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In April 2019, Greta Thunberg made TIME Magazine's 100 Most Influential People of 2019 list. The 16 year-old climate activist, who has also been nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize, started a movement that saw a multitude of student protests and school strikes around the world centred on action against climate change. TIME Magazine quoted her saying, "We can't save the world by playing by the rules, because the rules have to be changed." With her engagement, Thunberg inspired thousands of youth activists to join her in her efforts and has thus put not only climate change on the political agenda but also the political participation and representation of the young. And this even though Thunberg and many of her fellow protesters do not yet enjoy (full) voting rights in their respective countries.Just like the previous issue of the Intergenerational Justice Review, this one is also dedicated to the topic of the underrepresentation of younger people in political decision-making. The first two contributions in this issue pay particular attention to the existence – or lack thereof – of networks and contacts in politics that seem to be important for political representation.Daniel Stockemer and Aksel Sundström's article titled "Youth's underrepresentation in the European Parliament: Insights from interviews with young Members of the European Parliament (MEPs)" reports results from qualitative interviews with 23 MEPs on the factors contributing to the success and failure of young people to enter the European Parliament. They find that, in general, three common themes or complaints amongst the successful young MEPs, irrespective of their party affiliation: "(1) a general reluctance within parties to nominate young candidates, (2) young candidates lacking the necessary contacts in parties to get elected, and (3) young candidates having too little experience to gain nomination for an electable seat." Despite these heavy criticisms of established politicians and (party) structures, the authors also summarise some more hopeful suggestions by respondents centring around the role of party youth organisations.The second contribution, by Emilien Paulis, also highlights the important role of networks and contacts, yet already at an earlier stage: when joining a political party. Drawing on social network and political participation theory and novel survey data from Belgium, Paulis explores what network patterns contribute to young people's enrolment in a political party. He discovers strong social ties between young party members and suggests that this indicates "a certain exclusivity in recruitment patterns of political parties".In addition, his analysis also points out that a highly homogenous network composition is a statistically significant predictor of joining a political party. Overall, Paulis, similar to Stockemer and Sundström, suggests a review of institutional processes and structures within established political organisations such as parties in order to promote a more diverse and above all younger profile of politically active citizens.The final contribution in this issue offers insights from an online survey conducted among young adults in Germany suggesting that these respondents were indeed politically interested and felt willing to assume responsibility through participation. As a consequence, Philipp Köbe concludes from his analysis that the supply-side of political organisations is the main problem in the underrepresentation and not so much young people's lack of engagement. His four specific recommendations to political organisations follow very much from this conclusion: (1) providing transparent and suitable information to meet young people's interests and demands; (2) lowering the electoral threshold for parties' parliamentary representation to improve the representation of minority opinions; (3) expanding youth-friendly opportunities for political participation such as video conferences and social media usages in order to reach out to the appropriate groups; (4) improving the efficiency and impact of political decision-making to reward political engagement amongst young people. Köbe finally suggests a steering instrument for political organisations to help them achieve these goals.In the book review section, we continue the theme of political participation and representation of the young. Simon Pistor reviews the book Youthquake 2017: The Rise of Young Cosmopolitans in Britain (Palgrave Macmillan, 2019) by James Sloam and Matt Henn. The book investigates youth political participation in Britain around and after the Brexit referendum in 2016 and is built around the new notion a "youthquake" – a term initially introduced by British media to describe the surprising success of the movement behind the Labour Party but later on also becoming Oxford Dictionaries' 2017 word of the year.Pistor writes that Sloam and Henn expand the concept of a youthquake in their book to "youthquake elections" – "ones in which dramatic changes in how many young people vote, who they vote for and how active they are in the campaign have, quite literally, shaken up the status quo" (Sloam/Henn 2019: 8). Using this concept, the book's central claim is that it was a youth movement based on a broader appeal to the needs of young people(especially by the Labour Party) which spiked the higher voter turnout among young people.Pistor's review of the book is unequivocal: using methods from comparative politics, the authors provide a "very interesting argument" and "a clear empirical case for the youthquake during the 2017 General Election in the UK". Pistor also welcomes especially two implications of the book: (1) many young British people are not as politically disenfranchised as general wisdom holds (and there is much more to be said about that); (2) many of them are not only cosmopolitans but also British cosmopolitans interestedand engaged in national politics. Overall, Simon Pistor concludes that Sloam and Henn's book is "an empirically rich and informed study", which might suggest that the key to future democratic successes does indeed lie with the young.Ann-Kristin Kölln (Guest Editor, Aarhus University, Denmark)Antony Mason (IF)Jörg Tremmel (University of Tübingen)Markus Rutsche (University of St. Gallen)Maria Lenk (FRFG)

Dynamic population estimation – counting people in a special event (e.g. rally, sport events, evacuation) has been challenging because a large crowd is difficult to acquire an accurate count manually as people can join and leave the crowd at any time and place. In the context of a rally where people are moving on the streets over an extended period, it is often difficult to answer some questions with regards to confine the phenomenon, including but not limited to: When and where does the rally start/end precisely? Who are the attendees (e.g. activists, spectators, organizers, police, opposing crowd(s), etc.)? How does the confining environment affect stochastic human behaviours, interactions and movements over time and space? What is the count (e.g. peak attendance, total count)? Nevertheless, estimating the attendance of these dynamic events could be emotionally and politically charged. Due to these practical uncertainties of dynamic population estimation, the attendance of annual July 1st Rally in Hong Kong reported by the police and organizers could be very different as it often became a bluffing game to promote hidden political agenda. For example, the police estimated a peak attendance of 9,800 in the 2017 July 1st Rally, whereas the organizers reported five times the attendance at about 50,000. Independent researchers from the University of Hong Kong estimated the total attendance of 14,170 (Yip, 2017) and 29,000 (HKUPOP, 2017) respectively. With limited field observations, it is hard to examine the accuracy and confident level of these reported counts. This research aims to estimate the total attendance of 2017 July 1st Rally in Hong Kong and examine the counts reported by various stakeholders. Based on many stories reported by the public and social media, the timeline of the rally event was reconstructed to trace the observed rally time of the head and tail crowds participated in the rally event. Important geospatial features, including the street network, approved protest areas and entry/exit gateways along the main rally route, were reconstructed in the Geographic Information System (GIS). This study adopted a crowdsourcing-geocomputation approach to simulate how a dynamic crowd would have navigated in such as rally event (Chow, 2019). Using a mobile application that tracks individual trajectory, volunteers were recruited to contribute valuable in-situ data of dynamic human movements and behaviours attending the rally event. These data were used to formulate and calibrate the parameters of a computational cartographic model where each rally attendees were represented as a moving agent (x, y, t) confined in a micro spatial environment where the protesters marched from Victoria Park to the Government Headquarter in Hong Kong. Hence, individual GPS (Global Positioning System) trajectory during the rally was collected and converted into GIS data format for further analysis. More details about the data collection and processing can be found on the project website (https://chowte.wixsite.com/dynamicpop). By leveraging a large number of observations volunteered by crowdsourcing, this study attempted to answer the research question: What might be the simulated crowd size that reasonable range of model parameters can be converged? Using this crowdsoucing-geocomputation model, a sensitivity analysis was conducted to simulate varying model parameters, including maximum walking speed, maximum crowd density, early departure and late entry rates. Based on the reported count reported by the police, organizers and independent researchers, various crowd sizes were simulated to be compared against the observed rally time of 209 minutes (i.e. about 3.5 hours) from start to finish. Using the crowdsourced data for calibration, most rally models simulated an arrival time of head crowd between 106–108 minutes, which was very close to the observed rally time of head crowd of 107 minutes. In this study, crowd sizes were considered to be acceptable based on a 95% confidence interval of arrival time of tail crowd (i.e. 174–192 minutes) and total rally time (i.e. 199–219 minutes). For example, a crowd size of 9,800 people was simulated matching the total rally time to examine the credibility of calibrated model parameters (Figure 1). Within the tested range of calibrated model parameters, the results indicated that it was possible to tweak the model parameters of varying crowd size to match the observed rally time (Table 1). Despite the simulated rally time of some accepted models were within ±5% of the observed rally time, the parameters used to simulate such a model were not necessary reasonable in reality. The simulated count of 9,800, for example, would require a cap of maximum walking speed of 0.5 m/s, which seemed to be unreasonably slow under normal circumstance and incompatible with crowdsourced data (Figure 1). Given the observed rally time, it was found that the crowd sizes of 14,000–29,000 could be simulated with reasonable model parameters, whereas the crowd sizes of 9,800 and 50,000 would yield unreasonable model parameters. Taking the median within the range of 14,000–29,000, this study also found that a crowd size of 21,000 could yield eight matching simulations with varying reasonable model parameters that may be better simulate the actual rally attendance. This paper provided empirical evidences to examined the credibility of various crowd sizes of the 2017 July 1st Rally in Hong Kong reported by the stakeholders. The research also presents a transparent, repeatable and verifiable approach to explore, quantify and simulate human movements in a rally event, such as the early departure and late arrival, to better understand dynamic crowd behaviours and interactions.

