Suchergebnisse

An a recent WSJ oped (which I will post here when 30 days have passed), I criticized the "supply shock" theory of our current inflation. Alan Blinder responds in WSJ letters First, Mr. Cochrane claims, the supply-shock theory is about relative prices (that's true), and that a rise in some relative price (e.g., energy) "can't make the price of everything go up." This is an old argument that monetarists started making a half-century ago, when the energy and food shocks struck. It has been debunked early and often. All that needs to happen is that when energy-related prices rise, many other prices, being sticky downward, don't fall. That is what happened in the 1970s, 1980s and 2020s.Second, Mr. Cochrane claims, the supply-shock theory "predicts that the price level, not the inflation rate, will return to where it came from—that any inflation should be followed by a period of deflation." No. Not unless the prices of the goods afflicted by supply shocks return to the status quo ante and persistent inflation doesn't creep into other prices. Neither has happened in this episode.When economists disagree about fairly basic propositions, there must be an unstated assumption about which they disagree. If we figure out what it is, we can think more productively about who is right. I think the answer here is simple: To Blinder there is no "nominal anchor." In my analysis, there is. This is a question about which one can honorably disagree. (WSJ opeds have a hard word limit, so I did not have room for nuance on this issue.) Suppose there are two goods, TVs and hamburgers. Chip production problems make TVs temporarily scarce.  We agree, the relative price of TVs must rise. TVs could go up, hamburgers could go down, or half of both. When the chip shortage eases, the relative price goes back to normal. TVs could come down, or hamburgers go up. In Blinder's view, TV prices go up now, and hamburger prices catch up when the chip shortage eases. ("Inflation creeps in to other prices.") The reason, true enough, is that prices are stickier downward than upward. As Blinder writes, a half century ago monetarists started making an "old argument" against this analysis. Informally, they pointed out that people have to have enough money to buy TVs and hamburgers at higher prices. If they don't, the price level cannot permanently rise. Maybe TVs go up temporarily, but if people don't have enough money to pay the higher prices, those downwardly sticky prices eventually drift down. A bit more formally, monetarists start with MV=PY, money times velocity equals overall price level (TVs and hamburgers) times overall quantity. Without more M, PY cannot go up. In the short run with sticky downward prices, we'll have less Y. But lower demand for hamburgers eventually causes sellers to lower their prices, and when the chip shortage eases lower demand also brings back the price of TVs. Without more M there is, eventually, no more P. So to monetarists, a "supply shock" would indeed first raise the price of TVs, and thus the measured price level. But lower demand for TVs and hamburgers means the price level eventually comes back to where it was, as I had stated. MV=PY is a "nominal anchor." It is a force that determines the overall price level. Relative prices changes cannot change this overall price level, once we get past the price stickiness that sends some demand into output. My analysis also has a nominal anchor, fiscal theory, that nails down the overall price level, while allowing some stickiness in the short run. The difference between fiscal theory and monetarism or some other theory does not matter for today's discussion. (Exercise for the reader: do new-keynesian models have a nominal anchor, and if so what is it?) Now, how does Blinder avoid this logic? Simple. In his view there is no nominal anchor. There are two kinds of economic analysis that removes the nominal anchor. First, the nominal anchor simply may be absent. Standard 1970s ISLM analysis, the subject of an eloquent elegy (eulogy?) in Blinder's recent book, does not have a nominal anchor.  The price level today is whatever the price level was yesterday plus whatever supply and demand shocks move it around today. The MV=PY constraint on the overall price level is simply absent. Given Blinder's writing in favor of ISLM and against everything that has happened since, I think this is the basic disagreement in our analysis. So you have it: If you think there is a nominal anchor, then you're with me: Supply shocks without more demand (more M, more debt), cannot permanently raise the price level. If you think there is no nominal anchor, and prices are whatever they were yesterday plus shocks, then Blinder's analysis that supply shocks can set off inflation that does not reverse, and permanently raise the price level, is possible. A second possibility: There is a nominal anchor, but it is passive. In a monetarist analysis, a supply shock comes, that raises the price of TVs because hamburgers are sticky downwards. The Fed, not wishing to see a recession, "accommodates" this supply shock by printing more M, so the price level goes up. And in monetarist analysis an interest rate target automatically provides that sort of accommodation, which is why they don't like interest rate targets. This is a standard analysis of the 1970s supply shocks. They didn't cause inflation directly, but they did induce the Fed to accommodate, to print up more money, which allowed broad-based inflation. Indeed, that might be a good fiscal theory story for recent inflation, merging supply shocks and fiscal theory. Why did the  government send $5 trillion to people? Exactly so they could pay the higher prices, and no price had to fall. It worked like gangbusters. Facing the energy shortages after the Ukraine war, Europe subsidized demand with fiscal transfers to much the same effect. I don't think Blinder is making this argument, though. If that's the argument, the "supply shock" really still  isn't the important driver of inflation. The inflation would not happen without the Fed (or fiscal policy) giving people the money to pay the higher prices. It's a supply-induced demand shock. The emergence of inflation is still 100% tied to loose monetary and fiscal policy. It's just making a plea that this inflationary policy was a good idea, avoiding painful price declines in some goods and wages. A minor rhetorical complaint: "This is an old argument that monetarists started making a half-century ago," Old arguments aren't necessarily bad. Adam Smith made the argument that free trade is good 250 years ago!  And if "old" is an insult, I might point out that ISLM hasn't been publishable since about 1980, while "new" Keynesian models, which work in a completely different way, have been the rage. Update: I emailed Alan, who answered in part, The Fed's reaction function is the nominal anchor, but for the inflation rate more than the price level.This is an interesting and important comment, and I think it is representative of the standard view. It's  halfway between the two views I articulated. There is no natural nominal anchor – no M in MV=PY or no B in B/P = expected present value of surpluses (fiscal theory alternative) – that constrains the price level. The price level is wherever the Fed drives it by interest rate policy (the "standard view" of "interest rates and inflation part 1" But for a supply shock to cause inflation in this view, there must be monetary accommodation. The Fed could run a price level target. It  would raise interest rates to keep the price level from rising, or to bring it back after a shock. The Fed could run an inflation target. It would raise interest rates to keep the price level from rising. So inflation does not really emerge as a pure "supply shock." It is supply shock + demand accommodation, via the interest rate policy.   Alan added Back when OPEC I struck in 1973-74, many monetarists denied that it could possibly cause inflation without a rise in M.The argument has indeed been around for a while. Did M rise? I'll leave monetarists to the history on that one. To be clear in this sequence, I used MV=PY as an easy illustrative example. I think there is a nominal anchor, but it is fiscal theory not monetarism. And I acknowledge that Blinder's "standard view" is most prevalent in policy commentary.  UpdateA correspondent reminds me of basic IS/LM AS/AD. Do not confuse a "supply shock" -- a relative price movement -- with an "aggregate supply shock" -- a shock that makes the overall price level, and wages, rise for a given level of output. The latter is a Phillips curve phenomenon. They may be related in the depths of Keynesian thinking, but they are not the same, and it is a bit of a mistake to jump from one to another.  

