilumina con una luz tenue, que puede ser interpretada como ocaso o como amanecer. Y es que en realidad ninguna de las dos posibilidades está asegurada. Sin embargo –y como apuesta permanente y mayoritaria en el campo del Trabajo Social— queremos empujar a que amanezca. En esta perspectiva, las/os profesionales que intervienen en la cuestión social pueden construir un horizonte que oriente sus prácticas. En él, ocupa un lugar importante el reconocimiento de que la nuestra es a la vez una práctica distributiva y cultural. En la primera dimensión, tenemos la posibilidad de distribuir bienes de uso, sin más restricciones que las que impone el contexto. Y en tanto práctica cultural, resulta necesario desarrollar una lucha discursiva que enfrente a la aporofobia –odio hacia los pobres—; y en segundo lugar, enfrentar el rechazo hacia las políticas de protección social que predominan en el sentido común. Desde este punto de vista, nos definimos por lo que Habermas llama el interés emancipatorio que estructura las ciencias críticas. El interés emancipatorio se dirige, tanto subjetiva como socialmente, a romper, en lo que está a nuestro alcance, con las distintas formas de dominación, y tiene como horizonte la emancipación. Como señala María Inés Peralta en su artículo para este número, el interés emancipatorio necesita del ejercicio de la crítica, la cual …" debe ser recuperada, atesorada, activada, actualizada a la luz de lo que las prácticas sociales actuales nos convocan a pensar". Esta definición exige animar y renovar el interés por la dimensión ética, tanto en los procesos de formación como en el ejercicio profesional, superando la idea de la ética como conjunto de prohibiciones y de permisos, y encarándola como espacio privilegiado de indagación acerca del significado social de nuestras profesiones, y del alcance de nuestras libertades y responsabilidades en nuestra condición de profesionales. Y si este interés es abordado colectivamente, tanto mejor. Nuestras prácticas y representaciones no pueden sustraerse de sus condiciones de posibilidad: nuestros análisis, nuestras propuestas, nuestras críticas, se inscriben en las condiciones que la geografía y el tiempo histórico ejercen sobre nosotros. El tiempo histórico parece estar cambiando. Intentemos estar a la altura de ese cambio. En términos de Michele de Certeau, seamos al mismo tiempo mirones y caminantes, no envejezcamos, sigamos inventando hora tras hora el acto de desafiar el porvenir. ; Quando lançamos o chamado para publicar no presente número, em maio de dois mil e dezenove, propusemos dar conta, através das diferentes produções, das modificações produzidas nas condições de vida dos sujeitos com os quais desenvolvemos nossa intervenção, e também das modificações produzidas em nossa prática profissional, desde o estabelecimento na Argentina da terceira onda neoliberal. Sabemos que a gestão dos governos neoliberais favorece infalivelmente os interesses dos grupos econômicos concentrados, em detrimento das condições de vida da maioria da população. Assim, a desigualdade está aumentando, seja ela considerada em termos regionais, provinciais ou sociais. E isto é verdade onde e quando o neoliberalismo é imposto como um modelo sócio-político. O surgimento do número 6 das Ciências Sociais, já na média do ano 2020, nos encontra - e isto é central para as ciências sociais e particularmente para o trabalho social - enfrentando as profundas conseqüências de um processo de modernização excludente, que foi rejeitado através do voto popular de 27 de outubro de 2019. A exclusão baseia-se num forte ataque aos direitos econômicos e socioculturais adquiridos, um ataque que se concretizou através do fechamento de áreas estratégicas do Estado do ponto de vista da garantia de direitos; através de demissões massivas - que a nível estatal estavam associadas à perseguição política e a nível privado à necessidade de disciplinar a força de trabalho para garantir a diminuição dos salários. Em resumo, foi configurado um cenário que destruiu os direitos inalienáveis da sociedade argentina, como a educação pública, o direito ao trabalho, a saúde, a informação verdadeira, a liberdade de expressão, a liberdade de associação e a participação política. Este é um processo regressivo que já foi tentado em diferentes ocasiões em nosso país, sempre com os mesmos resultados: