Suchergebnisse

Zwischen Produzenten und Nutzern amtlicher Statistik besteht ein dauerhafter Interessenkonflikt. Alle Nutzer, seien es Ministerien mit je eigenen Programmen oder Wissenschaftler im Felde der Migrationssoziologie, stellen unterschiedliche Anforderungen an die jeweilige Datenquelle. Die Produzenten der Datenquellen wiederum sind finanziellen Restriktionen unabänderlich unterworfen, die ausschliessen, die weitreichenden Bedürfnisse zu befriedigen. Die Zwänge führten in Deutschland dazu, bestehende Quellen (das Ausländerzentralregister AZR und den Mikrozensus) und zuverlässige Variablen (Staatsbürgerschaft) anzupassen. Dies wiederum bewirkte, dass nun selbst die Verantwortlichen die auf Dauer unbefriedende Lage erkannten. Insbesondere fehlt eine Quelle, die verknüpfende Analysen der Modi von Inklusion/ Exklusion (z.B. Staatsbürgerschaft, Einwanderungsmodus, Aufenthaltsstatus) mit Daten zu Humankapital (Bildungsabschluss, etc.) und sozioökonomischen Variablen erlaubt. Ohne sie wird es weiterhin schwierig sein, genaue Information über den Integrationsprozess allein aus amtlichen Quellen zu beziehen. (SK übers.)

Rezension von: Sabine Andresen / Karin Bock / Micha Brumlik / Hans-Uwe Otto / Mathias Schmidt / Dietmar Sturzbecher (Hrsg.): Vereintes Deutschland - geteilte Jugend. Ein politisches Handbuch. Opladen: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften (ehemals Leske + Budrich) 2003 (492 S.; ISBN 3-8100-3560-2; 24,90 EUR).

Der Beitrag beschreibt Auswirkungen von Globalisierungsprozessen in Jugendkulturen sowie Reaktionsweisen Jugendlicher auf Globalisierungsphänomene. Dabei wird zwischen identitätsorientiertem Widerstand und globalisierungskritischen Milieus unterschieden. Abschließend werden Konsequenzen für die politische Bildung [im Rahmen des internationalen Jugendaustauschs] formuliert. (DIPF/Orig.)

Die drohende Klima-Katastrophe, wachsende soziale Ungleichheiten im Weltmaßstab, Migrationsbewegungen, die Eskalation ethno-politischer Konflikte, die Verbreitung von Massenvernichtungswaffen - diese und andere Probleme werden je nach Definition zu den durch menschliches Handeln verursachten globalen Gefährdungen gezählt. Durch sie wird nicht nur das Überleben der Menschen in einzelnen Staaten bedroht, sondern sogar das der Mehrheit der Menschen in unterschiedlichen Regionen und Kontinenten der Erde und der ihnen nachfolgenden Generationen. An respektablen politischen Erklärungen, wie solche "Menschheitsprobleme" mit gemeinsamen Anstrengungen anzugehen sind, mangelt es nicht. Ihnen ist gemeinsam, daß der Bildung eine zentrale Rolle für die Überwindung der bestehenden und drohenden Gefahrenpotentiale zugeschrieben wird. (DIPF/Orig.)

Politische Bildung kann sich nicht erschöpfen in der Vermittlung von Kenntnissen, sondern muss nach unserem Verständnis (vgl. Brügelmann 1969) auf mindestens vier Ebenen ausgelegt werden: als Fachunterricht, der über politische Sachverhalte informiert, aber auch Methoden zur Analyse dieser Sachverhalten vermittelt - in der Grundschule als Teil des Sachunterrichts; als Unterrichtsprinzip, das Aufmerksamkeit für Norm- und Machtfragen in anderen Lernbereichen weckt, u. a. bei der Lektüre im Sprachunterricht oder bei der Frage nach Gerechtigkeit im Religionsunterricht; als Anforderung an Arbeits- und Sozialformen im Unterricht, d. h. als Forderung und Unterstützung von Selbständigkeit, Mitbestimmung, Zusammenarbeit in allen Lernbereichen; als Leitidee für die Gestaltung des Schullebens, z. B. durch Institutionalisierung der Rechte von Schülerinnen, an Entscheidungen mitzuwirken. "Kinderrechte" sind eine inhaltliche Perspektive, die auf allen vier Ebenen Geltung beansprucht. Die Thematisierung der Kinderrechte bietet sich gerade auf der Primarstufe an, da diese Rechte die Grundschulkinder besonders betreffen. Außerdem bietet dieses Thema in besonderem Maße die Möglichkeit die für die Primarstufe wichtigen Prinzipien der Menschenrechtserziehung wie Verständlichkeit, Handlungsmöglichkeit und das Anknüpfen an eigene Erfahrungen zu berücksichtigen. Insofern machen die Kinderrechte auch eine neue Sichtweise von Kindheit und vom Umgang mit Kindern deutlich, die sich auch im Lehrerverhalten widerspiegeln sollte. Als Argument für die Vernachlässigung dieses Themas in der Primarstufe wird zumeist angeführt, das Thema sei für Grundschulkinder zu komplex und anspruchsvoll. Aus Sicht der Autoren ist nicht das Thema Menschenrechte an sich für die Primarstufe das Problem, sondern die Schwierigkeit besteht darin, eine intellektuell redliche Form der Vermittlung für dieses Thema zu finden, damit es bereits Grundschülern nahegebracht werden kann.