 Summit success is often a matter of expectations, and, of course, depends on where you sit.  For Ukraine, this may not have been as successful as it would want since they didn't get a fast track into NATO.  But that was an unrealistic expectation.  I didn't expect Turkey to stop blocking Sweden's membership, so my expectations were exceeded and thus huge success.  But the summit is more than just one or two decisions, so I am going to review much of the communique and then the Canadian announcements to figure out how many woots does this summit get.  Of course, since my pals and I didn't get a chance to go to the expert forum side party this year, there is a cap on the excitement--no NATO family dance party for us.First, as mentioned above, Ukraine didn't get a superfast track to membership, as having Ukraine join while the war is going on would either mean that NATO invokes Article V--an attack has happened against a member and deserves a collective response--or it does not.  In the former case, NATO is now at war with Russia, something that the alliance has rightly been avoiding.  In the latter case, Article V gets eroded as it is not used when a member is attacked in a very serious way.  This is not just a few loose bombs or artillery shells like when forces in Syria hit Turkey.  The question really is how soon after the war would Ukraine become a member, and the answer this time was: very soon.  But it was not more definitive because the alliance requires consensus, and that is all that they could agree to.  I pushed back on twitter about cowardice or manliness.  NATO being at peace while Ukraine has been at war is not great for Ukraine, but the fact that Russia is not hitting the supplies going into Ukraine before they get there is hugely significant.  Expanding the war is not good for most folks, and the risk of nuclear war, which is small but real, is not great even for Ukrainians.  Second, Sweden is an unalloyed win for the alliance.  It makes defense of the Baltics easier since Sweden sits astride the best ways to reinforce the Baltics in a time of war.  It also means that countries leading the NATO missions in the Baltics, looking for more troops to plus up their battlegroups into brigades (going from 1k to at least 3k) have a robust potential donor to beg (force generation is begging in the words of a NATO military official we cited in our book with the ebook version on sale now!).  It is also a massive defeat for Russia, as Putin has long wanted to break NATO, but finds his aggressions in Ukraine in 2014 and in 2022 have only strengthened and expanded the alliance.  Finland and Sweden would not have asked to join had Russia stayed within its boundaries.  Ok, onto the communique, which represents a lot of homework and bargaining over the past year, with the summit serving as an artificial deadline to get folks to agree, kind of like an academic conference is designed really to get profs to finally finish their papers:the formation of the NATO-Ukraine Council. This supplants the old NATO-Russia Council which died due to Russia's aggression.  This gives Ukraine much visibility and status and allows the Ukrainians to participate meaningfully in many NATO conversations.  It ain't membership, but it is significant.Finland is now a member, woot!China as a threat--this requires work as some countries (France) want to keep sucking up to China.Lots of stuff on Russia, not recognizing Crimea as Russian, etc.  Naming Belarus and Iran as complicit (although not China).  The language on Russia can't be a partner for now is probably the closest we can get to declaring the NATO Russia Founding Act dead.Lots of stuff about supporting Ukraine, that no need to continue with the Membership Action Plan, which means Ukraine is closer to membership and is increasingly integrated.Some more language about ISIS and terrorism.2% gets the usual shoutout--making progress but now we recognize that 2% isn't enough.  More forward defense with regional defense plans, more troops at high readiness, moving from battlegroups to brigades in the east as promised last year.Defence Production Action plan--to improve delivery of weapons/ammunitionIntegrated Air and Missile Defense with emphasis on eastern flank--this represents a response to the roles played by drones and missile attacks in Ukraine.Continued opposition to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons since nukes are part of NATO's deterrent strategy.  Not a surprise.No Japan office for NATO since France opposed it.  Consensus decision-making can suck... like how do we dump Hungary?The standing up of a Maritime Center for the Security of Critical Undersea Infrastructure.  This seems in response to Russia primarily monkeying around with cables.Cyber got the longest paragraph, I think, with a new Virtual Cyber Incident Support Capability to help members respond to cyber attacks.Western Balkans get several items--75-78--as tensions are brewing there.  Supporting Bosnia's integrity is directly aimed against Bosnian Serb separatism, KFOR continues to operate and has increased its troop numbers due to violence in the Serb-inhabited areas.  A reference there to conditions based not calendar driven brings me back to my Joint Staff days concern whether exit/reductions are determined by benchmarks (conditions) or milestones (time).  There was more, but that is the stuff that caught my eye.  So, much progress on some of the most important things, hard time getting consensus on NATO becoming relevant in the Pacific despite clearer language about the threat posed by China.  What about Canada?  I got asked lots of questions about 2%, and I didn't see anyone put Trudeau in a headlock for not making sufficient progress towards 2%.  Nor did I see Canada making a huge stink about Biden's sending of cluster munitions to Ukraine (a post for another day maybe).  Canada did take part in several announcements--a blueprint for Latvia's defense, a NATO plan for defending the Baltics, and the like.  Trudeau announced sending up to 2,200 Canadian troops to Latvia which is up from the original 450 or so and then 800-1000 that it has been at since last year.  He announced $2.6b in spending on the Latvia mission over the next three years including $1.2b.  I don't know if this is enough to cover the additional costs of sending the larger numbers of troops who have to be rotated every six months, the costs of more infrastructure (barracks, dining hall, training facilities, etc) for not just the more Canadians but the more NATO folks, etc.  Remember, Canada is the Framework Nation for Latvia, which means it is Canada's responsibility to lead the multinational battlegroup that is now becoming a multinational brigade.  That means providing some infrastructure for those who Canada cajoles to stick around (Albania, Czech Republic, Italy, Montenegro, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, and North Macedonia) and maybe join us (Denmark, Finland, Sweden) to get to 3000+ troops.  Given that there are now eight places for NATO to send troops--the three Baltics, Poland, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia, and Romania--so competition will be fierce to get more troops from some of these countries.  So, Canada has to make the place welcoming and a good training area--which means plenty of ammunition and other logistical support so they can exercise often. And no Defence Policy Update.  Which is a disappointment--it is very late.  When will be the next time where announcing it will be handy for the government?  Maybe when parliament is back in session?  ¯\_(ツ)_/¯So, I think Canada did the minimum to keep the criticism down, but perhaps didn't really do enough to set up the Latvia mission for success.  I don't think getting to 2% quickly is a realistic expectation, but the government could have made it a bit clearer that Canada would be moving in that general direction.  That there have been a heap of commitments made, that the personnel crisis itself needs much money thrown at it, so defence spending should be going up, even if it is not going to increase by 50%.Overall, the summit went well, the big things happened, the smaller things mostly worked out.  Putin's efforts to divide the alliance keep failing, the media's efforts to set unrealistic expectations and Zelensky's first outburst did not really upset things much.  I am sure many observers would prefer Trump running around, pushing over the leaders of smaller countries.  It would be more entertaining.  But we got enough progress on enough items.  Is it fast enough?  Not for Ukraine.  But a consensus-based organization is not going to move that quickly.  That NATO will soon have something like 30,000 troops forward deployed is pretty amazing.  And definitely not what Putin wants.  

Anastasia P. Boden


Today was a watershed moment in Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence. For all intents and purposes, racial preferences in higher education are no longer allowed. Over the course of 237 pages, the nine Supreme Court justices traded barbs over affirmative action with Chief Justice John Roberts writing the majority opinion. But Justice Thomas's concurrence was the star.
As expected, the majority opinion in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard and Students for Fair Admissions v. University of North Carolina was written by Chief Justice Roberts, who has long authored vigorous defenses of race‐​neutrality in government policymaking. He coined the (depending on who you ask) much lauded or much mocked phrase, "the best way to get rid of discrimination on the basis of race is to get rid of discrimination on the basis of race." He included a similar statement in this case, remarking that "Eliminating racial discrimination means eliminating all of it."
In typical Justice Roberts fashion, the Chief never explicitly overruled Regents of the University of California v. Bakke or Grutter v. Bollinger, the two primary Supreme Court cases permitting race‐​based college admissions for the purpose of "obtaining the benefits that flow from a diverse student body." Instead he concluded that the challenged admissions programs failed to satisfy those opinion's safeguards. For instance, they amounted to quotas, relied on stereotyping, penalized some students based on race, and had no ending point in sight. Though Chief Justice Roberts never explicitly said so, the implication is that the diversity rationale is no longer permissible, since preferences will always act as a negative for some students (after all, admissions is a zero‐​sum game) and the diversity rationale is inherently stereotypical (because it assumes that students bring something to the table by virtue of their race alone).
Justice Thomas's individualist concurrence, by contrast, was a strident show‐​stopper that beautifully defended the principles of equality before the law and individualism. His opinion began with a lengthy history of the Fourteenth Amendment and concluded with a whopper of a line accusing Justice Jackson of engaging in racial determinism.
The concurrence covers a lot of ground beginning with an Originalist analysis of the original public meaning of the Equal Protection Clause. Though the dissenting justices argue that the Clause does not require race‐​neutrality, Justice Thomas persuasively demonstrates that the Clause was passed to forbid "all legal distinctions based on race or color," including purportedly benign ones.
He also wrote at length about the inherent arbitrariness of racial classifications (covered in David Bernstein's new book, Classified), mismatch theory (which posits that affirmative action perpetuates stereotypes by placing recipients in classes where they are "less likely to succeed academically relative to their peers"), and the pernicious effect race‐​based admissions has had on Asian students, who are placed at a significant disadvantage by Harvard's and UNC's preference system. But he reserves the most powerful language for rebutting Justice Jackson's assertion that racial preferences can be justified as a remedy for societal discrimination.
Justice Thomas begins his rebuttal by noting that there's a difference between genuine remedial measures for racial discrimination (which are permissible under the Equal Protection Clause) and racial balancing for its own sake. To prevent the former from becoming the latter, proponents of government sponsored racial classifications must demonstrate a traceable link to government perpetuated discrimination. Justice Jackson has no such evidence and instead relies mainly on statistical disparities. Or, as Justice Thomas puts it:
As she sees things, we are all inexorably trapped in a fundamentally racist society, with the original sin of slavery and the historical subjugation of black Americans still determining our lives today. The panacea, she counsels, is to unquestioningly accede to the view of elite experts and reallocate society's riches by racial means as necessary to "level the playing field," all as judged by racial metrics. I strongly disagree.

As Justice Thomas notes, not all disparities can be ascribed to race, let alone discrimination. Disparities can arise from socio‐​economic status, geography, and myriad other factors. And while Justice Jackson focuses on group outcomes, Justice Thomas focuses on individuals. Even where disparities exist, they don't exist for everyone in the group. But "[e]ven if some whites have a lower household net worth than some blacks," Justice Thomas says, "what matters to Justice Jackson is that the average white household has more wealth than the average black household." He continues:
This lore is not and has never been true. Even in the segregated South where I grew up, individuals were not the sum of their skin color. Then as now, not all disparities are based on race; not all people are racist; and not all differences between individuals are ascribable to race. Put simply, "the fate of abstract categories of wealth statistics is not the same as the fate of a given set of flesh‐​and‐​blood human beings." T. Sowell, Wealth, Poverty and Politics 333 (2016). Worse still, Justice Jackson uses her broad observations about statistical relationships between race and select measures of health, wealth, and well‐​being to label all blacks as victims. Her desire to do so is unfathomable to me. I cannot deny the great accomplishments of black Americans, including those who succeeded despite long odds.

To the extent individual Black Americans have fewer means, or poorer health, or any of the disparities Justice Jackson describes, universities can take those factors into account. What it can't do, says Justice Thomas, "is use the applicant's skin color as a heuristic, assuming that because the applicant checks the box for 'black' he therefore conforms to the university's monolithic and reductionist view of an abstract, average black person." In other words, individuals are more than the skin color they are born into.
He uses as an example Justice Jackson's hypothetical regarding John and James, two applicants competing for admission to UNC. John is a white, seventh‐​generation legacy at the school and James is black applicant would be the first member of his family to go to UNC. Putting aside that the university could take into account James's first‐​generation status rather than his race, Justice Thomas asks, "why is it that John should be judged based on the actions of his great great‐​great‐​grandparents? And what would Justice Jackson say to John when deeming him not as worthy of admission: Some statistically significant number of white people had advantages in college admissions seven generations ago, and you have inherited their incurable sin?" As Justice Scalia wrote elsewhere, "under our Constitution, there can be no debtor or creditor race." Instead, "in the eyes of the government, we are just one race here. It is American."
Contrary to the dissenters' view of equality, which seeks equality based on group outcome, Justice Thomas emphasizes individual traits over group membership, noting that "All racial groups are heterogeneous, and blacks are no exception—encompassing northerners and southerners, rich and poor, and recent immigrants and descendants of slaves. Eschewing the complexity that comes with individuality may make for an uncomplicated narrative, but lumping people together and judging them based on assumed inherited or ancestral traits is nothing but stereotyping."
Contrary to being mere products of their race, "Individuals are the sum of their unique experiences, challenges, and accomplishments." Whereas the dissenters consider individuals passive actors in an inherently and inexorably racist scheme, Justice Thomas believes individuals have agency. "What matters is not the barriers they face, but how they choose to confront them. And their race is not to blame for everything—good or bad—that happens in their lives. A contrary, myopic world view based on individuals' skin color to the total exclusion of their personal choices is nothing short of racial determinism."
Justice Thomas concludes that "the great failure of this country was slavery and its progeny. And, the tragic failure of this Court was its misinterpretation of the Reconstruction Amendments, as Justice Harlan predicted in Plessy." He's right. Some of the biggest injustices have occurred because of the Supreme Court's narrowing of civil rights under the Fourteenth Amendment (looking at you, Slaughter‐​house and Cruikshank) and its upending of equality before the law. If we want all people to achieve the American Dream, the Court must protect individuals' liberty and prevent government created barriers from getting in the way.
It's true, of course, that society has never been colorblind, but as Justice Thomas says, the government must be—lest we start a vicious and self‐​perpetuating cycle of race‐​based balancing. So will it follow that command given today's opinion?
There's a very real possibility schools will just drive their discrimination further underground. It took a great deal of discovery to get to the bottom of Harvard's and UNC's systems, which though multi‐​factored on their face amounted to quotas in practice. There will likely be litigation over covert racial balancing or the use of "neutral" proxies in the future. But for now, the Court has affirmed its commitment to treating people without regard to race or other immutable characteristics, which is a win for our individualist Constitution.