Coal is South Africa's major primary energy source, and plays a significant role in supplying the chemicals and steelmaking industries. The benefits of coal production are relevant in the light of South Africa's development priorities of job creation and economic growth. Even so, primary metal production and coal-based power generation industries, through their operations and activities, pose a significant and irreversible risk to the surrounding environment. The impact on the environment further manifests on the health of local communities and on sustainable livelihoods, and frequently also presents a long-term economic burden and loss of valuable resources. Despite changes in legislation and improved social and environmental performance by the industry, there is growing concern over the impacts and conflicts associated with coal mining, with continuing claims by communities and civil society of associated health issues, cattle and livestock death, and destruction of livelihoods. However, to date, little attempt appears to have been made to support community concerns and perceptions with factual evidence and information, suggesting a lack of convergence between lay and expert knowledge. This dissertation investigates the facts, perceptions, concerns and conflicts in the mine-environment-community cause-effect chain in the context of the environmental and social impacts associated with the South African coal mining industry. More specifically this entails a detailed review of published data on academic literature, newspaper articles, popular magazines, and internet and specialist reports, with particular emphasis on the South African scenario; and semi-structured interviews with representatives from communities, civil society organisations, and independent environmental consultants. Particular focus is placed on coal mining in the Mpumalanga Province, which accounts for over 84% of South Africa's coal production. This was done with a view to developing a better understanding of the interrelationships between the coal mining industry and the local environment and society in which it operates. It is envisaged that this will ultimately serve to facilitate the development of sustainable solutions to the concerns and conflicts associated with coal mining. Historically, coal mining has had a significant impact on the environment and there is substantial evidence of a strong link between environmental pollution from mining activities and the health and well-being of humans and eco-systems in the surrounding vicinities. These impacts can be largely associated with water quality, physical and chemical land degradation, and air pollution through dust fall-out and emissions of particulate matter (PM) and toxic gases. In particular, AMD from coal mining results in significant pollution of land and water resources. The published literature provides evidence that this environmental pollution may, and often does, have an adverse effect on local eco-systems as well as on community health and livelihoods, particularly on crop and livestock farming. The findings also indicate that there has been response to these concerns by government and the industry. The government has instituted a number of legislative reforms, particularly since 2002, and has established programmes aimed at improving socio-economic challenges in mining towns. Industry has also taken steps to improve its environmental performance, in terms of waste management, mine water reclamation and post-closure rehabilitation. The literature findings were found to be largely consistent with the perceptions and concerns of communities, community support groups and consultants active in the coal-mining regions of Mpumalanga Province. The perceptions of the coal mining and processing sector were extremely negative; all participants expressed considerable concern over the environmental and social impacts. Emissions, particularly AMD and dust, from current and defunct workings and waste piles continue to be a source of water pollution, air pollution and land degradation which further have an adverse effect on aquatic life and human health as well as on livestock and crop productivity. Of particular concern in the coal-mining intensive area of Mpumalanga, is the impact of environmental pollution on maize production. With increasing public knowledge and awareness of these impacts, which can be largely attributed to the activities of the relatively large number of civil society organisations that now exist, the concerns and incidents relating to the environmental and socio-economic impacts from coal mining in the Mpumalanga area are generally well reported. The general consensus was that the concerns of communities and community-support organisations are not been taken seriously, and that government and industry are failing to alleviate the environmental degradation and human suffering in the Mpumalanga coal-mining areas. The lack of adequate response on the part of both the government and industry, and the continuing issues of environmental pollution and adverse community effects, have resulted in on-going (and possibly escalating) conflict situations in the form of community activisim, protests and litigation. This lack of response from government was, furthermore, considered as highly politicised and attributed largely to unethical arrangements between government officials and/or community leaders and mining corporations. Participants were generally of the perception that the negative aspects of coal mining outweigh any benefits and should be discontinued completely. The findings of this dissertation suggest that effective rehabilitation, consistent implementation and enforcement of the regulations designed to protect the environment and society, and stakeholder collaboration are a key requirement in terms of mitigating the environmental impacts and associated risks pertaining to human and livestock health and crop productivity. It is therefore recommended that the government address the rehabilitation of abandoned coal mines and discard dumps in the Mpumalanga Province, and establish action plans, linked to regional development plans, that are based on a comprehensive environmental monitoring programme in collaboration with other stakeholders, including communities, the mining industry and other business sectors in the region. A more detailed study on opportunities to improve the quality and availability of performance reporting by the coal industry is also recommended.

This thesis explores how wealthy actors in post-Soviet Ukraine seek to legitimize their extraordinary positions in society. It argues that they attempt to create legitimacy by setting up private philanthropic foundations, in this thesis also termed giving organizations. This act of social responsibility needs visibility, which is obtained through conspicuous projects and promotion in media. The period studied stretches from the 1990s up until 2016, post-Maidan, allowing for an investigation of the dynamics of legitimation strategies during relative stability and political turmoil. How do they organize their giving initiatives? What image are they trying to build and how do they control it? Furthermore, what are the studied actors' and their giving organizations' attitudes toward the state and what role do they claim to have in society? These questions guide the four studies in this compilation thesis. The first essay analyses the institutionalization of the giving initiatives, while the second is a study of how the wealthy elite control their image via media. The third article investigates the self-presented justification logics for engaging in such matters as giving. The final essay looks at the action of the giving organizations during political turmoil and the perception of these among civil society activists. The thesis contributes to the understanding of legitimation strategies of oligarchs and the role of elite giving in transition economies as well as in social change movements. Elucidating the concept of the oligarch, the findings show how the giving organizations of different subdivisions of the wealthy elite demonstrate diverse combinations of compensating the state, competing with the state and changing the state. Distinct socially and geographically defined audiences are targeted depending on political ambition and a shifting political context, in which the waves of democratization have had an influence on legitimation efforts. The invisibility of oligarchs during the nation-wide protests in 2013–2014, together with their conformation to norms in society, suggests that they are not drivers of change but rather adapters to public opinion. Moreover, the political dependency of elite giving confirms that the phenomenon is a part of the intertwined relations between politics and business. ; У фокусі цього дисертаційного дослідження прагнення багатих осіб пострадянської України легітимізувати свої надзвичайні позиції в суспільстві. Я стверджую, що вони намагаються це зробити через участь у благодійній діяльності та демонстрацію соціальної відповідальності завдяки масштабним проектам та популяризацію такого іміджу в мас медіа. Як вони організовують таку діяльність? Який образ вони намагаються побудувати і як вони це контролюють? Як ці особи та організації, яким вони надають допомогу, ставляться до держави і яку роль вони прагнуть відігравати в суспільстві? Ці питання формують основу для чотирьох досліджень цієї дисертації. Перша частина – це аналіз інституціалізації благодійних ініціатив. Друга частина містить дослідження того, як заможна еліта контролює свій імідж через медіа. Третя частина досліджує логіку обґрунтування самооцінки участі в благодійності. Нарешті, у фінальному есе розглядається діяльність інституціалізованих благодійних організацій під час політичних потрясінь та сприйняття цих організацій громадськими активістами. Дослідження охоплює період з 1990-х років до 2016 року, після Євромайдану, та уможливлює аналіз динаміки стратегій легітимізації в умовах стабільності та політичних потрясінь. Дисертація робить внесок у розуміння легітимізації стратегій олігархів та благодійності з боку еліт у країнах, що розвиваються, а також їх ролі в рухах за соціальні зміни. Результати дослідження демонструють, що актори по-різному визначають свої цільові аудиторії, як у суспільному, так і в географічному сенсі, залежно від своїх політичних амбіцій та змін політичного контексту та під впливом різних хвиль демократизації. Невидимість заможних еліт під час загальнонаціональних акцій протесту в 2013-2014 роках разом із дотриманням норм з їхнього боку дають підстави припустити, що заможні еліти не є рушіями соціальних змін у напрямку демократизації, а радше реагують них. Також дослідження демонструє, як різні підрозділи благодійних організацій, заснованих заможними елітами, відіграють роль компенсування ролі держави, конкурента держави або змінюють державу. ; Den här avhandlingen undersöker hur den ekonomiska och politiska eliten i Ukraina försöker legitimera sina extraordinära positioner i samhället. Argumentet är att de försöker skapa legitimitet genom att engagera sig i välgörenhet som en variant av socialt ansvarstagande. De synliggör detta sociala ansvarstagande genom storstilade projekt och förmedlar bilden av välgöraren via egna mediekanaler. Hur organiserar de sin välgörenhet? Vilken är bilden som de försöker skapa och hur kontrollerar de den? Vilka är de studerade aktörernas och deras givarorganisationers attityder gentemot staten och vilken roll hävdar de att de har i samhället? Dessa frågorna besvaras i den här sammanläggningsavhandlingens fyra studier. Den första artikeln analyserar institutionaliseringen av välgörenheten, medan den andra är en studie av hur den politiska och ekonomiska eliten styr sin image i media. Den tredje artikeln undersöker motiveringslogiken bakom välgörenhetsengagemanget. Den sista uppsatsen ser på hur de institutionaliserade välgörenhetsorganisationerna handlar under politiskt turbulenta tider, och hur dessa organisationer uppfattas bland civilsamhällets aktivister. Perioden som studeras sträcker sig från 1990-talet fram till 2016, efter Euromaidan, vilket möjliggör en undersökning av legitimeringsstrategiernas dynamik under relativ stabilitet och politisk turbulens. Avhandlingen bidrar till förståelsen av oligarkers legitimationsstrategier och elitens roll i utvecklingsekonomier samt i proteströrelser. Resultaten visar att olika kombinationer av socialt och geografiskt definierade målgrupper beror på givarens politiska ambition samt den dynamiska politiska kontexten, där demokratiseringsvågorna har påverkat legitimeringsstrategierna. Den förmögna elitens osynlighet under protesterna 2013-14 tillsammans med deras konformation av normer pekar mot att rika eliter inte är drivkrafter bakom en utveckling i demokratisk utveckling utan snarare respondenter. Vidare belyser denna studie hur olika undergrupperingar av eliten påverkar deras givarorganisationers olika kombinationer av att vilja kompensera staten, konkurrera med staten och förändra staten.