Die Eine Welt, die zunächst noch als großartiges Zukunftsprojekt der Menschheitsgeschichte vorgestellt wurde, wird nun als konfliktreiche Realität erfahren, die durch Politik und Erziehung nicht mehr hervorgebracht, sondern bewältigt werden muß. Fern aller idealistischer Utopien, die sich um sie rankten, ist die Weltgesellschaft unversehens als irreversibles Schicksal der Menschheitsentwicklung zutage getreten. Doch die Beschreibung dieses Sachverhaltes bleibt ambivalent, in der Rede von der "Einen Welt" bleibt die Feststellung von der tragischen GIobalität menschlicher Lebensverhältnisse in der Gegenwart überlagert von den Hoffnungen auf eine ganz andere "bessere" Einheit dieser Welt. An die Stelle der Vision des Friedensreiches treten im Verlaufe der sechziger Jahre neue Einheitsmythen, die gleichwohl das Erbe der verschütteten Vision bewahren. Der zweite Teil dieses Beitrages (im nächsten Heft) möchte diese wirksamen Implikationen der hier zunächst nur ideengeschichtlich erinnerten Eine-Welt-Metapher genauer betrachten. (DIPF/Orig.)

Report on study by a lawyers committee "to determine what questions should be raised in the cases testing the evacuation of Japanese American citizens under the West Coast evacuation orders." ; Supplementary report on Lawyers Committee to Study Evacuation Cases; American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California Records--Case Files, 1934-1993--Endo, Mitsuye, 1942-1944, MS 3580-1127; California Historical Society.

Note on scrap of paper: "932 for record. With _239 of the land code (28 U.S.C., Sec 346) it is ordered that the entire record in this case be certified _ to this court so that the whole matter in controversy may be considered by the court. The case is assigned for arg. _ed. fol. _ot. added, sanctioned, or permitted by his carelessness or negligence!" ; Handwritten note on scrap of paper; American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California Records--Case Files, 1934-1993--Endo, Mitsuye, 1942-1944, MS 3580-1127; California Historical Society.

Report with details about a study by a lawyers committee of "matters triable under the Resolution" by the [ACLU] Board, which allowed for "any question other than a direct attack upon the power of the President or the military commanders to set up military zones and remove citizens." ; Report on Lawyers Committee to Study Evacuation Cases; American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California Records--Case Files, 1934-1993--Endo, Mitsuye, 1942-1944, MS 3580-1127; California Historical Society.

Note from Hubert Phillips to Ernest Besig: "Mr. Besig: Here is another dollar to be added to the amount formerly sent to used in connection with the Endo case. H. Phillips." Added below: "Credit Mrs. John Hoien Fowler $1.00 check encased Am. Civ. Lib. Union. Hastily _ Kellogg." ; Note from Hubert Phillips to Ernest Besig, Director, American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California; American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California Records--Case Files, 1934-1993--Endo, Mitsuye, 1942-1944, MS 3580-1127; California Historical Society.

In this project, I sought to understand how Palestinian claim-making in the West Bank is possible within the context of continuing Israeli occupation and repression by the Palestinian political leadership. I explored the questions of what channels non-state actors use to advance their claims, what opportunities they have for making these claims, and what challenges they face. This exploration covers the time period from the Oslo Accords in the mid-1990s to the so-called Great March of Return in 2018. I demonstrated that Palestinians used different modes and strategies of resistance in the past century, as the area of what today is Israel/Palestine has historically been a target for foreign penetration. Yet, the Oslo agreements between the Israeli government and the Palestinian leadership have ended Palestinians' decentralized and pluralist social governance, reinforced Israeli rule in the Palestinian territories, promoted continuing dispossession and segregation of Palestinians, and further restricted their rights and their claim-making opportunities until this day. Therefore, today, Palestinian society in the West Bank is characterized by fragmentation, geographical and societal segregation, and double repression by Israeli occupation and Palestinian Authority (PA) policies. What is more, Palestinian claim-making is legally curtailed due to the establishment of different geographical entities in which Palestinians are subjugated to different forms of Israeli rule and regulations. I argue that the concepts of civil society and acts of citizenship, which are often used to describe non-state actors' rights-seeking activities, fall short on understanding and describing Palestinian claim-making in the West Bank comprehensively. By determining their boundaries, the concept of acts of subjecthood evolved as a novel theoretical approach within the research process and as a means of claim-making within repressive contexts where claim makers' rights are curtailed and opportunities for rights-seeking activities are few. Thereby, this study applies a new theoretical framework to the conflict in Israel/Palestine and contributes to a better understanding of rights-seeking activities within the West Bank. Further, I argue that