Scott Lincicome and Alfredo Carrillo Obregon


It's a well‐​known fact in the nation's capital that politicians' rhetoric gets progressively detached from reality as a November election approaches. During a race's final few months, inconvenient things like "facts" and "logic" tend to get thrown out the window as candidates get desperate for votes.
On trade, at least, it seems President Biden has kicked off the 2024 "silly season" more than a year early.
In particular, Biden's recent proclamation announcing World Trade Week 2023 (and implicitly justifying his tariff‐ and subsidy‐​heavy "worker‐​centric" trade policy) stated that, "For decades, the middle class and thriving towns across America were hollowed out as good‐​paying jobs moved overseas and factories at home closed down." Were this claim in the middle of an early‐​autumn stump speech—from Biden or former President Trump—we may have given it a pass. But since the claim comes in the middle of a World Trade Week proclamation from the sitting president of the United States, we feel compelled to correct the record.
First, the only "hollowing out" of the American middle class over the last few decades has been due to U.S. households moving up the income ladder, not down. For example, Census Bureau data show that between 1990 and 2019—the era of "peak globalization"—the share of middle‐ and low‐​income U.S. households (adjusted for inflation) have both declined, while the share of U.S. households annually earning $100,000 has increased (see Figure 1). Research on individuals' wages shows much of the same thing.











Wage and income gains have been solid for lower‐​income Americans over this same period. The Congressional Budget Office, for example, finds a 55 percent increase in the inflation‐​adjusted incomes of U.S. households in the bottom 20 percent. These improvements would be even larger after accounting for taxes and transfers. (As noted in the introduction of the new Cato Institute book, Empowering the New American Worker, household income gains are likely not owed to a substantial increase in two‐​earner families since 1990.) According to the most recent calculations from economist Michael Strain, moreover, inflation‐​adjusted wages increased between 1990 and 2022 by 50, 48, 38, and 39 percent at the 10th, 20th, 30th, and 50th (median) percentiles, respectively (see Figure 2).











Second, while it is undeniably true that the United States has fewer manufacturing workers today than in the 1970s or 1980s and that most jobs (even male‐​dominated, blue‐​collar ones) are in services, American industrial jobs have not all been "shipped overseas." As explained in a 2022 Cato paper, globalization undoubtedly eliminated some U.S. manufacturing jobs, especially labor‐​intensive, low‐​wage industries like textiles/​apparel and furniture, but the main, long‐​term drivers of U.S. manufacturing job‐​losses are productivity gains and a shift in U.S. consumption from goods to services. Thus, countries around the world—including ones with large and persistent trade surpluses and active industrial and labor policies—have experienced their own, if not larger, declines in manufacturing jobs, and recent increases in U.S. manufacturing jobs have been accompanied by stagnating U.S. manufacturing productivity.
Furthermore, as explained in Empowering, there are still manufacturing jobs available in the United States—for those who want and can qualify for them:
Contrary to the conventional wisdom…, the current U.S. manufacturing job situation is not due to a lack of demand for these workers (caused by globalization or automation, for example): in the first quarter of 2022, there were around 850,000 unfilled manufacturing job openings, and new research from Deloitte and the Manufacturing Institute estimates that this figure could hit 2.1 million by 2030.

A year later, even after a significant cooling of the U.S. manufacturing sector, job openings there are historically elevated. At the same time, the Census Bureau reports that very few prime‐​age American workers are out of work because they can't find a job (Figure 3).











Third, President Biden ignores, as we explained in a 2022 paper, the tens of millions of American jobs in services and in manufacturing that are today dependent on trade and globalization:
[A] 2020 report found that trade—imports and exports—directly or indirectly supported approximately 40.6 million jobs in both goods‐​producing industries (agriculture, construction, manufacturing, etc.) or services‐​producing industries (wholesale/​retail trade, transportation, professional services, etc.). Imports alone support an estimated 17.3 million American jobs in transportation, logistics, wholesale and retail trade, and other services industries, which comprise more than 10 percent of total employment in the sector. And almost half of all dollars spent on imported goods go to American workers rather than to the foreigners producing the goods. Thus, new research finds that, while only 6 percent of U.S. firms in manufacturing and services are goods traders, these firms account for half of economy‐​wide employment today and supported 60 percent of all new net jobs created after 2008, primarily through the establishment of new businesses. [See Figure 4.]
Meanwhile, foreign direct investment supported approximately 8 million jobs in 2019. By contrast, these same American workers are harmed by protectionism: higher input costs, for example, typically mean reduced wages or unemployment in the consuming company or industry at issue.












Surely, not every American worker has come out ahead since the United States became more integrated into the global economy, but—even leaving aside the important consumption benefits that globalization has provided all Americans (even ones who lost jobs from import competition)—the narrative of broad, trade‐​driven declines in middle class jobs and lifestyles is simply false. As the Financial Times' Martin Wolf put it in April (citing the latest academic research), "contrary to the widespread view, it is untrue that liberal trade is a dominant or even significant cause of the woes of the working classes of western societies." Indeed.
Finally, similar conclusions may be drawn regarding American communities—including ones once dependent on manufacturing. For example, a 2018 Brookings Institution report found that 115 of the 185 counties that had a disproportionate share (20 percent or more) of manufacturing jobs in 1970 had successfully transitioned away from manufacturing by 2016. Of the remaining 70 "older industrial cities", 40 had exhibited "strong" or "emerging" (above‐​average) economic performance over the same period. Thus, by 2016 almost 85 percent of American communities once dependent on manufacturing—and thus potentially "hollowed out" by new import competition—had moved or were moving beyond their industrial past. That a handful of U.S. "mill towns" hadn't adjusted in more than four decades reveals other (and deeper) problems than simply exposure to the modern global economy. For example:






"Labor Market Conflict and the Decline of the Rust Belt" https://t.co/WN5RINmBF1"Rising foreign competition plays a more modest role quantitatively, and its effects are concentrated in the 1980s and 1990s, after most of the Rust Belt's decline had already occurred." 👀 pic.twitter.com/4c9xWaWgud— Scott Lincicome (@scottlincicome) May 12, 2023




Anecdotal evidence supports these conclusions. Former textile town Greenville, South Carolina is (along with its next door neighbor Spartanburg) today a bustling metro area with a diverse economy—including several multinational manufacturers. Just up the interstate, Hickory, North Carolina—a former textile and furniture hub that was the poster‐​child for the persistent ravages of the so‐​called "China Shock"—has just been named by U.S. News and World Report as the "best affordable place to live in the United States" for 2023–24. (Speaking of the China Shock, the authors of those influential studies have since acknowledged that, once you consider the substantial consumer gains from China trade, just 82 of 722 U.S. commuting zones, representing 6.3 percent of the U.S. population, would experience net welfare losses. Other scholars, of course, challenge the China Shock approach and conclusions more broadly.)
For Hickory, the USNWR highlights that manufacturing continues to account for most of the area's jobs, yet "the industry is [now] diversified, with plastics, biotechnology and pharmaceuticals playing a bigger role." Moreover, Google and Apple have established data centers in the area, and service‐​sector businesses are growing. Recognizing the area's potential, Appalachian State University will open a Hickory‐​based campus this August.
Coming in second on the same USNWR list is former steel town Youngstown, Ohio, which is "in the midst of a cultural and economic renaissance" driven mainly by service‐​sector businesses.
So much for being "hollowed out."
None of this means, of course, that certain American communities and workers don't face real challenges in today's globalized world. But alleging that trade caused these ills not only ignores the gains that the vast majority of Americans have experienced since the United States opened to the world decades ago, but also distracts from—as Empowering details—"the panoply of federal, state, and local policies that distort markets and thereby raise the cost of health care, childcare, housing, and other necessities; lower workers' total compensation; inhibit their employment, personal improvement, and mobility; and deny them the lives and careers that they actually want (as opposed to the ones DC policymakers think they should want)."
Blaming trade for these and other policies' failures might make for a good campaign soundbite, but that doesn't make it any less silly—especially during World Trade Week.