empobrecimento, perda de direitos e consciência de nossos direitos. O momento presente nos ilumina com uma luz fraca, que pode ser interpretada como o pôr do sol ou o nascer do sol. Na verdade, nenhuma das duas possibilidades é garantida. Entretanto - e como aposta permanente e majoritária no campo do Trabalho Social - queremos empurrar para o amanhecer. Nesta perspectiva, os profissionais que intervêm na questão social podem construir um horizonte que oriente suas práticas. Nele, o reconhecimento de que a nossa é ao mesmo tempo uma prática distributiva e cultural ocupa um lugar importante. Na primeira dimensão, temos a possibilidade de distribuir bens de uso, sem outras restrições além daquelas impostas pelo contexto. E, como prática cultural, é necessário desenvolver uma luta discursiva que enfrente a aporofobia - o ódio aos pobres - e, em segundo lugar, enfrentar a rejeição às políticas de proteção social que predominam no senso comum. Desse ponto de vista, nos definimos pelo que Habermas chama de interesse emancipatório que estrutura as ciências críticas. O interesse emancipatório visa, tanto subjetiva quanto socialmente, a ruptura, no que está ao nosso alcance, com as diferentes formas de dominação, e tem a emancipação como horizonte. Como aponta María Inés Peralta em seu artigo para este número, o interesse emancipatório precisa do exercício da crítica, que . "deve ser recuperado, valorizado, ativado, atualizado à luz do que as práticas sociais atuais nos convocam a pensar". Essa definição exige o incentivo e a renovação do interesse pela dimensão ética, tanto nos processos de formação quanto na prática profissional, superando a idéia da ética como um conjunto de proibições e permissões e encarando-a como um espaço privilegiado de investigação sobre o significado social de nossas profissões e o alcance de nossas liberdades e responsabilidades em nossa condição de profissionais. E se esse interesse for abordado coletivamente, tanto melhor. Nossas práticas e representações não podem ser separadas de suas condições de possibilidade: nossas análises, nossas propostas, nossas críticas, estão inscritas nas condições que a geografia e o tempo histórico exercem sobre nós. O tempo histórico parece estar mudando. Vamos tentar estar à altura desta mudança. Em termos de Michele de Certeau, sejamos ao mesmo tempo voyeurs e caminhantes, não envelheçamos, continuemos a inventar hora após hora o ato de desafiar o futuro.

In its report to the September 22, 2008 meeting of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC), the World Bank noted that the Palestinian Authority (PA), Israel, and the international donor community made some progress on the three parallel conditions for Palestinian economic revival, albeit to different degrees. The report notes the dramatic impact of Israel s recent three-week offensive in Gaza and analyzes the variety of recovery and reconstruction schemes being explored by the donor community. We find that these have not yet led to any significant impact on the ground due to the continued closure imposed on Gaza. The devastation in Gaza, coupled with a fluid political environment in both the PA and Israel, has made it necessary for this report to revisit the fundamentals of donor support to the PA in view of the long-term goal of establishing an economically viable Palestinian state independent of external aid. Examination through this lens reveals a fundamentally flawed picture.

The World Bank's Communication for Governance and Accountability Program (CommGAP) has spent several years exploring the linkages between the media and governance reform. The first stage of this process produced public sentinel: news media and governance reform, an edited volume that explored key issues surrounding the role of the media in democratic governance and the policy interventions that might enable this role. This how-to guide represents the second stage of that process: turning theoretical and policy conclusions into a practical guide for those seeking to enhance good governance by empowering the media. An early needs assessment revealed limited understanding of media development and the role it can play in foster accountable governance. This toolkit accordingly provides the why, how, when, and what of supporting the development of independent, pluralistic and sustainable media.