Palestinian acts of subjecthood against hostile Israeli rule in the West Bank are embedded within the comprehensive structure of settler colonialism. As a form of colonialism that aims at replacing an indigenous population, Israeli settler colonialism in the West Bank manifests itself in restrictions of Palestinian movement, settlement constructions, home demolitions, violence, and detentions. By using grounded theory and inductive reasoning as methodological approaches, I was able to make generalizations about the state of Palestinian claim-making. These generalizations are based on the analysis of secondary materials and data collected via face-to-face and video interviews with non-state actors in Israel/Palestine. The conducted research shows that there is not a single measure or a standalone condition that hinders Palestinian claim-making, but a complex and comprehensive structure that, on the one hand, shrinks Palestinian living space by occupation and destruction and, on the other hand, diminishes Palestinian civic space by limiting the fundamental rights to organize and build social movements to change the status Palestinians live in. Although the concrete, tangible outcomes of Palestinian acts of subjecthood are marginal, they contribute to strengthening and perpetuating Palestinian's long history of resistance against Israeli oppression. With a lack of adherence to international law, the neglect of UN resolutions by the Israeli government, the continuous defeats of rights organizations in Israeli courts, and the repression of institutions based in the West Bank by PA and occupation policies, Palestinian acts of subjecthood cannot overturn current power structures. Nevertheless, the ongoing persistence of non-state actors claiming rights, as well as the pop-up of new initiatives and youth movements are all essential for strengthening Palestinians' resilience and documenting current injustices. Therefore, they can build the pillars for social change in the future. Das Ziel der vorliegenden Dissertation war es zu untersuchen, wie palästinensisches claim-making, also die Artikulation von Forderungen bzw. die Geltendmachung von bestimmten Rechten, vor dem Hintergrund der anhaltenden israelischen Besatzung und Repressalien durch die palästinensische politische Führung im Westjordanland durchgesetzt werden kann. Dabei soll der Frage nachgegangen werden, welche Kanäle nichtstaatliche Akteure nutzen, um ihre Ansprüche geltend zu machen, welche Möglichkeiten sich ihnen dafür bieten und vor welchen Herausforderungen sie stehen. Der Untersuchungszeitraum erstreckt sich dabei vom Osloer Friedensprozess Mitte der 1990er Jahre bis hin zum sogenannten Great March of Return im Jahr 2018. Die im Gebiet des heutigen Israel/Palästina lebenden PalästinenserInnen bedienten sich in Zeiten ausländischer Einflussnahme, z.B. während der britischen Besatzung im vergangenen Jahrhundert, verschiedenster Widerstandsformen und -strategien. Jedoch haben die Osloer Abkommen zwischen der israelischen Regierung und der palästinensischen Führung die dezentrale und partizipative Mobilisierung der palästinensischen Gesellschaft erschwert, die andauernde Enteignung von PalästinenserInnen begünstigt und ihre Rechte bis zum heutigen Tag weiter eingeschränkt. Die heutige palästinensische Gesellschaft im Westjordanland ist daher durch Zersplitterung, geografische und gesellschaftliche Segregation und doppelte Un-terdrückung durch die israelische Besatzung sowie die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde gekennzeichnet. Zudem führt die Etablierung verschiedener geografischer Entitäten, in denen PalästinenserInnen unterschiedlichen Formen israelischer Herrschaft, Regularien und Ein-griffsrechten unterworfen sind, dazu, dass palästinensisches claim-making auch formalrecht-lich eingeschränkt ist. Um die Aktivitäten nichtstaatlicher Akteure in diesem Kontext beschreiben zu können, wer-den häufig das Konzept der Zivilgesellschaft oder das der acts of citizenship herangezogen. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird jedoch argumentiert, dass diese Konzepte nur bedingt auf den Status Quo im Westjordanland anwendbar sind und palästinensisches claim-making nicht hinreichend verstehen und beschreiben können. Im Laufe des Forschungsprozesses hat sich daher das Konzept der acts of subjecthood als neuer theoretischer Ansatz herausgebildet, der claim-making in repressiven Kontexten beschreibt, in denen nichtstaatliche Akteure nur geringen Handlungsspielraum haben, ihre Forderungen durchsetzen zu können. Durch diese "Theorie-Brille" ermöglicht meine Forschung einen neuartigen Blick auf den israelisch-palästinensischen Konflikt und trägt auf diese Weise zu einem besseren Verständnis von claim-making-Aktivitäten im Westjordanland bei. Darüber hinaus bettet die vorliegende Ar-beit acts of subjecthood in den größeren Kontext des Siedlungskolonialismus ein. Dieser beschreibt eine Form des Kolonialismus, die darauf abzielt, eine einheimische Bevölkerung durch die der Kolonialmacht zu ersetzen. Im Westjordanland manifestiert sich der israelische Siedlungskolonialismus in der Einschränkung der Bewegungsfreiheit von PalästinenserIn-nen, dem Bau von Siedlungen, der Zerstörung von Häusern, Gewalt und Inhaftierungen. Die Verwendung der Grounded Theory und des induktiven Denkens als methodische Ansätze ermöglichte es, verallgemeinerbare Aussagen