O stanju privatnih šuma u RH u nekoliko smo navrata pisali u Uvodnicima Šumarskog lista, a 2017. godine "Stanje privatnih šuma u Republici Hrvatskoj" bila je stručna tema povodom obilježavanja Dana hrvatskoga šumarstva. Prema podacima Šumskogospodarske osnove područja Republike Hrvatske iz 2016. godine, površina šuma i šumskih zemljišta u RH iznosi 2 759 039,05 ha. Od ukupne površine u državnom je vlasništvu 2 097 318 ha (76 %), a 24 %, tj. 661 721 ha u vlasništvu je privatnih šumovlasnika. Članak 14. Zakona o šumama definira prema površini šuma i šumskog zemljišta privatne šumoposjednike na male s površinom šuma i/ili šumskog zemljišta do 20 ha, srednje s površinom šuma i/ili šumskog zemljišta većom od 20, a manjom od 300 ha i velike šumoposjednike s površinom šuma i/ili šumskog zemljišta većom od 300 ha. Prema toj klasifikaciji preko 99 % površina šuma i šumskog zemljišta pripada malim šumoposjednicima, njih 418 654, što daje prosječnu veličinu posjeda od 0,5 ha. Kao što ste već u uvodnom dijelu mogli zamijetiti, miješaju se pojmovi šumovlasnik i šumoposjednik, što je rezultat dvojnog vođenja zemljišnih knjiga kroz gruntovnicu i katastar, a njihova nesređenost otežava definiranja stvarnih odnosa. Rješavanje problema uređenja imovinsko-pravnih odnosa uvijek naglašavamo kao prioritet i prvi preduvjet stvaranja organiziranog društva. Isto tako vrijeme je da jasno razlučimo namjenu i korištenje šumskog i poljoprivrednog zemljišta. Od vremena Austro-ugarske monarhije, kada je napravljena prva razdioba, usprkos brojnim zakonskim odredbama, to još nismo učinili. Tako je primjerice velik dio šuma u privatnom vlasništvu nastao obraštanjem poljoprivrednog zemljišta, koje se još uvijek u zemljišnim knjigama vodi kao livada, pašnjak ili oranica. Istovremeno na apsolutnom šumskom zemljištu u državnim šumama podižemo maslinike i vinograde ili izdajemo dozvole za pašarenje??? Povijesne okolnosti definirale su danas izuzetno male posjede šumskog zemljišta u privatnom vlasništvu koji ne omogućuju kontinuirani prihod vlasnicima, već se jednokratnim zahvatom pokušava izvući što veća financijska korist bez pridržavanja potrajnosti, osnovnog načela u šumarstvu. Svijest o potrebi funkcionalnog udruživanja i planiranja šumskouzgojnih zahvata na razini odjela i odsjeka kod naših šumovlasnika nažalost još nije zaživjela, pa se usprkos tomu što za većinu privatnih šuma imamo izrađene programe gospodarenja, ono se u praksi svodi na nepovezane zahvate na pojedinim česticama. U privatnim šumama malih posjednika sve se češće događaju kriminalne radnje vezane za sječu bez doznake, krađu, izvođenje radova pridobivanja drveta od neregistriranih ili nelicenciranih izvođača, nekontrolirano stavljanje drveta u promet, nelegalna trgovina drvetom itd. Nepostojeća jasna i transparentna (tržišna) politika formiranja cijena drveta u Hrvatskoj pogoduje raznim preprodavačima, a vrijedna sirovina bez ikakve kontrole obično završava na stranom tržištu. Sve to navodi nas na razmišljanje o odgovornosti, države kao zakonodavca i njenog odnosa prema toj kategoriji privatnog vlasništva, ali i općeg dobra zaštićenog Ustavom RH. Postavimo ovdje pitanje odgovornosti cijele šumarske struke i njenih institucija, kao i naših kolega ovlaštenih inženjera koji često na terenu provode doznaku, ili otpremu, po načelu "od nečega se mora živjeti". Ako svi, kao što to čini struka, zažmirimo pred ovim problemom, teško da ćemo se u budućnosti moći hvaliti tradicijom potrajnog i prirodnog gospodarenja našim šumama. Prvi preduvjet uvođenja reda u privatnim šumama malih posjednika je organiziranje čuvarske službe. Prema aktualnom ZOŠ-u čuvanje šuma prepušteno je vlasnicima, što je s obzirom na njihovo stanje i dobnu strukturu praktički neprovedivo, ili je dana mogućnost da to obavljaju Udruge šumoposjednika, što se opet u praksi rijetko događa. Kroz povijest uvijek su postojali čuvari šume, bili to općinski (sreski) lugari do sredine 20. stoljeća ili su to donedavno kod nas obavljali djelatnici Hrvatskih šuma. Kako bi riješili ovu situaciju postoji nekoliko opcija: Þ Vratiti nadležnost Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. preregistracijom ove tvrtke. Þ Osigurati provođenje čuvarske službe kroz lokalnu samoupravu, kao što je to bilo propisano prethodnim ZOŠ-om, no u praksi nije bilo sprovedeno. Þ Osnovati "Šumsku policiju" s jasnim ovlastima koja će osigurati red i spriječiti kriminalne radnje. Þ Osnovati Državnu instituciju (agenciju) za šume, koja bi provodila javne ovlasti i interese neovisno o vlasništvu nad šumama i omogućila bi smisleno i sveobuhvatno planiranje i gospodarenje šumama na svim razinama. Uredništvo ; The status of private forests in the Republic of Croatia has been treated in the Editorial section of the Forestry Journal on several occasions, and in 2017 "The status of private forests in the Republic of Croatia" was a topic discussed at the Day of Croatian Forestry. According to the Forest Management Plan of the Republic of Croatia from 2016, forests and forestland in Croatia cover 2,759,039.05 ha. Of the overall area, state owned forests account for 2,097,318 a (76 %), while privately owned forests account for 661,721 ha (24 %). Article 14 of the Law on Forests classifies private forest owners into three groups: small owners with forests and/or forestland of up to 20 ha, medium owners with forests and/or forestland of more than 20 ha but less than 300 ha, and large forest owners with forest area and/or forestland exceeding 300 ha. According to this classification, over 99 % of the area of forests and forestland are owned by small forest owners (418,654 owners), which means that the average size of the forest property is 0.5 ha. As you may have noticed in the introductory part, there is an ambiguity relating to the terms forest owner and forest holder, which is the result of the dual keeping of land books through the land register and cadastre. Their unsettled status makes it more difficult to define real relationships. We always stress that the regulation of property-legal relations is the priority and the first precondition for creating an organized society. We must also make a clear distinction between the purpose and the use of forest and agricultural land. The first division was made during the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, but despite numerous legal provisions we have not yet done so since. Thus, for example, a large part of privately owned forests came into being by agricultural land being overgrown, but in land registers they are still registered as meadows, pastures, or ploughland. At the same time, we raise olive groves and vineyards or issue permits for grazing over an absolute forest land in state forests??? Due to historical circumstances, there are exceptionally small areas of forestland in private ownership today, and as such they do not ensure continuous income to their owners. Instead, there is an attempt to derive as much financial profit as possible through one operation without adhering to the principle of sustainability, the fundamental principle in forestry. The awareness of the need to functionally merge and plan silvicultural treatments at the level of compartments and sub-compartments has regrettably not yet taken root among Croatian forest owners. Therefore, despite the fact that management plans have been drawn for most private forests, in practice management is reduced to disconnected operations in individual plots. Private forests of small forest holders are witnessing an increase in criminal actions such as felling without marking, theft, timber extraction by unregistered or unlicenced contractors, uncontrolled placing of timber on the market, illegal timber trade, etc. The absence of clear and transparent (market) price forming policy in Croatia favours various resellers, while valuable raw material, usually without any control, ends up on foreign markets. All this makes us think about the responsibility of the state as a legislator and its attitude towards this category of private property, but also towards the common good protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Let us also tackle the responsibility of the entire forestry profession and its institutions, as well as our colleagues, certified engineers, who mark trees or dispatch timber in the field guided by the principle "one must have something to live on". If we, as a profession, turn a blind eye to this problem, we will hardly be able to boast in the future of the tradition of sustainable and close-to-nature management of our forests. The first precondition for installing the order in private forests of small holders involves setting up a guard service. According to the valid Law on Forests, the guarding of forests is the responsibility of their owners, which is practically unfeasible given their condition and age structure, or this could be done by forest owners' associations, which again rarely happens in practice. Throughout history there have always been forest guards. Until the mid-20th century they were municipal (regional) forest rangers, and until very recently this job was performed by employees of the company Croatian Forests. There are several options which might solve this situation: Þ Restore the jurisdiction of Croatian Forests Ltd by re-registering the company. Þ Implement guard services through local self-government bodies, similar to the regulations set down in the previous Law on Forests; however, this was not applied in practice. Þ Establish a "Forest Police" service with clearly defined powers to ensure order and prevent criminal activities. Þ Establish a State Forest Institution (Agency), which will exercise public powers and promote interests independently of forest ownership, as well as enable meaningful and comprehensive planning and management at all levels. Editorial Boards