Introduction / Michael Powles Conference Organiser, former New Zealand ambassador to China; former high commissioner to Fiji -- 1. Official Opening -- Chair: Fui Le'apai Tu'ua 'Ilaoa Professor Asofou So'o, Vice Chancellor, National University of Samoa, Apia -- Opening address / Hon Tuilaepa Lupesoliai Sailele Malielegaoi, Prime Minister of Samoa -- Welcome address / Her Excellency Mme Li Yanduan, Ambassador of the People's Republic of China, Apia -- Keynote address / Tony Browne, Chair, New Zealand Contemporary China Research Centre, Wellington -- 2. Changing Geopolitics: China and the Pacific -- Chairs: Leasiolagi Professor Malama Meleisea, Director, Centre for Samoan Studies, National University of Samoa, Apia, and Professor Liu Shusen, Director of the Centre for Oceanic Studies, Peking University, Beijing -- China's growing impact on the regional political order / Dame Meg Taylor, Secretary General, Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, Suva -- The Chinese Pacific: an historical review / Dr Paul D'Arcy, Associate Professor, School of Culture, History and Language, Australian National University, Canberra -- China's engagement with the South Pacific: past, present and future / Professor Liu Shusen, Deputy Dean, School of Foreign Languages, and Director of the Centre for Oceanic Studies, Peking University, Beijing -- A regional perspective / Ms Fekita Utoikamanu, Deputy Director-General, Secretariat of the Pacific Community, Noumea and Suva -- China's new leadership and its perceptions of the Asia Pacific Region / Professor Bo Zhiyue, Director, New Zealand Contemporary China Research Centre, Victoria University of Wellington -- Reflections on the experiences of the Chinese community in Samoa / Tuatagaloa Aumua Ming Leung Wai, Attorney-General of Samoa -- 3. Regional Security -- Chair: Associate Professor Tarcisius Kabutaulaka, Center for Pacific Island Studies, University of Hawai'i -- The Pacific Islands in China's geo-strategic thinking / Associate Professor Yu Changsen, Executive Director, National Centre for Oceania Studies, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou -- Reordering Oceania: China's rise, geopolitics, and security in the Pacific Islands / Professor Terence Wesley-Smith, Director, Center for Pacific Island Studies, University of Hawai'i at Manoa -- Regional Security and the Role of External Actors / Dr Jim Rolfe, Director, Centre for Strategic Studies: New Zealand, Victoria University of Wellington -- 4. Chinese in the Pacific -- Chairs: Professor Brian Moloughney, Pro-Vice-Chancellor, University of Otago, Dunedin, and Professor Jenny Dixon, Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Strategic Engagement), University of Auckland -- Chinese -- Samoan Interactions -- influences both ways: entangled and intimate histories / Associate Professor Toeolesulusulu Damon Salesa, Head of Pacific Studies, University of Auckland -- China in the Pacific: alternative perspectives / Dr Iati Iati, Lecturer, Department of Politics, University of Otago, Dunedin -- China and the Pacific: a view from Tonga / Pesi Fonua, Publisher/Editor, Matangi Tonga Online, Tonga -- The drivers of current Chinese business migration to the South Pacific / Dr Graeme Smith, Research Fellow, State, Socirty and Governanace in Melanesia Program, School of International Political and Strategic Studies, Australian National University, Canberra -- A Pacific Island student in China -- reflections / Dr Rebecca Bogiri, Port Vila, Vanuatu -- Non-traditional security and global governance: China's participation in climate adaptation in Oceania / Associate Professor Wang Xuedong, Deputy Director, National Centre for Oceania Studies, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou -- 5. Development Cooperation -- Chairs: Associate Professor WANG Xuedong, Deputy Director, National Centre for Oceania Studies, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou, and Letuimanu'asina Dr Emma Kruse Va'ai, Deputy Vice-Chancellor, National University of Samoa, Apia -- The context of overall aid in the Pacific -- and its effectiveness / Professor John Overton, Professor, School of Geography, Victoria University of Wellington -- Mapping Chinese aid in the Pacific / Dr Philippa Brant, Research Associate, Lowy Institute for Public Policy, Sydney -- Soft loans and aid: China's economic influence in the Pacific / Dr Biman Prasad, Leader, National Federation Party, Fiji; formerly Professor of Economics, University of the South Pacific, Suva -- China's aid: A Melanesian perspective / Dulciana Somare-Brash, Deputy Director, Pacific Institute of Public Policy, Vila -- The Samoan experience of China's aid / Mrs Peseta Noumea Simi, Assistant Chief Executive, Ministry of Finance, Apia -- China's development aid to Fiji: motive and method Professor / Lyu Guixia, Research Centre for Pacific Island