zum Zustand palästinensischen claim-makings treffen zu können. Diese Verallgemeinerungen beruhen auf der Analyse von Sekundärquellen und Daten, die im Rahmen von Interviews mit VertreterInnen nichtstaatlicher Organisationen in Israel/Palästina erhoben wurden. Die durchgeführte Analyse macht deutlich, dass nicht eine einzelne Maßnahme oder Bedingung palästinensisches claim-making behindert, sondern eine komplexe, vielschichtige und zielgerichtet implementierte Struktur. Diese verringert einerseits den Lebensraum von PalästinenserInnen durch Besatzung und Zerstörung und schränkt andererseits den zivilen Raum ein, indem sie ihnen grundlegende Rechte und fundamentale Freiheiten verwehrt. Obwohl die konkreten Auswirkungen palästinensischer acts of subjecthood marginal sind, tragen sie dazu bei, den Widerstand gegen politische Unterdrückung zu stärken und fortzusetzen. Angesichts der Verletzung von Völkerrecht und der Missachtung zahlreicher UN-Resolutionen durch die israelische Regierung, der Niederlagen von Menschenrechtsorganisationen vor israelischen Gerichten, der Unterdrückung von Institutionen im Westjordanland durch die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde und die Besatzungspolitik können acts of subjecthood die derzeitigen Machtstrukturen nicht aufbrechen. Dennoch sind die anhaltende Beharrlichkeit nichtstaatlicher Akteure, Forderungen zu artikulieren und Rechte einzufordern und die Gründung neuer Initiativen und Organisationen essenziell für die Stärkung gesellschaftlicher Resilienz sowie die Dokumentation von Ungerechtigkeiten und Rechtsverletzungen. Diese Akteure legen so den Grundstein für einen möglichen gesellschaftspolitischen Wandel in der Zukunft. ; Das Ziel der vorliegenden Dissertation war es zu untersuchen, wie palästinensisches claim-making, also die Artikulation von Forderungen bzw. die Geltendmachung von bestimmten Rechten, vor dem Hintergrund der anhaltenden israelischen Besatzung und Repressalien durch die palästinensische politische Führung im Westjordanland durchgesetzt werden kann. Dabei soll der Frage nachgegangen werden, welche Kanäle nichtstaatliche Akteure nutzen, um ihre Ansprüche geltend zu machen, welche Möglichkeiten sich ihnen dafür bie-ten und vor welchen Herausforderungen sie stehen. Der Untersuchungszeitraum erstreckt sich dabei vom Osloer Friedensprozess Mitte der 1990er Jahre bis hin zum sogenannten Great March of Return im Jahr 2018. Die im Gebiet des heutigen Israel/Palästina lebenden PalästinenserInnen bedienten sich in Zeiten ausländischer Einflussnahme, z.B. während der britischen Besatzung im vergangenen Jahrhundert, verschiedenster Widerstandsformen und -strategien. Jedoch haben die Osloer Abkommen zwischen der israelischen Regierung und der palästinensischen Führung die dezentrale und partizipative Mobilisierung der palästinensischen Gesellschaft erschwert, die andauernde Enteignung von PalästinenserInnen begünstigt und ihre Rechte bis zum heutigen Tag weiter eingeschränkt. Die heutige palästinensische Gesellschaft im Westjor-danland ist daher durch Zersplitterung, geografische und gesellschaftliche Segregation und doppelte Unterdrückung durch die israelische Besatzung sowie die Palästinensische Auto-nomiebehörde gekennzeichnet. Zudem führt die Etablierung verschiedener geografischer Entitäten, in denen PalästinenserInnen unterschiedlichen Formen israelischer Herrschaft, Regularien und Eingriffsrechten unterworfen sind, dazu, dass palästinensisches claim-making auch formalrechtlich eingeschränkt ist. Um die Aktivitäten nichtstaatlicher Akteure in diesem Kontext beschreiben zu können, werden häufig das Konzept der Zivilgesellschaft oder das der acts of citizenship herangezogen. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird jedoch argumentiert, dass diese Konzepte nur be-dingt auf den Status Quo im Westjordanland anwendbar sind und palästinensisches claim-making nicht hinreichend verstehen und beschreiben können. Im Laufe des Forschungspro-zesses hat sich daher das Konzept der acts of subjecthood als neuer theoretischer Ansatz herausgebildet, der claim-making in repressiven Kontexten beschreibt, in denen nichtstaatliche Akteure nur geringen Handlungsspielraum haben, ihre Forderungen durchsetzen zu können. Durch diese "Theorie-Brille" ermöglicht meine Forschung einen neuartigen Blick auf den israelisch-palästinensischen Konflikt und trägt auf diese Weise zu einem besseren Verständnis von claim-making-Aktivitäten im Westjordanland bei. Darüber hinaus bettet die vorliegende Arbeit acts of subjecthood in den größeren Kontext des Siedlungskolonialismus ein. Dieser beschreibt eine Form des Kolonialismus, die darauf abzielt, eine einheimische Bevölkerung durch die der Kolonialmacht zu ersetzen. Im Westjordanland manifestiert sich der israelische Siedlungskolonialismus in der Einschränkung der Bewegungsfreiheit von PalästinenserInnen, dem Bau von Siedlungen, der Zerstörung von Häusern, Gewalt und Inhaftierungen. Die Verwendung der Grounded Theory und des induktiven Denkens als methodische Ansätze ermöglichte es, verallgemeinerbare Aussagen zum Zustand palästinensischen claim-makings treffen zu können. Diese Verallgemeinerungen beruhen auf der Analyse von Sekundärquellen und Daten, die im Rahmen von Interviews mit VertreterInnen nichtstaatlicher Organisationen in Israel/Palästina erhoben wurden. Die durchgeführte Analyse macht deutlich, dass nicht eine