학위논문(박사)--서울대학교 대학원 :인문대학 국사학과,2020. 2. 정용욱. ; This thesis examines aspects of savings mobilization that the Korean government pursued to mobilize internal investments in the 1960s and 1970s, focusing on household savings. Chapter 1 analyzes savings mobilization attempts made after the implementation of the First Five-Year Economic Development Plan immediately following the May 16 military coup. To this end, we first look at the domestic capital mobilization of the 1st Five-year Economic Development Plan and the various institutional and social practices promoted for mobilizing household savings. Representatively, it describes saving enlightenment activities and the national saving movement promoted by the government. In addition, it deals with the establishment of a National Savings union established primarily for wage workers. Chapter 2 deals with political and social discussions within Korean society that were developed in the process of determining the rate realization measures implemented in September 1965. It also describes the process of institutional reform, including the establishment of local banks, which was established to strengthen mobilization of savings while witnessing an increase in financial savings after the implementation of this measure. In addition, this study analyzes aspects of the living rationalization movement such as 'the second economic movement' that was developed along with the reform of the system. The effects of such activities and the recognition of household savings are analyzed based on the savings market survey conducted by the Bank of Korea since 1967. Chapter 3 deals with the aspects of saving mobilization during the period of heavy chemical industrialization in the early 1970s. The government has promoted the heavy and chemical industrialization policy since 1973 and made a plan to raise funds for domestic capital. To this end, the financial system was reorganized and a national investment fund was established. And attempted to mobilize household savings by introducing the National Welfare Pension, but failed. This chapter examines this process and describes the attempts and limitations of building a mobilization system. Chapter 4 analyzes the savings mobilization strategy developed after the global economic recession caused by the oil shock. During this period, the oil shock shocked the domestic economy, which in turn increased demand for income security. The Korean government used financial institutions as a means of ensuring the lives of its people. Representatives include workers' asset-building savings and life insurance. These systems were introduced and fostered as a means to mobilize the domestic capital necessary for the promotion of the Fourth Five-Year Plan. In addition, this chapter examines households 'responses to workers' asset-building savings and life insurance. Based on the above, the effects of forced saving, saving enlightenment, and economic incentives used by the Korean government for saving mobilization can be summarized as follows. First, forced saving did not have much effect. In the case of the national savings union, although it has the characteristics of forced savings, it was far short of its target. In addition, the National Welfare Pension, which was created as a means of domestic capital mobilization immediately after the declaration of industrialization, attempted to be introduced using welfare discourse, but its implementation was delayed indefinitely due to strong repulsion and oil shock. Next, the saving enlightenment of the government also did not have much effect on increasing savings. The government and savings organizations continued to disseminate discourses on rationalization through the preparation of households, but not many households keep a housekeeping book. According to a savings market survey conducted by the Bank of Korea, each household was told to increase or decrease its savings by increasing or decreasing its income. The most effective means of government's savings mobilization were through economic incentives. Regular deposits and installment savings have increased since interest rate realization measures, and the popularity of workers' asset-building savings in the late 1970s is a reflection of this. The main motives for savings identified by the savings market survey were real estate purchases, child education and marriage funds, and stabilization of retirement life, and workers' asset-building savings and life insurance were just the right tools for that need. As a result, the government's savings mobilization was able to achieve effective results when it met the needs and desires of households. The demand for saving mobilization for the people of the Park Chung Hee regime seemed very strong on the outside. But the reality is that the government is driven by household demands. And the mobilization was effective when the government responded to the demands of households. ; 본 연구는 1960~1970년대 한국정부가 내자를 동원하기 위해 추진한 저축동원의 양상을 가계저축을 중심으로 살펴본다. 1장에서는 5·16 군사쿠데타 직후 제1차 경제개발5개년계획의 시행 이후에 추진된 저축동원 시도들을 분석한다. 이를 위해 먼저 제1차 경제개발5개년계획의 자금 조달계획 중 내자동원 구상과 그에 따라 가계 저축 동원을 위해 추진된 여러 제도적·사회적 실천을 살핀다. 대표적으로 반관반민 단체였던 재건국민운동본부 관할 하에 추진된 저축계몽활동과 정부가 추진하던 국민저축운동 등을 서술한다. 이와 함께 주로 임금노동자 층을 대상으로 하여 설립된 국민저축조합의 설립 양상을 다룬다. 2장에서는 금융저축의 증가를 위해 시행되었다고 평가되는 1965년 9월에 시행된 금리현실화 조치가 결정되는 과정에서 전개된 한국 사회 내부의 정치·사회적 논의와 더불어 이 조치 시행 이후 금융저축의 증가를 목도하면서 저축 동원을 강화하기 위해 전개된 지방은행 설립을 비롯한 제도 정비 과정을 살펴본다. 그리고 이러한 제도 정비와 함께 전개된 제2경제운동 등의 생활합리화운동의 양상을 분석한다. 그리고 그러한 활동의 효과와 가계의 저축에 대한 인식을 1967년부터 한국은행이 시행한 저축시장조사를 바탕으로 서술할 것이다. 3장에서는 1970년대 전반 중화학공업화 정책을 본격적으로 추진하던 시기 저축동원의 양상을 다룬다. 정부는 1973년부터 중화학공업화 정책을 추진하였고 이에 소요될 자금을 내자로 조달하겠다는 방침을 세웠다. 이를 위해 금융제도를 정비하고 국민투자기금을 설치하였다. 그리고 국민복지연금을 도입하여 가계저축을 동원하고자 시도하였으나 실패하였다. 3장에서는 이 과정을 살펴보면서 내자동원 체제 구축의 시도와 그 한계에 대하여 논의한다. 4장에서는 석유파동으로 인해 세계 경제 불황을 맞이한 후 전개된 저축 동원 전략을 분석한다. 이 시기에는 석유파동으로 국내 경제도 큰 충격을 받았고 이로 인해 소득보장에 대한 요구들이 비등해졌다. 한국 정부는 국민들의 생활을 보장하는 수단으로 금융 제도들을 활용하였는데 대표적인 것으로는 저축우대 제도인 근로자재산형저축과 생명보험이 있다. 이 제도들은 제4차 경제개발5개년계획 추진을 위해 필요한 내자를 동원하기 위한 방책으로서 도입되고 육성되었는데 이 장에서는 재형저축제도 도입 과정 및 결과와 함께 보험근대화 시책의 결과 급성장한 생명보험에 대한 가계의 대응을 살펴본다. 이상에서 살펴본 내용을 바탕으로 한국정부가 저축동원을 위해 활용한 강제저축, 저축계몽, 경제적 유인책의 효과를 정리하면서 박정희 정권기 동원 체제의 한계를 살펴보면 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 먼저 강제저축은 그다지 효과를 거두지 못하였다. 국민저축조합의 경우 강제저축의 성격을 띠고 있음에도 불구하고 양적으로 목표액을 한참 미치지 못하는 실적을 보였다. 또한 중화학공업화 선언 직후 내자동원의 방안으로 창안된 국민복지연금은 복지담론을 활용하여 도입하고자 시도하였으나 강한 반발과 석유파동에 의해 시행이 무기한 연기되었다. 다음으로 정부의 저축 계몽 역시도 저축 증대에는 그리 큰 효과를 보이지 못하였다. 정부와 저축 관련 단체들은 가계부 작성 등을 통한 생활합리화 담론을 지속적으로 유포하였으나 가계부를 작성하는 가계는 그리 많지 않았다. 한국은행이 실시한 저축시장조사에 의하면 저축을 늘리고 줄이는 이유로 각 가계는 소득의 증감과 물가를 들었다. 저축시장조사에는 계몽의 효과가 그리 크지 않을 것이라고 해석할 수 있는 조사 내용들이 있었음에도 불구하고 조사 주체들은 생활합리화를 통한 저축 증대의 필요성을 지속적으로 말할 뿐이었다. 정부의 저축동원 수단 중 가장 효과적인 것은 경제적 유인을 활용한 것들이었다. 금리현실화 조치 이후 정기예금과 적금이 증가한 것이나 1970년대 후반 시행한 재형저축의 인기는 그러한 면모를 보여준다. 저축시장조사 결과 파악된 저축의 주요 동기는 부동산 매입, 자녀교육 및 결혼자금, 노후 생활 안정 등이었는데 재형저축과 생명보험은 바로 그러한 필요에 적합한 수단들이었다. 결국 정부의 저축동원은 가계의 필요나 욕망에 부합할 때 실효적 성과를 거둘 수 있었다. 중화학공업화를 자금 공급 장치였던 국민투자기금의 주요 재원은 저축성예금과 같은 금융기관 저축이었는데 바로 이 때문에 국민투자기금이 안정적으로 확보되기 위해서는 가계저축의 증대가 필요했고 그러한 필요에 의해 정부는 1979년 재형저축의 가입 범위를 증대하였다. 박정희 정권의 국민을 향한 저축동원 요구는 외면상 매우 강력해 보였다. 그러나 국민복지연금의 실패와 재형저축의 인기를 대비시켜 보면 그 실상은 정부가 가계의 요구에 이끌려 다니는 양상을 나타냈다. 그리고 정부가 가계의 요구에 응할 때 그 동원은 효과적이었다. ; 머리말 1 1. 문제제기 1 2. 선행 연구 검토와 서술 방향 5 3. 논문의 구성과 활용 자료 11 一. 강제저축 중심의 저축동원 (1961~1965년) 15 1. 제1차 경제개발5개년계획의 시행과 국민저축조합법의 제정 15 1) 제1차 경제개발5개년계획의 투자 배분 구상 15 2) 국민저축운동의 전개와 국민저축조합법의 제정 25 2. 제1차 경제개발5개년계획 수정 이후 저축동원의 양상 37 1) 보완계획 작성 이후 투자재원 조달 계획의 조정 37 2) 저축목표액 인상과 저축계몽의 전개 43 二. 금리현실화 조치 이후 금융저축으로 유도 (1965~1972년) 55 1. 금리현실화 조치의 시행과 금융저축의 증가 55 1) 특혜 금융 논란의 전개와 금리현실화 조치의 시행 55 2) 금융저축의 증가와 저축증강계획의 추진 70 3) 지방은행의 설립 77 2. 저축동원을 위한 생활합리화 운동의 전개 82 1) 제2차 경제개발5개년계획의 내자 조달 계획 82 2) 제2경제 운동과 생활합리화 운동의 전개 88 3) 저축시장조사를 통해 본 가계저축의 상황 103 三. 중화학공업화와 내자동원 체제 구축의 시도 (1972~1975년) 110 1. 중화학공업화 선언과 내자동원 체제 확립의 추구 110 1) 우리경제의 장기전망의 발표와 투자규모의 확대 110 2) 사금융의 제도화와 저축증강운동의 전개 118 2. 내자동원 체제 구축의 시도와 한계 129 1) 사회개발론의 대두와 국민복지연금법의 제정 129 2) 국민복지연금 도입에 대한 사회적 반발과 시행의 무기한 연기 142 3) 동원과 투자의 결합: 국민투자기금의 조성 150 四. 경제적 유인을 통한 저축동원 (1975~1979년) 160 1. 금융저축 다원화를 통한 내자동원의 추구 160 2. 저축 우대 제도를 통한 가계저축 동원 170 1) 근로자재산형성지원 제도에 대한 논의의 전개 170 2) 재형저축의 도입과 가입 대상 범위의 확대 180 3. 보험근대화 정책과 생명보험시장의 급성장 190 1) 보험근대화 정책의 추진 190 2) 생명보험: 미래를 대비하기 위한 수단 199 맺음말 209 부록 218 참고문헌 222 Abstract 230 ; Doctor