Countries, Liaocheng University, Shandong -- The trend towards Chinese triangular development cooperation: the cases of PNG and Timor-Leste / Denghua Zhang, PhD Candidate, Australian National University, Canberra -- The tripartite China/NZ/Cook Islands Project in the Cook Islands -- a Cook Islands perspective / Hon Mark Brown, Minister of Finance, Cook Islands -- The tripartite China/NZ/Cook Islands Project in the Cook Islands -- a New Zealand perspective / Peter Zwart, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Wellington -- 6. Trade and Investment -- Chairs: Ms Andie Fong Toy, Deputy Secretary-General, Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, Suva, and Michael Powles, formerly Chair, WCPFC Preparatory Conference, ambassador to China, high commissioner to Fiji -- The Samoan experience / Auelua Samuelu Enari, Chief Executive Officer, Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Labour, Apia -- China and natural resource developments in Oceania: feeding the dragon / Associate Professor Tarcisius Kabutaulaka, Associate Professor, Center for Pacific Island Studies, University of Hawai'i, Hawai'i -- Foreign investments and local expectations: PNG's experience with China / Dr Patrick Matbob, Divine Word University, Madang, Papua New Guinea -- China's growing tuna fishing fleet in the Pacific Ocean: a Samoan fisheries perspective / Ms Joyce Samuelu Ah Leong, Assistant Chief Executive, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, Apia -- China and the sea: potential for Pacific partnerships? / Dr Paul D'Arcy, Associate Professor, School of Culture, History and Language, Australian National University, Canberra -- 7. The Final Forum -- Chair and Moderator: Jon Fraenkel, Professor of Comparative Politics, Victoria University of Wellington -- Co-Chairs: Leasiolagi Professor Malama Meleisea, Director, Centre for Samoan Studies, National University of Samoa, and Associate Professor Yu Changsen, Executive Director, National Centre for Oceania Studies, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou -- Overview of the final forum -- drawing the strands together / Michael Powles, Conference Organiser; formerly ambassador to China and high commissioner to Fiji

Potilaiden ja kansalaisten osallisuus on noussut terveyspoliittiselle agendalle useassa maassa, Suomi mukaan lukien. Terveydenhuollon markkinoituminen on vahvistanut ajatusta palvelujen käyttäjistä asiakkaina, joilla on oikeus tehdä valintoja ja esittää näkemyksiään terveyspalveluista. Osallisuutta kuvataan myös tapana demokratisoida yhteiskunnallista päätöksentekoa sekä parantaa palvelujen laatua ja saatavuutta. Vaarana on kuitenkin se, että käytännön tasolla osallistuminen jää pinnalliseksi ja merkityksettömäksi. Osallisuudesta puhuttaessa viitataan potilaiden ja kansalaisten – eli maallikoiden – mahdollisuuksiin vaikuttaa terveyspalvelujen suunnitteluun, kehittämiseen, tuottamiseen ja niitä koskevaan tutkimukseen. Osallisuutta voidaan toteuttaa suorien ja epäsuorien menetelmien kautta sekä yhteiskunnallisella/poliittisella, palvelujärjestelmän että hoitosuhteen tasoilla. Tässä tutkimuksessa sivutaan politiikan ja hoitosuhteen tasoilla tapahtuvaa osallisuutta, mutta pääpaino on suomalaisessa terveyspolitiikassa ja terveydenhuoltojärjestelmässä tapahtuneissa muutoksissa, joiden myötä maallikkoasiantuntijoista ja heidän kokemusperäisestä tiedostaan on tullut osa palvelujen kehittämistä ja tuotantoa. Tarkastelen osallisuuden mahdollisuuksia ja haasteita terveyspolitiikan, maallikko-osallistujien sekä kolmannen sektorin organisaatioiden näkökulmista käyttämällä esimerkkejä syövänhoidossa sekä mielenterveyspalveluissa tapahtuvasta osallisuudesta. Tutkimusmateriaalit koostuvat kansallisista politiikkadokumenteista (n=7) sekä yksilöhaastatteluista (n=27) kokemusasiantuntijoiden, vertaistukihenkilöiden ja järjestöjen edustajien kanssa. Analysoin materiaaleja useiden laadullisten menetelmien avulla, keskittyen erityisesti maallikko-osallistujien asemointiin; palvelutason osallisuuteen liittyviin jännitteisiin, esteisiin ja hyötyihin; sekä kokemustiedon rakentumiseen ja käyttötapoihin. Tutkimustulokset osoittavat, kuinka myönteisestä poliittisesta retoriikasta huolimatta, osallisuutta tulkitaan usein kapea-alaisesti. Elettyjä sairaus- ja palvelunkäyttökokemuksia omaaville maallikoille on toki luotu uusia mahdollisuuksia vaikuttaa terveydenhuollon kehittämiseen ja tuotantoon. He joutuvat kuitenkin kohtaamaan monia esteitä, joihin lukeutuvat ambivalentti poliittinen ohjaus, epäselvät rooliodotukset, vähättelevät asenteet ja tuen puute. Osallistumisesta on tehty helpompaa aktiivisille ja 'osallistumisvalmiille' yksilöille, mikä voi osaltaan rajoittaa terveydenhuollon kehittämisessä käytettävien kokemusten moninaisuutta. Maallikko-osallistujat pyrkivät legitimoimaan omaa asiantuntijuuttaan terveydenhuollossa ja