Desde mediados del siglo XX los movimientos sociales en Chocó y Buenaventura han sido la principal forma de reclamación por el rezago económico y social que experimentan estos territorios. En la mayoría de los casos las protestas han terminado con el compromiso del gobierno de realizar inversiones para superar las brechas. Sin embargo, las manifestaciones continúan, argumentadas en el incumplimiento o el poco avance de lo pactado. Ante esta situación han surgido dos visiones opuestas: la idea de un olvido estatal por parte de los habitantes y el uso ineficiente de los recursos existentes que sugiere el gobierno nacional. El principal objetivo de este documento es revisar la evidencia que permita examinar estas tesis. Los resultados muestran que, en efecto, los gobiernos nacionales y locales han ejecutado más recursos. Sin embargo, las necesidades de inversión que revelan los indicadores, y que coinciden con las peticiones de las protestas, superan en algunos casos los fondos disponibles. Mejorar la gestión pública local, a través de una mayor transparencia y calidad del gasto, podría ser una buena oportunidad para trabajar en la superación del rezago. ; Since the 1960s, social movements in Choco and Buenaventura have emerged to demand solutions for the region's economic and social lag. In most cases, the population reaches an agreement with the government, where the latter compromises on specific investments to overcome the region's lag. Despite the former, agreements aren't totally fulfilled and protests continue. Hence, two opposing perspectives have emerged: the region's inhabitants argue the government ignores their needs, while the national government claims an inefficient use of existing resources. The aim of this paper is to revise these arguments using available evidence. Results show that more resources have been executed in the region. However, investment needs, revealed both through indicators and protesters demands, surpass available funds in some cases. Improving public administration, through higher fiscal transparency and spending efficiency, might be a good opportunity to work on overcoming the region's lag. ; Aunque los movimientos sociales en Chocó y Buenaventura han sido una constante desde mediados del siglo XX, el rezago social y económico que experimentan estos territorios sigue sin presentar los avances esperados. En la mayoría de los casos, las protestas terminan con el compromiso del gobierno nacional de realizar inversiones para reducir las brechas. Sin embargo, las manifestaciones regresan tiempo después, argumentadas en el incumplimiento o el poco avance de lo pactado. Ante este panorama han surgido dos posiciones opuestas. Por un lado, los habitantes mantienen la idea de un olvido estatal, y por el otro, el gobierno nacional sugiere que persiste el uso ineficiente de los recursos existentes. El Documento de Trabajo Sobre Economía Regional y Urbana (DTSERU) 'Movimientos sociales y desarrollo económico en Chocó y Buenaventura' se encarga de revisar la evidencia que permite examinar estas tesis. La investigación evidencia que, en efecto, los gobiernos nacionales y locales han ejecutado más recursos en los últimos años. No obstante, las necesidades de inversión que revelan los indicadores, y que coinciden con las peticiones de las protestas, superan en algunos casos los fondos disponibles. Lo cierto es que los principales indicadores económicos y sociales son consistentes con las peticiones de las protestas cívicas. En el caso de Quibdó, el porcentaje de personas con Necesidades Básicas Insatisfechas (NBI) no ha presentado gran avance en las últimas décadas: pasando de 86% en 1973 a 90% en 2005. Por su parte, en Buenaventura, a pesar de una reducción de 40 puntos porcentuales en el mismo periodo, en 2005 el NBI continúa ubicándose por encima del total nacional (36% en Buenaventura frente a 28% para el total nacional). Las cifras anteriores podrían avalar la idea del olvido estatal, aunque la dinámica de las principales fuentes de ingreso ofrece una perspectiva adicional. Las regalías, las transferencias nacionales del Sistema General de Participaciones (SGP) y los ingresos propios han crecido de manera importante y por encima del total nacional en los últimos años. La hoja de ruta Este DTSERU señala que es esencial revisar la calidad del gasto público en el territorio y plantea opciones de política pública viables para lograr satisfacer las demandas sociales de los habitantes de Chocó y Buenaventura. "Mejorar la gestión pública local, a través de una mayor transparencia y calidad del gasto, podría ser una buena oportunidad para trabajar en la superación del rezago", propone esta investigación realizada por Jaime Bonnet Morón, Yuri Reina Aranza y Diana Ricciulli Marin. En conclusión, Buenaventura y Chocó requieren la movilización de recursos, tanto propios como de transferencias del gobierno central, y mejorar la calidad del gasto en los gobiernos locales. Esto será posible a través de una adecuada gestión fiscal territorial, que involucre los dos componentes de las finanzas públicas: los ingresos y los gastos. Las mejoras efectivas en la recaudación, unidas a una mejor planificación financiera y presupuestaría, crearían un ambiente positivo en la comunidad y en las otras instancias del gobierno, generando credibilidad y aceptación de la administración pública local. Un elemento clave es el uso de las herramientas tecnológicas en la gestión fiscal, las cuales ayudan a incrementar la transparencia, reducir costos e incrementar los proveedores. La implementación de estas alternativas para mejorar la gestión fiscal territorial, requiere de la buena voluntad de las partes. La construcción de una institucionalidad en el territorio debe ser apoyada por el gobierno nacional a través de programas que formen un equipo local en formulación, diseño y ejecución de proyectos, gestión tributaria y planeación financiera.

The author in the article examines the historical roots and economic and social reasons for the coming to power of the unconventional representative of the US Republican Party, multimillionaire Donald Trump. Trump's phenomenon is interpreted by the author as an American form of revanchism, as revenge for the past, in which the United States lost its positions in the development of the national economy and social sphere. The main characteristics and motivational aspects of the voting of the typical voter D. Trump (white middle-aged men) are revealed. The loss of privileges and economic and social status for whites in the outsider states is seen as the main revanchist motive for supporting L.Trump's electoral core. Parallels are drawn between the phenomenon of the right-wing politician in France, M. Lipin and D. Trump, which in many respects repeats the ideological vector of the French nationalists. The exploitation of patriotic virtue and intense xenophobia are common features of the campaigns of M. Lе Рen and D. Trump. The first year of the reign of US President D. Trump and the policy of American revanchism with its close ties with dissatisfied whites provoked the growth of protest moods and extremist groups. The author concludes that President Trump and trampism are not a new or unprecedented political phenomenon in the United States. Trumpism is the result of the activity of an opportunistic candidate who uses in the classic revanchist context the fears of his supporters who face profound social changes. ; Автор в статье рассматривает исторические корни, экономические и социальные причины прихода к власти нетрадиционного представителя Республиканской партии США, мультимиллионера Дональда Трампа. Феномен Трампа автор трактует как американскую форму реваншизма, как месть за прошлое, в котором США утратили свои позиции в развитии национальной экономики и социальной сферы. Раскрываются основные характеристики и мотивационные аспекты голосования типичного избирателя Д.Трампа (белого мужчины средних лет). Утрата привилегий и экономико-социального статуса для белых в штатах-аутсайдерах рассматривается как главный реваншисткий мотив поддержки электоральным ядром Д. Трампа. Проводятся параллели между феноменом правого политика во Франции М. Ле Пен и Д.Трампом, который во многом повторяет идеологический вектор французских националистов. Эксплуатация патриотической добродетели и интенсивная ксенофобия – общие черты кампаний М. Ле Пен и Д .Трампа. Первый год правления президента США Д.Трампа и политика американского реваншизма с его тесными связями с неудовлетворенными белыми спровоцировали рост протестных настроений и экстремистских групп. Автор делает вывод, что президент Трамп и трампизм не являются новым или беспрецедентным политическим явлением в Соединенных Штатах. Трампизм является результатом деятельности оппортунистического кандидата, использующего в классическом реваншистском контексте страхи своих сторонников, которые сталкиваются с глубокими социальными изменениями. ; Постановка проблеми. Коментарі до правління адміністрації президента Д.Трампа мають тенденцію до завищення оцінок, яких ніколи раніше не було, і які порушують традицію. Однак це не зовсім так, адже подібні феномени вже мали місце в американській та французькій історії. Аналіз актуальних досліджень. Аналіз політики Президента Д.Трампа та її історичної та ідеологічної основи проводився багатьма дослідниками, серед яких Арлі Рассел Хохшильд, Елізабет Гарріс, Фредерік Браун, Ян Урбіна, Джеймс Хоманн, Жан Бодріяр, Кірк Джонсон, Лойк Ваккан, Діана Мутц тощо.Мета статті - показати історичне коріння та ідеологічні основи трампізму як природного явища сучасної американської політики.Виклад основних положень. Автор статті розглядає історичні основи та економічні й соціальні причини приходу до влади нетрадиційного представника Республіканської партії США, мультиміліонера Дональда Трампа. Феномен Трампа автор трактує як американську форму реваншизму, як помсту за минуле, в якому США втратили свої позиції у розвитку національної економіки та соціальної сфери. Успішна політична кампанія Д.Трампа виглядає набагато менш унікальною, якщо розглядати політику Д.Трампа як американську форму реваншизму. Розкриваються основні характеристики та мотиваційні аспекти голосування типового виборця Д.Трампа (білого чоловіка середніх років). Втрата привілеїв та економіко-соціального статусу для білих у штатах-аутсайдерах розглядаються як головний реваншистський мотив підтримки електорального ядра Д. Трампа. Проводяться паралелі між феноменом правого політика у Франції М. Ле Пен і Д.Трампом, який багато в чому повторює ідеологічний вектор французьких націоналістів. Експлуатація патріотичної доброчинності та інтенсивна ксенофобія є спільними рисами кампаній М. Ле Пен та Д. Трампа. Підтримка Д.Трампа дуже схожа на те, що розглядалося в Америці як теорія змови. У широкому вивченні американських теорій змови Усинські встановив, що «теорії змови можуть підірвати легітимність і ефективність державної політики, а іноді і призвести до насильства». З іншого боку, «теорії змови - це, по суті, система сигналізації та механізми подолання, щоб допомогти впоратися з іноземною загрозою і центрами внутрішньої влади».Ця ностальгія поєднується з нереалістичними твердженнями про сучасну силу і вплив Сполучених Штатів. Замість того, щоб пропонувати сміливі зміни для вирішення нагальних проблем 21 століття, Д.Трамп обіцяє, що повернення до перевірених та істинних способів вчинення дій - все, що необхідно. Не можна ігнорувати закодовані і не настільки закодовані повідомлення про збереження переваги білої раси в кампанії Д.Трампа. Вони вказують на минуле, яке істотно трансформувалося через зміни демографії країни і зміни ставлення до відмінностей серед молоді. Символічним маркером цієї зміни був час перебування при владі президента Обами. Однак цей соціальний прогрес також викликав реакцію. Перший рік правління президента США Д. Трампа і політика американського реваншизму з його тісними зв'язками з невдоволеними білими викликали зростання протестних настроїв та екстремістських груп. У своїй доповіді про групи ненависті в США за 2017 рік Південний центр боротьби з бідністю виявив збільшення числа активних груп на 4% у порівнянні з 2016 роком. Він також виявив збільшення числа так званих «патріотичних груп» в США. У відповідь на це Центр також відзначив зростання так званих чорних націоналістичних груп. Отже, президент Д.Трамп і трампізм не є новим або безпрецедентним політичним явищем для Сполучених Штатів. Робиться висновок, що трампізм є результатом діяльності опортуністичного кандидата, що використовує в класичному реваншистському контексті жахи своїх прихильників, які стикаються з глибокими соціальними змінами.