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This paper offers an analysis of the possible COVID-19 post-lockdown effects on the powerful factors that constitute the Italian national interest. The interdisciplinary perspective, being at the base of this study, considers a scenario characterized by three factors: time, budgetary policy, and communication. Since the social post-lockdown crisis began, Italy has been facing a problem of social justice in terms of participation, which is absent for now, especially in the political framework. The policy proposals should take account of unpopular decisions, whereas from a legal and geopolitical perspective it is necessary to have a more defined foreign policy, a clearer Italian positioning concerning international alliances with national interest as a reference point. ; fabio.rattotrabucco@iuav.it ; Fabio Ratto Trabuco – PhD in Constitutional Law, Adjunct Professor in Public Law, University of Venice (Italy). Visiting researcher in several Universities of Central-Eastern EU countries. 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The title of this article for the Romanian Journal of Military Medicine, is inspired from the title of an American movie from 1967, ''To Sir with love'', starring Sidney Poitier in the lead role. Maybe some of you still remember it!... It is said that once, when school did not oscillate between ""variable concepts"" and ""palpable realities"", between protocols and procedures, a hydrogeology professor, in a practical work with his students, asked them if they knew the significance of the walnuts planted near the houses of the Romanian peasants. All the students were amazed by the question and kept silence. Nobody made any gesture. The professor knew that this would be the reaction of the students - because this was the answer to the following question: ""Why does the world need teachers?"" The professor answered the questions and taught the students, as much as a professor can teach, that ''a walnut needs plenty of water to grow and the roots of the walnut are very deep, and that is why houses that have walnut trees next to them will not have problems with dampness...'' This parable, as understood by our mind, aims on one hand to draw the reader's attention to the fact that ""malpractice is defined as an improper or negligent treatment applied by a doctor to a patient, which causes the latter any kind of harm, in relation to the degree of damage of his physical and mental capacity"", according to DEX, and on the other hand to state that the ""WALNUT"" – that is, the Teacher, in the way he teaches his students will keep the ""house"" (i.e. the workplace) safe against possible future malpractice charges. And after all, malpractice can even be compared to dampness... for any professional organization. A superb allegory! I consider it a proper allegory and that is why I wanted to introduce it to you. I do not pretend to be an expert in the field of ""medical malpractice"" but being involved and exposed to it in my daily activities, I welcome some considerations on this topic, which I have found out from books, from the media, and also from journalistic practice. This article also wishes to draw attention of the medical community and to make it more aware of the responsibilities that we have when we dare to practice this noble profession. All of us – physicians, nurses, stretcher-bearers, technical staff – have civil liability (and here is the context of a possible allegation of medical malpractice), disciplinary liability (in the relationships we have as full members of our professional organizations) and criminal liability (most often as defendants, sometimes as investigated parties or as witnesses). I will present you several cases that have been the subject of disciplinary, civil and criminal investigations, all of them in the "urological filed". Case 1 A 55-year-old patient is admitted in the Surgery Department for urgent mumps and blurred urine. Diagnosis at admission: ''Urinary infection. Prostate adenoma. Hematuria." Diagnosis after three days since admission: ''Medium periurethral adenoma with urethral fistula microabs. Piohematuria. Urinary Infection."" Under antibiotic Gral (R) Prof DAN MISCHIANU Chief of Urology Clinic, Carol Davila University Central Emergency Military Hospital Faculty of General Medicine, Carol Davila University of Medicine and Pharmacy, Bucharest, Romania 6 treatment, the symptomatology improves and an open surgery is performed – with the patient's consent – practicing transvesical adenomectomy with favorable post-surgery progress. 14 days after surgery, the urinary incontinence at effort is detected, which subsequently worsens with the occurrence of episodes of urinary tract infection recorded on a posterior urethral stricture. Urethrotomy and TUR-P for remaining adenomatous tissue are performed within urological university department. The histopathological result revealed prosthetic adenocarcinoma microfocus and chronic urethritis. Unfortunately, the functional diagnosis is probative: High overall deficiency, Invalidity degree II. The patient's complaint was lodged against the surgery after which the patient was diagnosed with urinary incontinence that can only be cured by means of an artificial sphincter costing about 5,000 euros and retirement due to illness. The Superior Disciplinary Commission of the Romanian College of Physicians considered that the moment when surgery was performed and the surgical approach were inappropriate, therefore it decided to sanction the physician. [2] Case 2 The son of a patient lodges a complaint against his family physician for the unauthorized delay of the diagnosis of his father's renal carcinoma. The physician treated him for a year and six months for macroscopic hematuria and a so-called renal colic. After one year and 6 months, the patient is diagnosed with renal neoplasm, he goes through surgery and dies one year later. The Superior Discipline Commission analyzes the facts and notes the following: Hematuria is a diagnostic urgency and therefore its etiology needs to be confirmed as soon as possible by an urologist, the diagnosis of renal carcinoma is not the responsibility of the family doctor, therefore the applied sanction has remained in force. Case 3 This is a case distinct from the others due to a capital error. It involves a 74-year-old patient admitted in a Urology department and diagnosed with: prostate adenoma, complete urine retention, prostate litiation. Twenty-four hours after admission, the urologist intervenes and performs transvesic adenomyctomy. Immediate post-surgery progression is favorable with the subsequent occurrence of a third degree urinary incontinence. Two years after the surgery, the patient lodges a complaint against the doctor. The Territorial Discipline Committee ordered the action to be discontinued, but the patient filed an appeal with the Supreme Discipline Commission. The latter did not find any irregularities neither in terms of the technique used nor of the complication that has arisen, not even regarding the postsurgery treatment administered by the urologist, that is, Driptane. The lack of the informed consent from the patient's file was the only and actually the capital irregularity found, for which the physician was sanctioned. The medical deontology code in Romania is very clear: ""for any diagnostic or therapeutic medical intervention, the informed consent of the patient is necessary"". Moreover, the consent is given only after informing the patient about his/her diagnosis, prognosis, therapeutic alternatives, along with their risks and benefits. [2] Case 4 In the same spirit, there is also the case of a 39-year-old patient admitted in emergency with the diagnosis: right kidney colic. Two days after the admittance in hospital, surgery is performed: right pielolithotomy with internal drainage for calculus included in the right skin-ureteral junction and secondary uropionefrosis. The immediate post-operative progression was favorable up to the occurence of a cardio-respiratory stop during the first post-surgery night which was found to be irreversible. The cause of death was a massive pulmonary thromboembolism with probable causes either the lithotomy position, or more likely the presence of urinary sepsis. The Superior Discipline Commission decided to sanction the physician for the lack of informed consent, lack of anticoagulation therapy and poor post-surgery follow-up [2, 3] Case 5 The following is the case of a 54-year-old patient with a transient ischemic stroke, recently treated in a hospital from the country, where a Foley autostatic bladder ureter was mounted. From the patient's personal history, we mention: type II diabetes, hypertension and ischemic heart disease. Approximately 8 (eight) days after urethro-bladder probe was mounted (according to the patient's report), physicians found the presence of an irreducible paraphimosis. Upon admission to the urology clinic, glandular necrosis, lack of local sensitivity, denuded penile body, penile scar tissue and necrosis, present at the base of the penis, free cutaneous mucous suture, skin remnants, cavernous body having an indurated appearance at palpation are found. The consultation of plastic and reparative surgery is entirely consistent with the urological clinical examination Vol. CXXII • No. 3/2019 • December • Romanian Journal of Military Medicine 7 performed. Figure 1: Preoperative aspect; the devitalization of the gland and the partially necrotic areas of the tegument can be seen Figure 2: Postoperative final aspect; ureteral bladder and definitive perineal urethrostoma A surgical intervention is performed, after the patient gave his written consent, consisting of the following: noncrectomy, lavage, double drainage both by the uretro - bladder probe and by suprapubic cistostomy. After limiting the infectious process, a new surgical intervention is performed consisting of definitive perineal urethrostomy and closure of the penile arch. Post-operative evolution is surgically favorable [4] The patient contacted the media, the criminal investigation organs, the territorial discipline commission, and is in charge of the Superior Discipline Commission. CONCLUSIONS We wanted to point out, against all inconsistencies, errors, mistakes and malpractice, which perhaps appear at first sight incriminating up to the contrary proof, that the presence during the professional training of a ''Teacher'' of a "Walnut'' absorbing all ''professional dampness'' is defining for the next years of professional maturity. In relation to all the exposed cases, some of them not so relevant anymore, others still ''incendiary'' on which the public opinion and the indigenous media keep a close eye, I believe this journalistic warning should give us all something to think about. The old Romanian saying teaches us: ""The good deed speaks for itself"", but here, in Romania, there is a new saying which has been quoted for about thirty years, in my opinion without any substantial background, which says: ""No good deed remains unpunished!"" However, I have the absolute conviction that although you have performed 10,000 perfect surgeries, if you make a mistake on your last day of surgical practice, that mistake will not be forgiven!