einzelne Maßnahme oder Bedingung palästinensisches claim-making behindert, sondern eine komplexe, vielschichtige und zielgerichtet implementierte Struktur. Diese verringert einerseits den Lebensraum von PalästinenserInnen durch Besatzung und Zerstörung und schränkt andererseits den zivilen Raum ein, indem sie ihnen grundlegende Rechte und fundamentale Freiheiten verwehrt. Obwohl die konkreten Auswirkungen palästinensischer acts of subjecthood marginal sind, tragen sie dazu bei, den Widerstand gegen politische Unterdrückung zu stärken und fortzusetzen. Angesichts der Verletzung von Völkerrecht und der Missachtung zahlreicher UN-Resolutionen durch die israelische Regierung, der Niederlagen von Menschenrechtsorganisationen vor israelischen Gerichten, der Unterdrückung von Institutionen im Westjordanland durch die Palästinensische Autonomiebehörde und die Besatzungspolitik können acts of subjecthood die derzeitigen Machtstrukturen nicht aufbrechen. Dennoch sind die anhaltende Beharrlichkeit nichtstaatlicher Akteure, Forderungen zu artikulieren und Rechte einzufordern und die Gründung neuer Initiativen und Organisationen essenziell für die Stärkung gesellschaftlicher Resilienz sowie die Dokumentation von Ungerechtigkeiten und Rechtsverletzungen. Diese Akteure legen so den Grundstein für einen möglichen gesellschaftspolitischen Wandel in der Zukunft.

The largest and fastest growing minority in the United States has not yet reached the level of political participation that could transform its numbers into tangible political power. Still, its surge, especially in certain key "battle" states, will be crucial for the outcome of the 2012 election. This realization has both parties scrambling to reach out to Hispanics. For the first time, an anti-Obama advertisement campaign has been launched in Spanish language in the state of Virginia, for example. This unprecedented move is part of a two-month, twenty million dollar anti -Obama push paid for by conservative group Crossroads GPS. The Obama White House has also organized its early campaign stage around this reality: it is consistently sending out emails in Spanish to its Latino constituents, enlisting their support with voter registration and the mobilization of their communities. Overall, the 2010 Census found that the number of eligible Hispanic voters has gone from 18million in 2008 to 22 million in 2010. This, coupled with the esoteric Electoral College voting system based on Winner Takes All by state, brings into sharp focus the importance of the Hispanic vote in the 2012 presidential election.The huge increase in Hispanic voting population in several key "swing" states which Obama won in 2008 is not going unnoticed by his campaign. Between 2008 and 2010, the voting age Latino population has grown by 19% in Virginia, by 20% in Nevada and by 40% in North Carolina. In Florida, the largest and most competitive swing state, it grew by 13%, adding 250,000 new voters. The arithmetic is pretty clear, to be re-elected, President Obama needs to win these states and that is why he is already campaigning in each of them.Obama won 67% of the Hispanic vote in 2008, but many voters, disillusioned with the high unemployment rate in the community (11.3%, compared to the national 9% rate), and the failure of the administration to make comprehensive immigration reform a priority, may not show up on election day. As usual, turn out will be key. The latest Gallup poll found that his approval among Hispanics is only 48%. This decrease in support is mainly due to economic woes and the fact that many in the community have been unable to refinance their mortgages and are losing their houses. To this it must be added that the loss of support is to some extent of his own making. In order to prove his security credentials with the country at large, Obama has deported more than one million of illegal immigrants in three years. Although he gave directives to his ICE agents to focus on those with a criminal record, the fact is this puts him at odds with the community and undermines his canvassing efforts and Latino youth outreach in the neighborhoods.On the other hand, given the deep discontent with the economic situation, the Republican Party is missing a great opportunity to bring at least some part of the Hispanic vote back to their party. While GW Bush got 44% of the Hispanic vote in 2004, John Mc Cain got only 31% in 2008. In the Senate, he had been a supporter of immigration reform and had cooperated with Edward Kennedy to introduce a comprehensive immigration reform bill that failed. Once he became a presidential candidate, he was bashed by the other candidates in the primary and completely changed his tune, saying he did believe in border security first. Such is the nature of primaries and their transformative power. This same kind of rhetoric still permeates the Republican primary today and is alienating Hispanics faster than any Crossroads ads bashing Obama.Just like the rest of the population, the main concern of Latino voters is slow economic growth coupled with high unemployment. However, they cannot ignore the offensive rhetoric that Republican primary candidates are spewing in order to energize their white rural base. Immigration has turned out to be a fundamental wedge issue among GOP candidates, and probably the one that allows them to throw the most "red meat" to the Tea Party wing