Exhibition at LCC as part of the London Design Festival Alternative do-it-yourself (DIY) publishing in the UK is often assumed to have started with photocopiers and punks. However, counterculture and grassroots movements from the mid-1960s onwards generated an explosion of alternative 'not for profit' print and publications, frequently produced by amateurs using basic technologies. Much of this was consciously infused with notions of autonomy and anti-specialism. The mid-60s were a contradictory period of political, creative and social turbulence, a moment when radical ideas were in ferment and hopes for change were high. The experimental and creative energies generated by the counterculture stimulated a proliferation of DIY or self-sufficient activity that spread across the expanding field of the alternative left: from 'happenings' to free schools and communes. Within the pages of the underground/alternative press there is clear evidence of how DIY or 'self-help' activities provided a significant component of countercultural sensibilities and practice. 'How To' articles, sharing and 'demystifying' uncommon knowledge, were a regular feature, and all manner of self-help handbooks could be obtained by mail order or found in alternative bookshops; how to build things, grow things, fix things, take or make drugs, meditate, print and squat. There were also articles and handbooks about how to navigate the unavoidable parts of 'the system', notably the law and the welfare state. It was not just that people could do it for themselves, where possible outside of 'the system' of experts and institutions, but that others could also do it to build 'the alternative society'. At the same time we find in the pages of the underground press biting satire and critique of capitalism, militarism and consumerism. The four publications shown here offer a glimpse into this new upsurge of left voices and causes of protest, specifically the feminist movement, the anti-war and nuclear disarmament movement, as well as radical art and alternative living. This mini-exhibition will be followed by a larger exhibition in 2018, which marks the 50th anniversary of 1968, the year that was the highpoint of 60s era youthful revolt in many parts of the world. Captions: Shrew – August / September issue, Volume 5 No.3 1973 Shrew was the magazine of the Women's Liberation Workshop, a collectivist federation made up of smaller autonomous local women's liberation groups. Many were 'consciousness-raising' groups, with their own character, agendas and affiliations. Shrew ran regularly between 1969 and 1974, had a circulation of about 5,000 and sold very cheaply either by mail order or in women's centres and sympathetic bookshops. Each issue of the magazine was produced by a different local or special interest group that had total freedom in all aspects; content, layout, images and overall design. There was a Shrew collective of representatives committed to helping with the production. As the production of each issue was rotated, the contents and aesthetics of the magazine were incredibly diverse. Shrew represented the sense of empowerment associated by feminists in 'doing it for themselves'. From the collection of The Feminist Library (www.feministlibrary.co.uk). —————————- Hapt – Issues 26 & 27, 1970 Started by a small collective connected to the English Diggers Hapt was a DIY hand-printed counter-culture magazine. Produced between December 1967 and May 1971, running for 27 issues, Hapt was legal-sized, stencil duplicated, with silk-screened covers and centrespread, printed on rough paper in editions of up to 400. It was distributed for free by post, at alternative bookshops and in radical spaces. The UK edition was written and co-ordinated by a small team of seven, initially based in London before later moving to set up communes in Bournemouth and Stroud. There were sister Hapt communes in Holland, Argentina, Belgium and Switzerland. Hapt promoted a DIY culture synonymous with their commune lifestyle, encouraging writing from their readership and sharing knowledge about their means of production through a comprehensive description of the screen print making process. —————————- Resistance – Committee of 100 bulletin – Vol 3 No.4 Apr & 9 Dec 1966 & Vol 4. No 2 June 1967 In 1960, in response to the increasing sense of frustration over the limitations of tactics used by such groups as the Campaign Against Nuclear Disarmament, anti-war activists led by Bertrand Russell launched the Committee of 100. This more militant organisation sought to step up resistance to the UK government policy on weapons of mass destruction by calling for and engaging in mass non-violent resistance and civil disobedience, such as large sit-down demonstrations. In 1962 the group re-launched itself on a decentralised basis, made up by 13 regional Committees organising actions in London and at military bases across the country. Resistance was a bulletin published by the Resistance Working Group in Birmingham and London. It provided information and updates about the movement to the Committee's membership and other related anti-war groups. —————————- King Mob Echo – Issue 1, April 1968. King Mob emerged out of a coming together of members of the English section of the Situationist International and a network of London based cultural radicals in 1968. It went on to become a short-lived but influential radical group that engaged in subversive actions often involving carnivalesque, Dada-esque costumes and humour, such as infiltrating Selfridges at Christmas time dressed up as Santa, handing out the store's toys as 'presents' to children, which resulted in the spectacle of store employees and police desperately snatching toys out of crying children's hands. The group announced their actions through hand-distributed leaflets and word of mouth and between 1968 and 1970 published 5 issues (issue 4 was never published) of King Mob, a glued-together magazine. The first issue, King Mob Echo, included a translation of part of Raoul Vaneigem's 'The Revolution of Daily Life'.