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The purpose of article is to consider a priority the relationship Old Believer communities with the Established Church with the help of the same religion and missionary activities. The Old Believers don't constitute a monolithic group with identical views on the nature of relations with the official church. The certain part of it was consciously isolated from the structures subordinate to the Synod, while others made efforts to ensure that the hierarchs of the ruling church recognize the Old Believer's priests. The result of such efforts was the emergence of consensus. The essence of consensus was to subordinate the Old Believers to the official church in an organizational sense: the appointment of priests, the reporting to the diocese, etc. while maintaining the basic rules of the Old Believer's service – church service was held by priests of the dominant church for Old Believer's books. At the same time, the unity of faith was regarded not so much as the final goal, but as an intermediate stage in the transition from the Old Believers, did not maintain ties with the official church, to the «prevailing» faith. The final result of the faith was to destroy the Old Believers completely. However, the legal unsettledness of the new policy of the royal authority regarding the Old Believers, the weak attempts of the official church led to the fact that the Old Believer's communities don't agree to the conditions of single-faith. Together with administrative pressure, the activity of the official church also increased slightly. This manifested itself in missionary work. Currently, state bodies have actually taken over the organization of the missionary activities of Orthodox's priests. The dioceses of our region don't have experienced missionaries, therefore they were invited from other places. Active missionary work was carried out, visiting the Old Believer's villages, local Orthodox's priests. Specially trained teachers were also sent to them, who knew well the life of the Old Believers and knew how to conduct private conversations with them.The main reason for the emergence of communities was the vacant land, which were annex territory of the Russian Empire, which was necessary to settle. As is well known, Old Believer appeared after implemented church reform head up patriarch Nikon. Old Believers have has regarded as obnoxious communities of the Russian Empire from the beginning and during more one century. The government and lead church even fought them. Suppression, pursuit and duress was counterproductive, Old Believers continued to believe in their believing. Relations between Old Believers and the authorities were very tense and inconstant. There was thaw in relations communities from outside bureaucrats during two centuries. The authorities were not consistent in one's action in relation to Old Believers. Each of the leaders had their own plans and thought about Old Believers communities. However, not all wanted removed a dissension in the society by all sorts of ways. Old Believers had marginal position in the Ekaterinoslav region in particular, and in a State a whole. In general, the Russian Government used negative of Old Believers, although sometimes were positive changes to them. The government viewed communities as religious opposition State Church. Accordingly, the Old Believers made a stand for their religions opinions, spiritual traditions and manner of life. Nonstop pressure by the authorities, forced communities intercommunicated only with each other thus minimized ethnocultural relationship with locals. Speaking of relationship between church religions common- Established Church and Old-Orthodox Church, they could not had peaceful coexistence with each other, because reasons were significant degree by state political factors. On the other hand, Ukrainian people were usually treated Old Believers tolerantly. Communities existed actually in isolation. Old Believers did not show nothing influence on religion Ukrainians. They did not try to enlist Ukrainians people of different reasons, among them for fear of losing tolerantly attitude. In article described that apartness Old Believers has led to religious persecution, the purpose of which was inclusion them to the established church. Аll attempts ended without result. The Old Believers stayed «not like all the others», retained their national distinctness and faith, despite the fact that against them had used of the religion and missionary activities, other procedures and uprooting common faith. During this period, the efforts of authorities to supplant a dissension had failed. ; В даной работе освещены взаимоотношения старообрядческих общин с официальной церковью через институты единоверия и миссионерства. Старообрядчество не представляло собой монолитную группу с тождественными взглядами на характер взаимоотношений с официальной церковью. Определенная его часть сознательно изолировалась от структур, подчиненных Синоду, другие прилагали усилия для того, чтобы старообрядческих священников признавали иерархи господствующей церкви. Результатом таких усилий стало появление единоверия. Сущность единоверия заключалась в подчинении старообрядчества официальной церкви в организационном отношении: назначение священников, отчет перед епархией и т.п. при сохранении основных правил старообрядческой службы – богослужения проводились священниками господствующей церкви по старообрядческим книгам. Вместе с тем единоверие расценивалось не столько как окончательная цель, а как промежуточный этап при переходе от старообрядчества, не поддерживало связей с официальной церковью, к «господствующей» вере. Конечным результатом единоверия должно было стать полное уничтожение старообрядчества. Однако правовая неурегулированность новой политики царской власти в отношении староверов, слабость потуг официальной церкви привели к тому, что старообрядческие общины не согласились на условия единоверия. Вместе с административным давлением несколько возросла и активность официальной церкви. Это проявилось в миссионерской деятельности. В настоящее время государственные органы фактически взяли в свои руки дело организации миссионерской деятельности православных священников. Епархии края не имели опытных миссионеров, поэтому их приглашали из других мест. Активную миссионерскую работу проводили, посещая староверческие села, местные православные священники. К ним также направляли специально обученных учителей, которые хорошо знали быт староверов и умели с ними вести частные разговоры. Положение староверов в государстве в целом и на Екатеринославщине, в частности, было неопределенным. Российское правительство видело в старообрядчестве религиозную оппозицию государственной церкви. Поэтому старообрядцы вынуждены были защищать свои религиозные убеждения, духовные традиции, образ жизни. Именно из-за постоянных гонений со стороны власти они жили закрытыми, отделенными общинами, что сводило этнокультурные взаимоотношения с местным населением к минимуму. Что касается отношений между двумя религиозно-церковными лагерями – официально православным и древлеправославным, то они колебались от более или менее мирного сосуществования к острой нетерпимости, провоцирующейся в значительной степени государственно-политическими факторами. Зато местное украинское население обычно относилось к старообрядцам терпимо. Общины фактически существовали изолированно. Соображения самосохранения определяли религиозное поведение старообрядцев в отношении украинского православного окружения – старообрядцы не пытались расширить круг своих сторонников за счет украинских неофитов по разным причинам, в том числе из-за опасений потерять терпимое к себе отношение. Как показано в статье, обособленность староверов привела к тому, что гонения на сторонников древней веры, целью которых было присоединение их к господствующей церкви, закончились безрезультатно. Несмотря на применение институтов миссионерства и единоверия, других методов и подходов к искоренению старообрядчества, старообрядцы остались «не такими, как все», сохранили свою самобытность и веру. В течение указанного периода искоренить раскол в православной церкви власти не удавалось. ; У даній роботі висвітлені взаємовідносини старообрядницьких громад з офіційної церквою через інститути єдиновірства та місіонерства. Старообрядництво не являло собою монолітну групу з тотожними поглядами на характер взаємин із офіційною церквою. Певна його частина свідомо ізолювалась від структур, підпорядкованих Синоду, інші докладали зусиль для того, аби старообрядницьких священиків визнавали ієрархи панівної церкви. Результатом таких зусиль стало виникнення єдиновірства. Сутність єдиновір'я полягала у підпорядкуванні старообрядництва офіційній церкві у організаційному відношенні: призначення священиків, звіт перед єпархією тощо при збереженні основних правил старообрядницької служби – богослужіння проводилися священиками панівної церкви за старообрядницькими книгами. Разом з тим єдиновірство розцінювалось не стільки як остаточна мета, а як проміжний етап при переході від старообрядництва, яке не підтримувало зв'язків із офіційною церквою, до «панівної» віри. Кінцевим результатом єдиновір'я мало стати повне знищення старообрядництва. Проте правова неврегульованість нової політики царизму щодо старовірів, слабкість потуг офіційної церкви привели до того, що старообрядницькі громади не погодились на умови єдиновір'я. Разом з адміністративним тиском дещо зросла й активність офіційної церкви. Це проявилося у місіонерській діяльності. У цей час державні органи фактично взяли в свої руки справу організації місіонерської діяльності православних священиків. Єпархії краю не мали досвідчених місіонерів, тому їх запрошували з інших місць. Активну місіонерську роботу проводили, відвідуючи старовірські села, місцеві православні священники. До них також направляли спеціально навчених вчителів, які добре знали побут старовірів і вміли з ними вести приватні розмови. Становище старовірів у державі загалом та на Катеринославщині, зокрема, було невизначеним. Російський уряд вбачав у старообрядництві релігійну опозицію державній церкві. Відтак, старообрядці змушені були захищати свої релігійні переконання, духовні традиції, спосіб життя. Через постійні переслідування та гоніння з боку влади старовіри проживали закритими громадами. Так спосіб самозахисту зводив етнокультурні взаємини з місцевим населенням до мінімуму. Стосовно взаємин між офіційною церквою і старообрядцями, то вони коливалися від мирного співіснування до гострої нетерпимості. Місцеве ж українське населення зазвичай ставилося до старообрядців терпимо. Громади фактично існували ізольовано. Ідея самозбереження і визначала поведінку старообрядців стосовно українського православного оточення – старообрядці не робили спроб розширити коло своїх прихильників з різних причин, зокрема через побоювання втратити терпиме до себе ставлення. Відокремленість старовірів призвела до того, що гоніння, які застосовувались владою і церквою, метою яких було приєднання їх до панівної церкви, закінчилися безрезультатно. Попри застосування інститутів місіонерства та єдиновір'я, інших методів і підходів до викорінювання старообрядництва, старообрядці залишилися «не такими, як всі», зберегли свою самобутність та віру. Протягом зазначеного періоду викоренити розкол у православній церкві владі не вдавалося.