asemoimaan itsensä terveydenhuollon ammattilaisten ja potilaiden välimaastoon. Heidän omaamansa kokemustietoa ei usein arvoteta samalle tasolle kliinisen/ammatillisen tiedon kanssa. Sitä kuitenkin käytetään niin potilaiden tukemiseen kuin osana ammattilaisten koulutusta. Lisäksi sen avulla pyritään luomaan moniulotteisempi kuva sairausarjesta ja hoitokokemuksista. Kokemustiedon integroiminen osaksi palvelujen kehittämistä ja tuotantoa voi johtaa laajamittaisiin muutoksiin, mutta ainakin tällä hetkellä terveydenhuollossa käytettävä kokemustieto käy läpi eräänlaisen suodatusprosessin. Osallisuuteen liittyvien esteiden purkaminen vaatii vahvempaa institutionaalista sitoutumista, muutosvalmiutta ja tavoitteiden selkeyttämistä. Poliittisten toimijoiden ja terveyspalveluiden tulisi pohtia kuinka kansalaisten sekä haavoittuvammassa asemassa olevien yksilöiden ja ryhmien osallisuutta voisi vahvistaa. Terveydenhuollon ja terveyspalveluissa työskentelevien ammattilaisten tulisi pyrkiä ymmärtämään kokemustiedon rajoituksia ja käyttömahdollisuuksia sekä palvelu- että yhteiskunnallisella tasolla. ; Patient and public involvement (PPI) has become an established part of the health policy agenda in several countries, including Finland. It is founded upon various rationales ranging from democratisation of decision-making to increased healthcare consumerism. Although, involving patients and the public has the potential to strengthen the acceptability of healthcare decision-making and improve service accessibility, its practical implementations can also be tokenistic and inconsequential. In practical terms, involvement refers to the inclusion of patients and members of the public – i.e. lay participants – in all aspects of healthcare related planning, development, delivery, and research. Involvement can be implemented through various direct and indirect methods that occur on societal/political, service, and individual/treatment levels. Whilst this study touches upon the political and individual levels, the main focus will be on the more recent developments in Finnish health policies and services, which bring brand new expertise into healthcare development and delivery in the form of lay expertise and experiential knowledge. In this study, I delve deeper into the potentials and pitfalls of patient and public involvement by exploring it from the policy, lay participant and third sector organisation perspectives, with examples drawn from involvement occurring within cancer and mental health services. The materials consist of national health policy documents (n=7) and interviews with experts by experience, peer support workers and organisational representatives (n=27). The materials are analysed using a variety of qualitative methods to gain insights into the positions constructed for and by lay participants; to identify tensions, barriers, and benefits of service level involvement; and to explore the construction and applications of experiential knowledge. The results indicate that although involvement is supported by the policy rhetoric, it is often narrowly interpreted. People with lived experiences and the organisations representing them have new channels through which they can influence service development and delivery. However, they also face significant barriers that relate to ambivalent policy guidance, lack of role clarity, dismissive attitudes and structures that make involvement much easier of groups and individuals that do not require much facilitation. In practice, involvement is made easier for active and 'participation ready' individuals, which can limit the diversity of the experiences that get through to health services. Lay participants attempt to establish themselves as experts, positioned between health professionals and patients. Although their experiential knowledge is rarely afforded equal value to that of clinical/professional knowledge, it is being used in involvement activities to relate and support patients, educate professionals and provide a more complex and rounded view of what it is like to live with a condition, receive treatment and navigate care services. The results suggest that experiential knowledge has transformative potential, although certain restrictions and filters are imposed upon it during its use and communication through involvement activities. In order to overcome some of the barriers outlined in this study, there needs to be more institutional commitment towards involvement, willingness to adapt and clarity over the aims and rationales. Additionally, it is important for policy makers and health services to think of ways to engage the public as well as those who are not able to engage without facilitation. Health services and professionals should attempt to understand both the limitations and potentials of experiential knowledge within healthcare and the wider society.