The article analyses the impact of present-day Russian internal structural factors, searching national ideology and shaping "Russian conservatism" line formation marked the links between this ideology and Russian foreign policy. The main focus is designated to Russia's politics after the Russia-Georgia conflict in 2008, highlighting the response of Vladimir Putin's regime to several domestic policy tensions related with: 1) the structure of the Russian regime and the domination of siloviki group in the power structures; 2) the etno-federalist structure of Russia and the growing nationalism; and 3) the competition of several ideologies, which increasingly turns to the support of Eurasianist ideology line and its transformation into "Russian conservatism". Theoretically, this analysis is based on the internal and external factors that have an impact on the state's policies (e.g. Walter Carlsnaes concepts), as well as on the theories analysing Russian etno-federalism and informal networks/relations. This article argues that Russian internal structural factors strongly support the Russian Eurasianist direction as the dominant policy doctrine, and this doctrine defines the Russian foreign policy, limits its balancing and influences the dynamics of foreign policy. It shows how, during the recent years, Russia's assertive foreign policy has become influenced by neo-imperialist vision of a strong, conservative, and alternative Russia, which actively uses the "Russian conservatism" as an ideological justification, supports active protection of Russia's interest in the post-Soviet region (e.g., war with Ukraine) increasing the use of foreign policy in the post-Soviet region (e.g., war with Ukraine) or raising the question about the multipolar world order. Other competing ideological lines (pro-Western liberalism and Slavic nationalisms) are still included in the balancing if there is demand, however, it remains non-typical forms of current Russia's ideological framework. Since the Russia-Georgia war in 2008, the aggressive Russian foreign policy depends not only on the external factors, but it also increasingly reacts to internal factors, especially to Putin's interest to maintain the vertical power and ensure further legitimacy of the regime. Russia's "electoral authoritarianism", which actively used the concept of "sovereign democracy" last decade, faced serious challenges in 2011– 2012. After public protests for electoral fraud, Putin's circles have perceived that Russia's ruling elites need to initiate a new turn for the country, either to a wider democracy development or to find other resources to mobilise society. By reacting to the interest of siloviki group and seeing the confrontation between Russian ethnic and minorities' nationalism manifestations, Putin's regime strengthened its orientation towards the new Eurasianism, which emphasized the special path of Russia's civilization: being alternative to the Western world, adjusting only "appropriate for Russia" democracy standards, opposing human rights development, and seeing it as a harmful foreign influence. State patriotism was framed under the new "Russian conservatism" line, which emphasized strong authority of central power, Russian imperial identity, Russia's interest in Eurasian regions, support for multipolar world, and the spread of conservative values as opposition to Western cosmopolitism. It helped to mobilise Russian society, integrate the great old and the new military victories of Russia's state and received a new support and greater legitimacy for Putin's regime. This ideology leaves room for integration of separate narratives from various ideological lines (from the Soviet nostalgia and technocratic modernisation to "old Russia" traditionalism). Military actions in Ukraine in 2014–2015 have illustrated that imperial approach effectively mobilises not only the Russian society but a certain part of the other post- Soviet societies (e.g., the idea of the Russian world). This "Russian conservatism" also attempts to respond to other internal tensions, such as ethnic conflicts, by promoting a more intensive Russian state identity instead of an ethnic identity. The situation, when various ethnic minorities and their leaders (e.g., R. Kadyrov) actively supported Russia's actions in Ukraine and the new Putin's activism, revealed that under this ideological umbrella, such local actors as in Putin's circle, leaders of ethnic regions, Orthodox church, and media authorities find themselves in the state's ongoing narratives. Under this situation, Putin's regime effectively marginalises their opponents. Non-systemic liberal-democrats are presented as acting against Russia's interests. The discourse for keeping the relationship with Western partners, which emphasizes the modernisation or stresses the importance of economic developments, is still valid, and it is still used for balancing, but current ideological trend has clearly prioritised the imperial identity over democracy development. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamas šiandienės Rusijos vidaus struktūrinių veiksnių ir vidaus veikėjų poveikis nacionalinės ideologijos paieškai ir "ru­siškojo konservatizmo" linijos formavimui, nužymint ir šios ideologijos sąsajas su Rusijos užsienio politika. Pagrindinį dėmesį skiriant Rusijos po­litikai nuo Gruzijos ir Rusijos karo 2008 m. iki 2016 m. yra išryškinama, kaip Vladimiro Putino režimas, atsakydamas į vidaus politikoje kylančias įtampas, susijusias su: 1) Rusijos režimo struktūros specifika, silovikų do­minavimu; 2) etnofederalizmo struktūra ir stiprėjančiu nacionalizmu bei 3) ideologijų konkurencija, vis aktyviau imasi eurazianistinę kryptį transfor­muoti į valstybine doktrina tampantį "rusiškąjį konservatizmą". Šiai anali­zei yra naudojamos vidaus ir išorės struktūrinių veiksnių poveikio politikai (pvz., Walterio Carlsnaeso konceptai), etnofederalizmo tyrimų bei neforma­lių ryšių teorinės priegos. Straipsnyje tvirtinama, kad Rusijos vidaus struk­tūriniai veiksniai formuoja Rusijos eurazianistinę kryptį kaip dominuojančią politikos doktriną, kuri apibrėžia (riboja) Rusijos užsienio politikos balan­savimą ir padeda paaiškinti jos dinamiką. Parodoma, kaip pastarųjų metų Rusijos agresyvėjanti užsienio politika tampa persmelkta valdžioje neoimpe­rialistų vizijos apie "stiprią, konservatyvią ir alternatyvią Rusiją", kuri lemia "rusiškojo konservatizmo" plėtojimą ir didėjantį naudojimą užsienio politi­kos kontekste, pagrindžiant Rusijos aktyvumą (agresyvumą) posovietiniame regione (pvz., kare su Ukraina), keliant daugiapolio pasaulio tvarkos klau­simą. Kitos konkuruojančios idėjinės linijos (provakarietiškas liberalizmas ir slavofiliškas nacionalizmas) yra įtraukiamos į balansavimą pagal poreikį, tačiau išlieka netipinėmis formomis, tam tikrais ideologiniais kraštutinumais.

У даній статті подано детальне роз'яснення таких дефініцій як пряма демократія та опосередкована участь, а також досвід застосування їх можливостей у територіальних громадах України. Розглянуті різновиди прямої демократії та опосередкованої участі та практику їх використання протягом 25 років незалежності нашої держави з аналізом переваг та недоліків кожної з них з можливим застосуванням альтернативи.Окрім того, роз'яснено механізми реалізації участі громадян у територіальних громадах України, які, на думку автора, мають стати важливим завданням державної політики у процесі підвищення ефективності політичної системи України, оскільки на сучасному етапі політичних трансформацій вони є актуальним інструментом впливу населення з метою посилення контролю за діяльністю органів влади у міжвиборчий період, забезпечення реальної участі у прийнятті важливих суспільно-політичних рішень. Безпосередньо такий досвід застосування можливостей прямої демократії та опосередкованої участі у територіальних громадах України позитивно вплине на розвиток суспільно-політичного життя та дозволить ефективно використовувати головні засоби реалізації прямої демократії як на місцевому, так і на загальнонаціональному рівні для участі населення у політичному процесі. ; After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukraine proclaimed its independence and began to build its social and political life on the basis of democratic principles. The practice of the application of direct democracy and mediate participation's possibilities in territorial communities of Ukraine became to be an essential component of transformational changes and one of the leading powers of its transfer to new principles. Therefore, such an experience is very wide-spread.Although Ukraine is a young country, but all the forms of democracy, both direct and indirect, or so to say, immediate or mediate ones, occupy their places in the political system of our society. However, mechanisms of introduction of the given forms of democracy, being used by themselves, frequently do not reach the intended effect. Evidence of that is a high rate of protest moods in the society. Regardless of their political creed, People trust the governmental policy less and less (this conclusion is based on public opinion surveys).Evidence of this is 25 years of experience of Ukraine's independence, during which the interests of the nation have not been heard and have not been counted by the people's representatives. We hear good promises during the election campaigns when results of the elections depend on our vote. However after the elections, everything remains to be the same. Such practice is quite negative for us. No doubt, elections give a nation the feeling of political participation as well as the feeling of the influence on the process of decision-making However, such form of political participation has got a substantial defect: it is impossible to insure the nominees being the representative of governmental authorities as well as the local self-government authorities to be governed by the will of the electorate and not by the private interests. This does not always correspond with the interests of those, whom they present. This point is of extremely important.Moreover, in order to make the citizens' interests counted, the mechanisms of realization of citizens' participation in territorial communities of Ukraine have to be improved maximally. Every citizen has to feel himself as a pivot of social and political life of the country. Until we hear such phrases as, 'Nothing depends on my vote', it is impossible to change the system as far as this system consists of us.Taking into consideration such situation, the application of direct democracy and mediate participation's possibilities in territorial communities of Ukraine appears to be more and more relevant for scientifically theoretical apprehension and practical introduction of the modern Ukraine's political life. Thus, we consider that the improvement of the mechanisms of direct democracy and mediate citizens' participation should become an important task of state's policy in the process of raise of the Ukrainian political system efficiency. At the present stage of political transformations they are an actual instrument of influencing the population, aimed at the increase of control of the governmental institutions between the elections periods. Indisputably, such experience of the application of direct democracy and mediate participation's possibilities in territorial communities of Ukraine together with the necessary improvement of legal sphere and the raise of the efficiency of the direct democracy's mechanisms practical implementation will positively influence the development of social and political life and will allow to use the main means of the realization of direct democracy at the local level and at the national level effectively and will stimulate the participation of population in the political process. ; В данной статье представлено подробное разъяснение таких дефиниций, как прямая демократия и опосредованное участие, а также опыт применения их возможностей в территориальных общинах Украины. Рассмотрены разновидности прямой и опосредованной демократии участия и практику их использования в течение 25 лет независимости нашего государства, с анализом преимуществ и недостатков каждой из них с возможным применением альтернативы. Кроме того, разъяснено механизмы реализации участия граждан в территориальных общинах Украины, которые, по мнению автора, должны стать важной задачей государственной политики в процессе повышения эффективности политической системы Украины, поскольку на современном этапе политических трансформаций они являются актуальным инструментом влияния населения с целью усиления контроля за деятельностью органов власти в межвыборный период, обеспечения реального участия в принятии важных общественно-политических решений. Непосредственн такой опыт применения возможностей прямой демократии и опосредованного участия в территориальных общинах Украины положительно повлияет на развитие общественно-политической жизни и позволит эффективно использовать главные средства реализации прямой демократии как на местном, так и на общенациональном уровне участия населения в политическом процессе.