ABSTRACT The main objectives of this study is to determine the interactions between deposit interest rates, foreign exchange rates and stock market index (LQ45) in Indonesia pre and post crisis 2008. The data period before the crisis is October 2000 until November 2008. The data period after the crisis is December 2008 until December 2015. Descriptive quantitative analysis is used in this research. Descriptive analysis method is performed by using analytical table and graphic. Quantitative analysis method is performed by making a regression equation econometric model with time series method to describe the presence or absence of the influence of the independent variable towards the dependant variable. The result showed that during the pre crisis 2008, unidirectional causality existed from Deposit Interest Rates towards Foreign Exchange Rates, Stock Market Index (LQ45) towards Deposit Interest Rates, Deposit Interest Rates towards Stock Market Index(LQ45), and Stock Market Index (LQ45) towards Foreign Exchange Rates. The result post crisis 2008 showed that unidirectional causality existed from Foreign Exchange Rates towards Deposit Interest Rates, Deposit Interest Rates towards Foreign Exchange Rates, and Stock Market Index (LQ45) towards Foreign Exchange Rates. It is found that the direction of causality between the three variables tends to demonstrate a hit-and-run behavior and changes according to the lag selection. This implies that great caution should be taken when interpreting granger causality result. Keywords: Deposit Interest Rates, Foreign Exchange Rates, Stock Market Index, LQ45, Granger Causality and Subprime MortgageBIBLIOGRAPHY (2008, September 15). 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Does a man who knits demonstrate courage? The question refers to the meanings attributed to knitting, which has traditionally been perceived as a female occupation performed in private space. In this article, referring to the past and the analysis of contemporary craft practice, I describe the process of deconstruction in this area. I am particularly interested in men knitting in public. The aim of my considerations is to analyze the difference between the meaning of what is male and female in knitting, and between hegemonic practice and subversive acts of deconstruction. ; Czy mężczyzna, który robi na drutach, wykazuje się dziś odwagą? Tak sformułowane pytanie odsyła do znaczeń przypisywanych dzierganiu, tradycyjnie postrzeganemu jako zajęcie kobiece, wykonywane w przestrzeni prywatnej. W ramach prezentowanego artykułu, odwołując się do przeszłości oraz w oparciu o analizę współczesnych praktyk rękodzielniczych, opisuję proces dekonstrukcji dokonujący się w tym obszarze. Szczególną uwagę poświęcam analizie aktywności mężczyzn, którzy robią na drutach publicznie, naruszając tym samym stabilność znaczeń rozpiętych pomiędzy tym, co męskie i niemęskie, pomiędzy praktyką hegemoniczną i subwersywnymi aktami jej kwestionowania. ; e.kepa@uwb.edu.pl ; Instytut Studiów Kulturowych, Uniwersytet w Białymstoku ; Anderson Eric (2015), Teoria męskości inkluzywnej, transl. Piotr Sobolczyk, "Teksty Drugie", no. 2, pp. 431–444. ; Anderson Eric, McGuire Rhidian (2010), Inclusive Masculinity Theory and the Gendered Politics of Men's Rugby, "Journal of Gender Studies", vol. 19, issue 3, pp. 249–261. ; Arcimowicz Krzysztof (2015), Współczesny ideał męskiego ciała – wybrane aspekty problematyki, "Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. 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Metaphors are used in political discourse in order to advance one particular view of the world whilst delegitimising other ideologies and belittling political opponents. The author verifies this claim by analysing the wrestling with a pig in the mud metaphor in light of the Critical Metaphor Analysis model and by providing broad reference to the socio-political context of the 2019 European Parliament election in Poland. Consistent with the premises of the selected paradigm, the investigation is performed at three intermingling levels. Basic categories of source domains present in the complex metaphorical structure are identified at the descriptive level. At the interpretative level, attention is directed towards mapping out correspondences between source and target domains. 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The purpose of the presented publication consists in definition of a contribution of professor Vasily Alekseevich Bednov in studying of subject of the Ukrainian Cossacks and Zaporozhian Sich. Application of scientific methods of the analysis and synthesis made possible research of scientific works of the professor which belonged to the specified perspective. Some aspects of its scientific work as a part of the Ekaterinoslavsky scientific archival commission where the important place was allocated for inspection and streamlining of a number of archives of the Ekaterinoslavsky province are considered. V.A. Bednov made inventories of archives in which he happened to work. In a context of studied subject scientific interest «Short sheets about archive of the Samara Pustinniy-Nikolaev monastery", which was one of the main shrines of the Zaporozhian Cossacks represent it. The hand-written and published books and documents were stored in archive on the stories of a monastery dated mainly the 19th century. The author specified on an appropriate order in storage of documents and disappearance of a number of archives which concerned the Cossacks.Features of archaeology of the professor's activity which consisted in searches and the publication of sources on church and secular history of the Southern Ukraine attract attention. The special attention is drawn by the documents found by the researcher in archives the Ekaterinaslavskiy spiritual consistory, the Samara Pustynno-Nikolayevskiy monastery and archive of provincial board. They display some episodes from history Zaporozhian Sech its church constructions and clergy. These documents found the display in numerous publications on the specified perspective. Most of them were archaeological works, in which represented texts of documents and shot comments to them. Publish of documents made mainly on pages of «Annals of Ekaterinoslavsk scientific archival commission».It is emphasized that the fullest collection of documents on Cossacks history – «Materials for history of colonization of the former Zaporizhian possession", published by Bednov, didn't lose the scientific importance and relevance till our time. The presented complex of documents gives the chance to reconstruct process of formation of administrative agencies in the Novorossiysk province and their relation to a problem of the Zaporizhian zimovnik during 1775-1776, to consider development of church construction on the former Zaporizhian lands and a clergy position concerning policy of the Russian government in this region. In the introduction the author placed the arkheografical preface and a detailed sketch about a condition of the Zaporizhian lands in the first years after destruction of Sіch.Bednov's works in which the history of the Cossacks intertwines with church history are analyzed. The author published documents of the Ekaterinoslavsky spiritual consistory, accompanying them the thorough analysis. They allow to consider the church device to Sech and to open activity of the Zaporizhian priests. Biographic sheets about sechevy archimandrite Vladimir Sokalsky and priest Feodor Fomich give the grounds to assume about their loyalty to actions of the Russian government. Confirmation of it are the privileges received by them after elimination of Sіch.Bednov was engaged in research of history of Zaporizhian Sіch during the last period of its existence. He introduced into scientific circulation a number of documents of Ekaterinaslavsky provincial board which give the chance to restore actions of the Russian armies aimed at destruction of Sіch. Vasily Alekseevich pointed to a number of the inaccuracies allowed by his predecessors which investigated this problem. Bednov's relating to history of the Zaporizhian Cossacks the scientific works, give the chance to restore more fully history of Sech in a context of the general history of the Southern Ukraine. ; Цель представленной публикации заключается в определении вклада профессора Василия Алексеевича Беднова в изучение тематики украинского казачества и Запорожской Сечи. Применение научных методов анализа и синтеза, сделало возможным исследование научных трудов профессора, которые относились к указанной проблематике. Рассмотрены некоторые аспекты его научной работы в составе Екатеринославской ученой архивной комиссии, где важное место отводилось обследованию и упорядочению ряда архивов Екатеринославской губернии. В. А. Беднов сделал описи архивов, в которых ему довелось работать. В контексте исследуемой тематики научный интерес представляют его «Краткие ведомости об архиве Самарского Пустынно-Николаевского монастыря», который был одной из главных святынь запорожских казаков. В архиве хранились рукописные и опубликованные книги ХVІІ – ХVІІІ вв. и документы по истории монастыря, датированные преимущественно ХІХ в. Автор указал на отсутствие надлежащего порядка в хранении документов и исчезновение ряда архивных дел, которые касались казачества.Обращает на себя внимание археографическая деятельность профессора, которая заключалась в поисках и публикации источников по церковной и светской истории Южной Украины. Особое внимание привлекают документы, обнаруженные исследователем в архивах Екатеринославской духовной консистории, Самарского Пустынно-Николаевского монастыря и архиве губернского правления. Они освещают некоторые эпизоды из истории Запорожской Сечи, ее церковных сооружений и духовенства. Эти документы нашли свое отображение в многочисленных публикациях по указанной проблематике. Большинство из них были археографическими работами, в которых представлены тексты документов и краткие комментарии к ним. Их публикация осуществлялась преимущественно на страницах «Летописи Екатеринославской ученой архивной комиссии».Подчеркнуто, что наиболее полный сборник документов по истории казачества – «Материалы для истории колонизации бывших запорожских владений», опубликованный В. А. Бедновым, не утратил своей научной значимости и актуальности до нашего времени. Представленный комплекс документов дает возможность реконструировать процесс образования административных учреждений в Новороссийской губернии и их отношение к проблеме запорожских зимовников в течении 1775-1776 гг.; рассмотреть развитие церковного строительства на бывших запорожских землях и позицию духовенства относительно политики русского правительства в этом регионе. Во вступлении автор поместил археографическое предисловие и детальный очерк о состоянии запорожских земель в первые годы после уничтожения Сечи.Проанализированы археографические работы В. А. Беднова, в которых история казачества тесно переплетается с историей православной церкви. Автор опубликовал документы Екатеринославской духовной консистории, сопровождая их основательным анализом. Они позволяют рассмотреть церковное устройство на Сечи и раскрыть деятельность запорожских священнослужителей. Биографические ведомости о сечевом архимандрите Владимире Сокальском и священнике Феодоре Фомиче дают основание предполагать об их лояльности к действиям российского правительства. Подтверждением этого являются привилегии, полученные ими после ликвидации Сечи.В. А. Беднов занимался исследованием истории Запорожской Сечи в последний период ее существования. Он ввел в научный оборот ряд документов Екатеринославского губернского правления, которые дают возможность восстановить действия русских войск, нацеленных на уничтожение Сечи. Василий Алексеевич указал на ряд неточностей, допущенных его предшественниками, которые исследовали эту проблему.Научные труды В. А. Беднова, относящиеся к истории запорожского казачества, дают возможность более полно восстановить историю Запорожской Сечи в контексте общей истории Южной Украины. ; Мета поданої роботи полягає у дослідженні внеску професора Василя Олексійовича Біднова у вивчення тематики українського козацтва й Запорозької Січі. Застосування наукових методів дослідження аналізу і синтезу, дало можливість дослідити наукові праці професора, які стосуються зазначеної проблематики. Розглянуто деякі аспекти його наукової роботи в складі Катеринославської вченої архівної комісії, де важливе місце відводилось обстеженню і впорядкуванню архівів Катеринославської губернії. В. О. Біднов зробив описи архівів, яких йому довелось попрацювати. У контексті досліджуваної тематики науковий інтерес становить його праця «Короткі відомості про архів Самарського Пустинно-Миколаївського монастиря», що був однією з головних святинь запорожців. В архіві зберігались рукописні й опубліковані книги ХVІІ – ХVІІІ ст. та документи з історії монастиря, датовані переважно ХІХ ст. Автор вказав на відсутність належного порядку в зберіганні документів і зникнення низки архівних справ, які торкались козацтва.Важливого значення набуває археографічна діяльність професора, яка проявлялась у пошуках і публікації джерел із церковної й світської історії Південної України. На особливу увагу заслуговують документи, виявлені дослідником в архівах Катеринославської духовної консисторії, Самарського Пустинно-Миколаївського монастиря й архіві губернського правління. Вони висвітлюють деякі епізоди з життя Запорозької Січі, її церковних споруд і духовенства. Ці документи знайшли своє відображення в численних публікаціях по зазначеній проблематиці. Більшість із них представлена археографічними роботами, в яких наведено тексти документів із короткими коментарями до них. Їх публікація здійснювалась переважно на сторінках «Летописей Екатеринославской ученой архивной комиссии».Зазначено, що найбільш повним збірником документів з історії козацтва є «Материалы для истории колонизации бывших запорожских владений». Цей збірник, опублікований В. О. Бідновим, не втратив своєї наукової значимості й актуальності. Поданий дослідником комплекс документів дає можливість реконструювати процес утворення адміністративних закладів у Новоросійській губернії та їх відношення до проблеми запорозьких зимівників впродовж 1775-1776 рр.; розглянути розвиток церковного будівництва на колишніх запорозьких землях і позицію духовенства стосовно політики російського уряду в цьому регіоні. У вступі автор розмістив археографічну передмову й ґрунтовний нарис про стан запорозьких земель у перші роки після зруйнування Січі. Проаналізовано археографічні роботи В. О. Біднова, де історія козацтва тісно пов'язана з історією православної церкви. Автор опублікував документи Катеринославської духовної консисторії, супроводжуючи їх ґрунтовним аналізом. Вони дають можливість розглянути церковний устрій на Січі та розкрити діяльність запорозьких священнослужителів. Біографічні відомості про січового архімандрита Володимира Сокальського і священика Феодора Фоміча дають підставу для припущення про їх лояльність до дій російського уряду. Підтвердженням цього є привілеї, отримані ними після ліквідації Січі.В. О. Біднов займався дослідженням історії Запорозької Січі в останній період її існування. Він увів до наукового обігу низку документів Катеринославського губернського правління, які дають можливість розглянути перебіг дій російських військ, націлених на знищення Запорозької Січі. Василь Олексійович вказав на деякі неточності, допущені його попередниками, які досліджували цю проблему.Наукові праці В. О. Біднова, які стосуються історії запорозького козацтва, дають можливість найбільш повно реконструювати історію Запорозької Січі у контексті загальної історії Південної України.