of the electorate. Rick Perry, for example, was lambasted for his sensible, moderate immigration stance of allowing some undocumented Latino high school graduates living in the State of Texas to pay the same lower tuition rates as the rest of Texas residents. Herman Cain called for an electrified fence to prevent Mexicans from entering the United States (later he claimed it was a joke and apologized, but very few could see the humor in it). Michelle Bachman had earlier raised the issue of the so-called "anchor babies" whose mothers "purposefully" come to the United States to give birth so that their children will be US citizens; this led to the formation of a whole movement within the extreme wing of the party to change the 14th Amendment of the Constitution, which guarantees citizenship to those born here. Responding to this demand, a group of GOP lawmakers very irresponsibly formed a committee to give "serious consideration" to the issue. Of course this is all a political move. This is a country of immigrants, and getting rid of the 14th Amendment would mean casting away one of its most valued foundational principles. One wonders if anti-Obama Spanish-language ads will be enough to counteract what seems to be a GOP all-out effort to offend not only Latinos but all citizens born here from immigrant parents.Historically, with the exception of the early arrived Cuban-Americans and other smaller Latino elites in Miami, Hispanic voters flock naturally to the Democratic Party because it is the party that focuses on jobs, public education, redistribution of wealth and welfare benefits, all values that are in line with what most Latino immigrants expect from the government. However, many are social conservatives and on social policies like abortion and gay marriage, they are ideologically closer to Republicans. The 2010 mid-term elections resulted in 30 Latinos being elected to the US House; and although Democratic candidates won the Latino votes, in most cases by wide margins, there were three important exceptions: a young Cuban, Marco Rubio, got elected to the US Senate in Florida, and two governorships were also won by Republican Hispanics (New Mexico and Nevada). Marco Rubio is constantly mentioned among the pundits as a likely GOP vice-presidential candidate, and by the way he consistently ducks the issue of immigration reform, he will accept it if offered. As these important recent victories show, there appears to be an opening for the GOP to recover some swathes of the Latino electorate.Republican tough rhetoric on tall electrified fences, on denying services and ending birth citizenship rights for immigrants' children will most likely subside immediately after the primary election. Once results are known and the anointed candidate starts his national campaign, the tone will be completely different. However, this kind of insensitive, offensive talk about Hispanics on the part of the candidates is neither prudent nor wise. At the ballot box, strong emotions often trump rational arguments, and even if they blame the president for the state of the economy and feel somewhat neglected by Obama, Hispanics will probably continue to favor Democrats over Republicans. As recognized by responsible voices within the GOP establishment such as Jeb Bush, this is a long-term strategic problem for the party.In 2010, Senator majority leader Harry Reid was very close to losing his seat to a Tea Party candidate when he decided to mobilize the Latino base: he promised them he would bring the DREAM Act to the floor again. This bill, which would allow undocumented students a path to citizenship if they meet certain requirements, including making good grades in school and serving in the military, had been removed from the Congressional agenda until 2013. By simply saying he would bring it back to the floor for debate, Harry Reid won the election, as Latinos came out en masse to vote for him. Both parties should consider taking a page out of Senator Reid's playbook. Whoever reaches out and strongly insists on rational Immigration Reform, thereby reassuring Hispanics they too can have their share of the American dream, will greatly enhance his or her chances of winning a large percentage of the Hispanic vote and with it, the White House. For their part, Hispanic voters should realize the potential of their own demographic power and bring it to political fruition.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

SummaryAs stated by the science of educology, at the tage of adolescence, education can make the greatest impact on the formation of a personality and the contextualization of one's own value. The article deals with the 13-to 16-year-old adolescents' perception of national values and its expression in the context of modern Lithuanianness. The research instrument – an essay – helps to determine younger teens' national values, analysis of young people's experience of values, feelings, and attitudes. The context of modern Lithuanianness is understood as a totality of cultural values created by the nation, handed on from generation to generation via education and the regularly updated cultural whole – the common language, common past and destiny, national mentality, traditions, landscape – by the patriotic love of homeland, its preservation and survival point of view. The scientific problem of research is formulating by questions: what are the moral values of Lithuanians aged 13 to 16 years and what factors affect the formation of national self-value in modern Lithuania? The aim of the research was to reveal the values of a young man as the representative of the nation, on the basis his its own national concept of culture. The analysis of the scientific literature found that the adoration of national values in modern state is giving way to civic, often formal, commitment to the nation. However, it is a theoretical assumption that the citizenship, its political base being composed of human rights and freedoms, is able to create an environment that patriotism would become a quiet and of course human and civil status by internalising the spiritual primer. An empirical analysis of the data has revealed that external factors militate young people unpatrioticly: distrust of government decisions, problems of economics and emigration, countrymens' selfish behaviour. On the other hand, young people express very mature thoughts about the value of human life in the homeland. Patriotic love is characterized by emotions, personal experience with romantic elements. It may be that the feeling of love is the missing conection between knowing and acting in the interests of the homeland. But pragmatism is already rooted in adolescents. young people are often pondering whether it is worth to be attached to the endangered national values; they understand that more benefits are affered to a person by owning than by being. When the spirituality of a nation goes down the collective idealism disappears.Key words: adolescence, national values, modern Lithuanianness, self-value. ; Magistrė socialinių mokslų (edukologijos) doktorantėKlaipėdos universiteto Vaikystės pedagogikos katedraS. Nėries g. 5, LT-92227, Klaipėda. Tel. +370 677 74754El. paštas: valdone.saule@gmail.com Edukologijos mokslas pripažįsta, kad paauglystėje ugdymas gali daryti didžiausią įtaką asmenybės savivertės formavimuisi. Straipsnyje analizuojamas 13–16 metų paauglių tautinių vertybių suvokimas ir raiška moderniosios lietuvybės kontekste interpretuojant respondentų savirefleksijas. Tyrimo instrumento – esė – pagalba nustatomos jaunesniojo amžiaus paauglių tautinės vertybės, analizuojama vertybinė jaunų žmonių patirtis, jausmai ir nuostatos, kultūrą moderniosios lietuvybės kontekste suprantant kaip visos tautos sukurtą, iš kartos į kartą per ugdymą perduodamą ir nuolat atnaujinamą kultūros vertybių visumą – bendra kalba, bendra praeitis ir likimas, tautinis mentalitetas, tradicijos, kraštovaizdis – patriotiniu, meilės Tėvynei, jos saugojimo ir išlikimo požiūriu.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: paauglystė, tautinės vertybės, moderni lietuvybė, savivertė.The Ethic Values of 13-to 16-year-old Lithuanian AdolescentsValdonė ŠaulienėSummaryAs stated by the science of educology, at the tage of adolescence, education can make the greatest impact on the formation of a personality and the contextualization of one's own value. The article deals with the 13-to 16-year-old adolescents' perception of national values and its expression in the context of modern Lithuanianness. The research instrument – an essay – helps to determine younger teens' national values, analysis of young people's experience of values, feelings, and attitudes. The context of modern Lithuanianness is understood as a totality of cultural values created by the nation, handed on from generation to generation via education and the regularly updated cultural whole – the common language, common past and destiny, national mentality, traditions, landscape – by the patriotic love of homeland, its preservation and survival point of view. The scientific problem of research is formulating by questions: what are the moral values of Lithuanians aged 13 to 16 years and what factors affect the formation of national self-value in modern Lithuania? The aim of the research was to reveal the values of a young man as the representative of the nation, on the basis his its own national concept of culture. The analysis of the scientific literature found that the adoration of national values in modern state is giving way to civic, often formal, commitment to the nation. However, it is a theoretical assumption that the citizenship, its political base being composed of human rights and freedoms, is able to create an environment that patriotism would become a quiet and of course human and civil status by internalising the spiritual primer. An empirical analysis of the data has revealed that external factors militate young people unpatrioticly: distrust of government decisions, problems of economics and emigration, countrymens' selfish behaviour. On the other hand, young people express very mature thoughts about the value of human life in the homeland. Patriotic love is characterized by emotions, personal experience with romantic elements. It may be that the feeling of love is the missing conection between knowing and acting in the interests of the homeland. But pragmatism is already rooted in adolescents. young people are often pondering whether it is worth to be attached to the endangered national values; they understand that more benefits are affered to a person by owning than by being. When the spirituality of a nation goes down the collective idealism disappears.Key words: adolescence, national values, modern Lithuanianness, self-value.