This paper examines the phenomenon of "sixties" in Ukrainian culture of the second half of the twentieth century. It is shown that the study indicated the phenomenon is relevant based on interdisciplinarity by bringing conceptual provisions anthropological paradigm as a methodological tool of cultural knowledge. Based on the conceptual provisions that the key figure of history is the man, whose role permeates all historical and cultural fabric of social, civic and historical processes, the article proved that the disclosure of their content becomes productive from the standpoint of life conflicts and perceptions of specific individuals of certain historical era . Therefore, it is ananthropological dimension of research historical and cultural processes involved was to cover the period of the spiritual life of contemporary Ukrainian society, called "Khrushchev thaw".The second half of the twentieth century Ukrainian history and culture is difficult and ambiguous stage, characterized by its polar perception of events and processes. The liberalization of both public and political life, as well as brief purification of society from the effects of "personality cult" has provided opportunities for creative expression intelligentsia that has created a unique phenomenon of "sixties" – a powerful intellectual and creative movement, which was designed on the philosophy, literature, journalism, science, painting, music, cinema, art song and others. Against the background of the aforementioned processes in Ukraine, a new galaxy of creative and scientific intelligentsia, that started the revival of interrupted cultural traditions of modernist 20-ies of the 20th century and laid the foundation for the formation of national cultural trends in the development of Ukrainian culture 60-ies of the 20th century. This generation of young people – poets, writers, critics, translators, artists, scientists, students, workers of different beliefs and attitudes that began his career on the verge of 50-60's. Immediately attracted the attention of not only talent, but also courageous citizenship and national dignity.In culture and art in the study period according to modern art O. Coast, there were two opposing trends. First, the progressive trend, there was an attempt to overcome dogmatism, expanding creative possibilities artists. Significantly weakened the ideological grip of socialist method, arts symbolizes the protest against the leveling of personality, which was cultivated by the totalitarian regime. Many works of artists problem as "man-present", "artist and Government" settled in the intellectual and spiritual plane. Second, conservative, trend Culture 1960 was in keeping Stalinist methods of ideological pressure on intellectuals. Questions of culture and art Khrushchev personally supervised. His statements and actions were often contradictory. During his leadership, the country was made a lot of shameful failures.Against the background of the new socio-political situation in the territory of Ukrainian culture in the second half of the twentieth century began the processes associated with the formation of powerful active intellectually creative and democratic national movements. They were a manifestation of the transformation in the scientific, cultural, artistic and political life of Ukrainian society. Among them are the following: innovation philosophers in the sixties philosophical knowledge, appeals artists writers, musicians, and artists to the sources of national culture, the deployment of legal opposition to the totalitarian regime of the sixties dissidents.An outstanding phenomenon scholarship Ukraine 60-ies of the 20th century. Kiev became a philosophical school. Its formation is associated with the activities and work of outstanding scientist Paul Kopnin. Jesus and the Institute of Philosophy was implemented a broad, innovative research program forms and principles of scientific knowledge, rethinking of key categories of scientific knowledge "problem", "idea", "hypothesis", "theory", "scientific research" and so on. Philosophical achievement P. Kopnin and his school received recognition not only in the USSR, but also beyond.The defining feature of Ukrainian cultural space activities of Ukrainian patriots was the sixties. Among the most notable figures of the national cultural and political resistance movement is I .Dziuba, I .Drach, M. Vingranovsky, I. Svitlychny, E. Sverstyuk, V. Stus, V. Symonenko, L. Kostenko, V. Chornovil, V. Shevchuk and many others. They tried to stop the policy of total Russification, Ukrainian national consciousness to deepen, broaden the national-political and cultural rights of the Ukrainian people.The leading activity in the sixties is a cultural trend. Its representatives – artists A. Horska, I. Honchar, P. Zalyvakha, V. Zaretsky, L. Semykina, G. Sevruk and artists Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odesa, Lviv and other cities of Ukraine. They developed folklore and ethnographic motifs, symbols and historical poetics, created a series of portraits of contemporaries, increased interest in art 1920-1930's.The second half of the 60-ies of the 20th century actually stopped the development of a viable branch of Ukrainian culture, nurtured by "the Sixties". However, a few years talented young people, as part of a totalitarian culture, has formed its alternative – the culture of national revival and independence. ; В статье исследуется феномен "шестидесятничества" в украинской культуре второй половины ХХ века. Обоснована целесообразность изучения указанного явления в рамках антропологической парадигмы как методологического инструментария культурологического знания. Рассмотрены ведущие направления интеллектуальных и творческих поисков украинских философов-шестидесятников, художников, представителей национально-демократических движений, деятельность которых стала основой формирования ценностных основ и смысловых ориентиров украинской интеллигенции в период "хрущевской оттепели". ; У статті досліджено феномен "шістдесятництва" в українській культурі другої половини ХХ ст. Обгрунтовано необхідність вивчення зазначеного явища на основі залучення антропологічної парадигми як методологічного інструментарію культурологічного знання. Висвітлено напрями інтелектуальних та творчих пошуків українських філософів-шістдесятників, митців, представників національно-демократичних рухів, діяльність яких стала основою формування ціннісних засад та смислових орієнтирів української інтелігенції у період "хрущовської відлиги"

In decline for most of the second half of the 20th century, London's inner city was at the margin of the socioeconomic dynamics of the British capital for the last decades. Today it has become an essential part in London's development strategy. The aim of this thesis is threefold: it seeks to understand how this part of the city has gradually become a space for negotiating the social and spatial consequences of globalisation; it analyses the role of urban policy in this transformation; and examines the reactions of local authorities and associations.The first part studies how the political and urban regeneration model which governs this shift has stabilised at the end the 1980s in a competitive and entrepreneurial consensus. It mobilises critically the concept of "neoliberal urbanism" to show that the neoliberalisation of space in the inner city is far from being complete, in contrast to the image of an unambiguous withdrawal of the state.The second part proposes to deconstruct the spatial patterns of the global city applied to London. Based on a diachronic multivariate statistical analysis, it illustrates how the social and spatial tapestry of London has become more complex as new global centralities emerged in the 2000s. It shows how the inner city has become a "valve" where middle classes excluded from the central globalised markets negotiate their social reproduction in an increasing competitive context.The last part deals with the impacts on regeneration of the reforms introduced by New Labour and the Conservative / Liberal Democrats coalition in the 2000s. It shows how the regeneration model has been changed by the introduction of sustainability standards, the political recognition of minorities and a « participatory imperative ». This was reflected by the establishment of a specific territorial policy whose aim was to harness regeneration to the development of "pericentral" neighbourhoods. The analysis of this specific policy demonstrates that in the absence of sufficient binding redistributive mechanisms, this policy has led in practice to an accelerated privatisation of public housing and to widespread forms of "new-build" gentrification. The Conservative / Liberal Democrats coalition in power since 2010 has partially upheld the participatory mechanisms in regeneration projects. However, drawing on an ethnography of various forums established around two major urban projects, I show how the context of austerity has led in some cases to a form of privatisation of the core functions of the local urban democracy itself.A final analysis, which combines the study of regional newspapers and the interview of several groups involved in challenging major urban projects, shows that the model of regeneration is now being challenged in several political arenas; however, the protests are fragmented and struggle to develop a general discourse because of the specific project-based geography of regeneration. ; Marges en déclin sociodémographique et économique dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, les quartiers d'inner city se situent aujourd'hui au cœur de la stratégie de développement de la capitale britannique. Le but de ce travail est triple : il s'agit de montrer comment ces quartiers sont progressivement devenus des espaces où se négocient les conséquences sociales et spatiales de la globalisation ; d'analyser le rôle joué par les politiques publiques urbaines dans cette transformation et de donner à voir la réaction des pouvoirs locaux.La première partie analyse comment le modèle politique et urbain de la régénération qui préside à ce changement s'est stabilisé à la fin de la décennie 1980 dans un consensus entrepreneurial, compétitif et partenarial. Mobilisant de façon critique le corpus théorique de la « ville néolibérale », elle montre que la territorialisation de la régénération dans les anciens quartiers d'inner city est discrète et inachevée et fait place à de nombreux reliquats de l'intervention de la puissance publique, loin de l'image d'un retrait univoque de l'État.La deuxième partie propose de déconstruire les modèles spatiaux de la ville globale appliqués à Londres. Elle s'appuie sur une analyse statistique multivariée diachronique qui illustre comment la mosaïque sociospatiale londonienne se complexifie à mesure qu'émergent de nouvelles centralités globales dans les années 2000. Dans ce cadre, nous montrons comment les quartiers d'inner city sont devenus des « espaces-soupapes » où se réfugient les classes moyennes et supérieures exclues des marchés centraux mis sous pression par la globalisation.La dernière partie s'intéresse aux impacts des réformes introduites par les néotravaillistes dans les années 2000 et la coalition conservateurs / libéraux-démocrates, au pouvoir depuis 2010, sur les pratiques et les territoires de la régénération. Elle montre comment les réformes modifient le modèle de la régénération en y introduisant des normes de durabilité, de reconnaissance des minorités et un impératif participatif. La coalition conservateurs / libéraux-démocrates a partiellement maintenu ce cadre. Cependant, un étude ethnographique des dispositifs initiés autour de deux grands projets urbains permet de voir comment le contexte d'austérité a conduit dans certains cas à une forme de privatisation du fonctionnement même de la démocratie urbaine locale.Au total, en l'absence de mécanisme de redistribution suffisamment contraignant, les programmes de régénération conduisent dans les faits à une accélération de la privatisation du parc de logements publics et à une généralisation des formes de gentrification clé-en-main (new-build gentrification). Une dernier corpus, élaboré à partir d'une analyse de la presse régionale et du suivi de plusieurs associations engagées dans la contestation de grands projets urbains montre que la régénération est désormais contestée dans plusieurs sphères politiques ; cependant les protestations sont fragmentées et peinent à se généraliser en raison de la spatialité de la régénération, par projet.

In decline for most of the second half of the 20th century, London's inner city was at the margin of the socioeconomic dynamics of the British capital for the last decades. Today it has become an essential part in London's development strategy. The aim of this thesis is threefold: it seeks to understand how this part of the city has gradually become a space for negotiating the social and spatial consequences of globalisation; it analyses the role of urban policy in this transformation; and examines the reactions of local authorities and associations.The first part studies how the political and urban regeneration model which governs this shift has stabilised at the end the 1980s in a competitive and entrepreneurial consensus. It mobilises critically the concept of "neoliberal urbanism" to show that the neoliberalisation of space in the inner city is far from being complete, in contrast to the image of an unambiguous withdrawal of the state.The second part proposes to deconstruct the spatial patterns of the global city applied to London. Based on a diachronic multivariate statistical analysis, it illustrates how the social and spatial tapestry of London has become more complex as new global centralities emerged in the 2000s. It shows how the inner city has become a "valve" where middle classes excluded from the central globalised markets negotiate their social reproduction in an increasing competitive context.The last part deals with the impacts on regeneration of the reforms introduced by New Labour and the Conservative / Liberal Democrats coalition in the 2000s. It shows how the regeneration model has been changed by the introduction of sustainability standards, the political recognition of minorities and a « participatory imperative ». This was reflected by the establishment of a specific territorial policy whose aim was to harness regeneration to the development of "pericentral" neighbourhoods. The analysis of this specific policy demonstrates that in the absence of sufficient binding redistributive mechanisms, this policy has led in practice to an accelerated privatisation of public housing and to widespread forms of "new-build" gentrification. The Conservative / Liberal Democrats coalition in power since 2010 has partially upheld the participatory mechanisms in regeneration projects. However, drawing on an ethnography of various forums established around two major urban projects, I show how the context of austerity has led in some cases to a form of privatisation of the core functions of the local urban democracy itself.A final analysis, which combines the study of regional newspapers and the interview of several groups involved in challenging major urban projects, shows that the model of regeneration is now being challenged in several political arenas; however, the protests are fragmented and struggle to develop a general discourse because of the specific project-based geography of regeneration. ; Marges en déclin sociodémographique et économique dans la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, les quartiers d'inner city se situent aujourd'hui au cœur de la stratégie de développement de la capitale britannique. Le but de ce travail est triple : il s'agit de montrer comment ces quartiers sont progressivement devenus des espaces où se négocient les conséquences sociales et spatiales de la globalisation ; d'analyser le rôle joué par les politiques publiques urbaines dans cette transformation et de donner à voir la réaction des pouvoirs locaux.La première partie analyse comment le modèle politique et urbain de la régénération qui préside à ce changement s'est stabilisé à la fin de la décennie 1980 dans un consensus entrepreneurial, compétitif et partenarial. Mobilisant de façon critique le corpus théorique de la « ville néolibérale », elle montre que la territorialisation de la régénération dans les anciens quartiers d'inner city est discrète et inachevée et fait place à de nombreux reliquats de l'intervention de la puissance publique, loin de l'image d'un retrait univoque de l'État.La deuxième partie propose de déconstruire les modèles spatiaux de la ville globale appliqués à Londres. Elle s'appuie sur une analyse statistique multivariée diachronique qui illustre comment la mosaïque sociospatiale londonienne se complexifie à mesure qu'émergent de nouvelles centralités globales dans les années 2000. Dans ce cadre, nous montrons comment les quartiers d'inner city sont devenus des « espaces-soupapes » où se réfugient les classes moyennes et supérieures exclues des marchés centraux mis sous pression par la globalisation.La dernière partie s'intéresse aux impacts des réformes introduites par les néotravaillistes dans les années 2000 et la coalition conservateurs / libéraux-démocrates, au pouvoir depuis 2010, sur les pratiques et les territoires de la régénération. Elle montre comment les réformes modifient le modèle de la régénération en y introduisant des normes de durabilité, de reconnaissance des minorités et un impératif participatif. La coalition conservateurs / libéraux-démocrates a partiellement maintenu ce cadre. Cependant, un étude ethnographique des dispositifs initiés autour de deux grands projets urbains permet de voir comment le contexte d'austérité a conduit dans certains cas à une forme de privatisation du fonctionnement même de la démocratie urbaine locale.Au total, en l'absence de mécanisme de redistribution suffisamment contraignant, les programmes de régénération conduisent dans les faits à une accélération de la privatisation du parc de logements publics et à une généralisation des formes de gentrification clé-en-main (new-build gentrification). Une dernier corpus, élaboré à partir d'une analyse de la presse régionale et du suivi de plusieurs associations engagées dans la contestation de grands projets urbains montre que la régénération est désormais contestée dans plusieurs sphères politiques ; cependant les protestations sont fragmentées et peinent à se généraliser en raison de la spatialité de la régénération, par projet.

Versión ampliada y traducida del artículo "Multimodal narrative as an instrument for social change: reinventing democracy in Spain -the case of 15M", que aparecerá en Critical Approaches to Discourse Analysis Across Disciplines (CADAAD) (http://www.cadaad.net/journal). Esta versión se hace pública con permiso de la dirección de la revista. ; [Resumen] Este artículo ofrece una descripción de la emergencia del movimiento español Democracia real ya. Nuestro objetivo es analizar los rasgos discursivos más creativos de este movimiento social y conectar el análisis con el potencial de innovación de las ciencias críticas. Este grupo es el resultado de un levantamiento espontáneo en las principales plazas de Madrid y Barcelona el 15 de mayo de 2011, extendido después a muchas otras ciudades del país; de ahí el nombre de 15M. Aunque la lucha por la democracia no es nueva en España, el 15M muestra una serie de rasgos creativos; entre ellos su lucha pacífica y la propuesta de imaginario de una nueva democracia o visión del mundo, todo ello transmitido a través de eslóganes creados espontáneamente y de manera anónima por sus integrantes. Sus rasgos innovadores no residen solamente en esta creatividad discursiva, sino también en su uso como una forma de acción social. Nuestra hipótesis es que estos eslóganes funcionan a la vez como forma de protesta, y de activación de una nueva comprensión de la crisis y de rearticulación de la identidad de los ciudadanos de víctimas de la crisis a agentes con capacidad de articulación de propuestas. En cuanto a los eslóganes, no nos referimos solamente a los recogidos en las plazas donde estaban situadas las acampadas, sino también a los de las diferentes manifestaciones que tuvieron lugar en las diversas ciudades (las autoras participamos en dos de Barcelona); la mayoría de todos estos eslóganes pudieron descargarse por Internet desde las múltiples webs y blogs del grupo. Con el fin de analizar el carácter multimodal de esta lucha, hemos desarrollado una metodología interdisciplinaria: por un lado, la perspectiva socio-cognitiva que considera las propuestas ideológicas como construcciones cognitivas (de ahí el uso de nociones como narrativas o narratividad, y marcos cognitivos) y, por otro, la posición del Análisis crítico del discurso (ACD) a la hora de analizar los discursos como procesos de imaginación social y transformación. La perspectiva socio-cognitiva nos ayuda a considerar estos discursos en relación con sus actores, sus contextos particulares y las acciones en los que se insertan. El uso de ACD, que a su vez incluye un detallado análisis retórico, nos ayuda a analizar el proceso de deconstrucción, transformación y reconstrucción que el 15M lleva a cabo para mantener su lucha. Asimismo, el análisis de los procesos narrativos de tales eslóganes y el concepto teórico de articulación mostrará, desde el punto de vista metodológico, el proceso de cambio al que nos hemos ya referido. Este cambio ha sido el que tanto en términos cognitivos como en la modificación de la identidad ha modificado a buena parte de la población española de víctimas a indignados o indignadanos (un compuesto de indignado y ciudadano). ; [Abstract] This article provides a description of the emergence of the Spanish 'Occupy' movement, democracia real ya. The aim is to analyse the innovative discursive features of this movement and to connect this analysis to what we consider the innovative potential of the critical sciences. The movement is the result of a spontaneous uprising that appeared on the main squares of Madrid and Barcelona on 15 May 2011 and then spread to other Spanish cities. This date gave it its name: 15M. While the struggle for democracy in Spain is certainly not new, the 15M group shows a series of innovative features. These include the emphasis on peaceful struggle and the imaginary of a new democracy or worldview, transmitted through innovative placards and slogans designed by Spanish citizens. We consider these innovative not only due to their creativity, but also because of their use as a form of civil action. Our argument is that these placards both functioned as a sign of protest and, in combination with the demonstrations and the general dynamics of 15M, helped to reframe the population's understanding of the crisis and rearticulate the identity of the citizens from victims to agents. In order to analyse the multimodal character of this struggle, we developed an interdisciplinary methodology, which combines socio-cognitive approaches that consider ideological proposals as sociocognitive constructs (i.e. the notion of narrative or cognitive frame), and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) in the analysis of discourses related to processes of social imagination and transformation. The socio-constructivist perspective is used to consider these discourses in relation to their actors, particular contexts and actions. The use of CDA, which included a careful rhetoric analysis, helped to analyse the process of deconstruction, transformation and reconstruction that 15M uses to maintain its struggle. The narrative analysis and the discursive theoretical concept of articulation helped to methodologically show aspects of the process of change alluded to above. This change was both in terms of cognition and in the modification of identity that turned a large part of the Spanish population from victims to indignados and to the neologism indignadanos, which is a composition of indignado and ciudadano (citizen). ; Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación; FFI2010-18514