ABSTRACTThe European integration project founded with the aim of providing a lasting peace in the Continent in 1957 has developed from an economic community of six into a union of twenty-seven member states. Today, the European Union is no more a simple free trade area or only an intergovernmental structure with limited objectives on economic issues. It has moved far beyond an international organization and evolved into a unified and unique entity over the fifty-one years that have passed since its first establishment. From a modest economic community, it has evolved into a political entity which functions by means of both intergovernmental and supranational methods. However, the unsolved unemployment problem, which started with the economic crisis in the 70s and continued with the challenges of globalization, caused European people to be discontented with their situation. Furthermore, the steps taken for political integration has brought forth the legitimacy problem, which stems from the democratic deficit of the Union, requires the construction of a well-informed cohesive body of citizens, namely, a 'demos'. The emergence of this need has increased the necessity for the construction of European identity.As a solution to these two crucially important issues, after the Maastricht Treaty the Union gave momentum to the developments in the field of education by expanding the cooperation between the member states and by creating a new educational space. The European Area of Higher Education, which was launched with the Bologna Declaration and continued to develop with the Bologna process, has been the most ambitious step taken in the field of education so far. Parallel to its objective of constructing a coherent and compatible European area of higher education with a view to reform and converge the existing structures while preserving the autonomy of higher education institutions and respecting national, cultural and linguistic differences, the European Area of Higher Education has improved the competency and the competitiveness of Europe and the Europeans in the global market. Furthermore, the mobility, the multicultural and multilingual spaces that it provides for the people of Europe promotes a civic dimension and a sense of belonging to Europe which is an important dimension in the construction of European identity.Within this framework, this study explicates and exhibits the role and the impact of education and the European educational space on the construction of European identity and the development of Union citizenship from a social constructivist perspective. In order to reach a comprehensive assessment, the creation of the European educational space with its key actors and documents are examined in a historical perspective, discourse analyses of the two pivotal educational documents; the 1995 White Paper and the Bologna Declaration are made, and the concept of identity, its construction process and the role of education in this process is explored in detail. As a result of these meticulous explorations, it is concluded that the creation of the European Area of Higher Education as a part of the European educational space could play a major role in the construction of European identity and the development of Union citizenship which could be a solution for the legitimacy problem of the European Union.ÖZET1957'de Avrupa'da uzun süreli barışı sağlamak için başlatılan Avrupa bütünleşme projesi sadece altı üye devletten oluşan ekonomik bir topluluktan yirmi yedi üyesi olan bir birliğe dönüşmüştür. Aradan geçen 51 yıllık süre içinde Avrupa Birliği sadece bir serbest ticaret bölgesi ya da amaçları sadece ekonomik konularla sınırlı uluslararası yapıya sahip bir oluşum olmanın çok ötesinde hem uluslararası hem de uluslarüstü yöntemlerle işleyen kendine özgü siyasi bir birlik halini almıştır.Ancak bugün, 70lerde başlayan ve küreselleşmenin getirdiği zorluklarla günümüze kadar devam eden ve hala çözümlenemeyen işsizlik problemi Avrupalıları kaygılandırmaktadır. Ayrıca siyasi bütünleşme için atılan adımlar demokrasi eksikliğinden kaynaklanan meşruiyet tartışmalarını da beraberinde getirmiştir. Birliğin demokrasi eksiğini giderebilmesi için demos'a, başka bir deyişle, ortak değerler üzerinde birleşmiş bir topluma ihtiyacı vardır. Bu ihtiyaç da ortak bir Avrupa kimliğinin yapılandırılması gereğini ortaya çıkarmıştır. Avrupa Birliği, eğitimi bu iki önemli soruna çözüm olarak görmüş ve özellikle Maastricht Antlaşması sonrası üye devletlerin eğitim alanındaki işbirliğini hızlandırıp genişleterek Avrupa eğitim alanının yapılandırılmasını sağlamıştır. Bolonya Deklarasyonuyla temelleri atılan ve Bolonya süreciyle oluşumu devam eden Avrupa Yüksek Öğretim Alanı şu ana kadar bu yönde atılan en önemli adım olmuştur. Bu oluşumun temel amaçlarından biri ulusal, kültürel ve dilsel farklılıkları ve yüksek öğretim kurumlarının özerkliğini koruyarak, bu kurumların hali hazırda varolan eğitim yapılarını iyileştirerek ve birbirine yakınlaştırarak kaliteli ve bütünleşmiş bir Avrupa eğitim alanı yaratmaktır. Diğer bir amacı ise Avrupa'nın ve Avrupalıların küresel pazardaki rekabet gücünü arttırarak işsizlik sorununa çözüm bulmaktır. Ayrıca, bu alanın sağladığı hareketlilik, çok-kültürlü ve çok-dilli sosyal alanlar Avrupa bilincinin ve kimliğinin oluşturulması için gerekli 'sivik' boyutu oluşturmaktır.Bu çerçeve içinde, eldeki çalışma Avrupa eğitim alanının, Avrupa kimliğinin oluşturulması ve Avrupa Birliği vatandaşlığının geliştirilmesi üzerindeki rolünü ve etkilerini sosyal inşacı açıdan incelemekte ve göstermektir. Kapsamlı bir sonuca varabilmek için Avrupa eğitim alanı temel oyuncuları ve belgeleriyle tarihi bir perspektif içinde incelenmiş, en önemli eğitim belgelerinden olan 1995 Beyaz Kitabı ve Bolonya Deklarasyonunun söylem analizi yapılmış, ve kimlik kavramı, gelişim süreci ve bu süreçte eğitimin rolü araştırılmıştır. Tüm bu detaylı ve titiz çalışmaların sonucunda, Avrupa eğitim alanının bir parçası olarak oluşturulan Avrupa Yüksek Öğretim Alanının Avrupa kimliği ve Avrupa Birliği vatandaşlığının inşasında önemi yadsınamaz bir rol oynayacağı ve bunun da Avrupa Birliğinin meşruiyet sorununa çözüm getirebileceği sonucuna varılmıştır.