The relationship between citizens and political institutions in democratic systems all over the world seems to be experiencing a time of uncertainty: falling numbers of voters, an increase in populist discourses and parties, rising public protest demanding reforms of political systems and the new manifestations of organisations from civil society being set up to protect and fight for specific rights. Establishing the meaning of citizenship has occupied a great deal of space and effort among theorists who have defined the ideal character linked to the model of a good citizen, which is useful and valid for improving relations between society and the State. However, it is less common to find viewpoints approaching the issue of the meaning of citizenship by directly asking citizens themselves. This article deals with interpretations linked to the notion of citizenship and democracy, based on an empirical analysis, with a research developed largely in the Netherlands, examining data on Dutch citizens' ideals. The data is presented with the aim of seeking uncertainties and evidences that could help for understanding what appears to be a greater distancing between society and the State. With the aim of achieving this objective, this article first presents a brief analysis of the ideals associated with the notion of good citizenship in the literature. Secondly, it introduces some previous cross-national research with closed-ended questions to get grip on the meanings of good citizenship of ordinary citizens in different contexts. Thirdly, having introduced these two issues, an approach is made to the interpretation of the "good citizen" according to open questions to Dutch citizens in surveys carried out by the Netherlands Institute for Social Research (SCP), where one of the authors of this article carries out research work. Later, in a new point, interest is focused on a study of the attitudes and expectations of Dutch citizens with regard to democratic politics, data also collected via the SCP. Analysis of this data will show that, although Dutch citizens show clear acceptance of the democratic system as the best political system, they do not consider politics as something that is relevant. Moreover, they even consider it as rather tiresome and annoying. Citizens adopt a negative attitude towards politics and a high level of mistrust towards their political representatives. These results lead us to introduce some proposals on possible policies in the final part of the paper. These suggestions are not intended to be more than brief notes focusing on three key aspects: the incorporation of the principle of transparency, the introduction of mechanisms for direct participation by citizens and the recognition of the potential of civil society. They are proposals aimed at reducing the distancing between society and the State, believed to be useful for the Netherlands as well as for other possible contexts affected by similar symptoms. ; Los sistemas democráticos de diversos países parecen vivir momentos de incertidumbre en cuanto a la relación entre la ciudadanía y las instituciones políticas. Descenso del número de votantes, ascenso de discursos o partidos de carácter populista, aumento de protestas ciudadanas en demanda de reformas de los sistemas políticos, así como nuevas manifestaciones de organizaciones de la sociedad civil que se erigen en defensa y lucha de derechos concretos. La definición respecto al significado de ciudadanía ha ocupado un amplio espacio y esfuerzo por parte de los teóricos que definen el carácter ideal vinculado con un modelo de buen ciudadano, útil y válido para mejorar las relaciones entre sociedad y Estado. Menos frecuente es encontrar perspectivas que aborden la cuestión sobre el significado de ciudadanía preguntando directamente a los propios ciudadanos. Este artículo trata, precisamente, de abordar -desde un análisis empírico- las interpretaciones vinculadas con la noción de ciudadanía y de democracia desde una investigación desarrollada, principalmente, en los Países Bajos, en la cual se examinan datos sobre los ideales de los ciudadanos neerlandeses. Datos que se presentan con el propósito de buscar incertidumbres y evidencias que ayuden a comprender lo que parece ser un creciente distanciamiento entre la sociedad y el Estado. Con el propósito de completar este objetivo se expone, en primer lugar, un breve análisis de los ideales asociados con la noción de buena ciudadanía según las perspectivas teóricas. En segundo lugar se introducen algunas investigaciones previas que trataron de definir el significado de "buen ciudadano" según la interpretación de ciudadanos corrientes de diferentes contextos. En tercer lugar se realiza la interpretación del "buen ciudadano" según una serie de encuestas y preguntas abiertas planteadas a ciudadanos neerlandeses en un estudio desarrollado desde el Instituto Neerlandés de Investigación Social (SCP). Más adelante, en un nuevo punto, el interés se centra en el abordaje de las actitudes y las expectativas que tienen los neerlandeses respecto a la política democrática, datos recogidos también a través del SCP. El análisis de estos datos muestran que si bien los ciudadanos neerlandeses tienen una clara aceptación del sistema democrático como mejor sistema político, no consideran la política como algo relevante. Llegan a considerarla como algo engorroso y molesto. La ciudadanía adopta una actitud negativa hacia la política y una elevada desconfianza hacia sus representantes políticos. Resultados que nos lleva a plantear sugerencias normativas que no pretenden más que ser unos breves apuntes centrados en tres aspectos clave: la incorporación del principio de transparencia, la introducción de mecanismos de participación ciudadana directa y el reconocimiento del potencial de la sociedad civil. Propuestas dirigidas a paliar el distanciamiento entre sociedad y Estado que se creen útiles para los Países Bajos, así como para otros posibles contextos afectados por síntomas similares.

The first chapter examines the role played by the litter (lectica) and sedan chair (sella) in Roman literature and culture. The portrait of the wealthy freedman, lounging in his deluxe octaphoros (litter carried by eight imported slaves), is one which appears repeatedly, taking shape in the late Republic and reaching a climax of frequency in the satires of Juvenal and the epigrams of Martial, in the late first century CE. While by this stage the conveyance undeniably functions as a satirical symbol, the origins and constructedness of its role as such have been surprisingly under-examined by modern scholars. In order to excavate the litter's developing identity, I first unravel Roman accounts of the vehicle's origins. The lectica was repeatedly framed by Roman authors such as Cicero as an exotic import from the near east (Bithynia, in particular), only available to Romans upon their exposure, through the process of imperial expansion, to eastern softness. However, such a projection involved carefully distinguishing this "decadent" litter from already existing, sanctioned litter use: thus the lectica also encompasses a category closer to our "stretcher." Indeed, the litter's status as a newfangled import is belied by coexisting narratives of republican-era patriarchs riding in the lectica, usually because of injury, old age, or disability. At the same time, there are numerous accounts of able-bodied Roman commanders who take the field in a lectica. That the notion of the litter as a stand-in for decadent luxury was still up for negotiation in the late Republic is demonstrated by Cicero, who could at one moment lambaste his juridical or political opponents for employing the litter, and at the next boast of his latest litter acquisition or invite his friends on a litter joy-ride at his villa. I argue that the litter's repeated configuration as an awkward boundary-crosser, constantly out of place whether in public or in private, contributes to the strengthening of dominant categories.Chapter Two treats the more central image of the chariot (currus) in Roman literature and culture. The Roman chariot was a symbol of unique power and prestige in part because of built-in, inherited features: its role as the vehicle of the Homeric battlefield, as the preferred mode of transport for divinities and celestial bodies, as the metapoetic chariot of song of Greek lyric, and as a Platonic metaphor for the soul's constitution. While the complex reception of these individual and often overlapping strands in Roman poetry has been extensively examined, less studied is their intersection with the more distinctively Roman uses to which the chariot was put. In fact, the resonances of the four-horse currus triumphalis, in which generals rode during the triumphal procession, and the circus chariot, the breakneck-fast racing vehicle of the Roman circus, are frequently far more vital to understanding the function of the chariot in Roman literature. Starting from the assumption that the opposition between the two is central to understanding the Roman concept of currus, I explore how, on the one hand, literary chariots constantly invoke the transcendent power of the triumphal chariot, and yet, with increasing frequency, are represented as suffering terrible crashes. I read this obsessive fetishization of chariot crashes, which reaches a peak by the late first century CE, as attesting to an underlying anxiety about matters of imperial succession and expansion, and, at the same time, a willful articulation of a collective desire on the part of Romans to witness the collapse of the princeps. A counterpoint to Rome's most central vehicle is the essedum, of which I offer an account as a postscript to the second chapter. This war-chariot of the Britons, first encountered and described by Caesar during his British expedition, was subsequently appropriated as an exotic and fashionable means of getting around Rome and its environs. As the vehicle's original associations fade through time, the conveyance becomes increasingly normalized for quick trips and even seems to have become a kind of light stage-coach for long-distance journeys. Nevertheless, as I argue, the essedum's lingering identity as mobile spoils of war available for leisure use by elites allowed the vehicle to function as a safe, subordinate alternative to the pinnacle achievement represented by the triumph. The third and final chapter explores the cultural significance of the carpentum and its prestigious relative, the pilentum, two special carriages sanctioned for use by Roman matrons, but nearly always portrayed as problematic or else dangerous. Through an examination of several stories involving the carpentum--most importantly that of Tullia, who famously drove over the corpse of her father, King Servius, in the carriage--I show how this conveyance served to focalize Roman patriarchal anxieties surrounding women's conflicting loyalties as daughters and wives. Next, I analyze accounts of the prohibition of women's privilege of using the carpenta, the attempts of moralizing senators such as Cato the Elder to oppose the repeal of this ban, and the dramatic protest of the women themselves. I demonstrate how its occasional, but conspicuous use by men was represented as effeminizing, and I trace the recurring theme of hybridity in its depictions. I conclude by arguing that, rather than being exclusively about Roman attitudes towards women's mobility, the representations of the carpentum reveal an underlying crisis of individual agency in the late Republic and early Principate, for which vehicular transport--and the carpentum especially--functioned as a most powerful metaphor.