Suchergebnisse

In this work we aim to analyze the statute of the Romansh language and of its idioms in the Grison/Graubűnden Canton (Switzerland), from the Sursilvan lyrics perspective of Tresa Rűther-Seeli and her contemporary, Linard Candreia. Because of the massive split of the five Romanic idioms with own writing, of the fact that none of them had developed into a standard literary language, as well as of the massive decrease in the population who speaks them, the situation of these idioms becomes dramatic, in spite of and because of the intervention of the political factor to impose a standard official language – Romansh.

We are moving towards a new security paradigm in which the predictability and stability of the system of international relations are directly impacted by global strategic rivalry, with a significant potential for rearranging the relationships between strategic players with global interests. The concept of security culture must be understood in this context, integrated into the security paradigm, and tailored to the dynamics of the international security environment, as it affects a variety of fields in addition to security, including the military, economic, socio-political, and cultural ones. Using several studies and opinion surveys conducted by public opinion polling institutions and, respectively, by non-governmental organizations, regarding the measurement of the security culture and the reactions to it, it is crucial to examine the relationship between security culture and hybrid threats, societal resilience, information warfare, cyber security, or emerging threats. It is also important to follow the evolution of the concept of "security culture" in Romania. Last but not least, this essay aims to examine the distinctive components of security culture from fields and action directions while also offering a number of suggestions for raising security culture in Romania

Ne îndreptăm spre o nouă paradigmă de securitate în care competiția strategică globală are un efect direct asupra predictibilității și stabilității sistemului de relații internaționale, existând un potențial ridicat de reconfigurare a relațiilor dintre actorii strategici cu interese globale. În acest context, cultura de securitate trebuie înțeleasă, integrată în paradigma de securitate și adaptată la dinamica mediului de securitate internațional, deoarece conceptul nu vizează doar domeniul securității, ci se regăsește și în interacțiunea dintre domenii: de la militar, la economic, sociopolitic sau cultural. Este important să examinăm legătura dintre cultura de securitate și amenințările hibride, reziliența societală, războiul informațional, securitatea cibernetică sau amenințările emergente și să urmărim, totodată, evoluția conceptului de "cultură de securitate" în România, folosindu-ne de mai multe studii și sondaje de opinie, efectuate de instituții de sondare a opiniei publice și, respectiv, de organizații nonguvernamentale, privind măsurarea culturii de securitate și reacția românilor la evenimentele asociate acestui concept. Nu în ultimul rând, acest articol își propune să analizeze care sunt elementele specifice culturii de securitate, dar și să aducă o serie de recomandări pentru creșterea nivelului culturii de securitate în România.

Abstract
The present study is an attempt at mapping the Romanian society's attitudes towards sustainable fashion. Our analyses are based on the European Commission Eurobarometer 92.4 (2019) data relevant for Romania. We have looked into ten Likert-type variables focused on consumer attitudes regarding sustainable fashion. As a first step, we created a sustainable-fashion attitude scale, followed by an exploratory factor analysis (EFA) aimed at investigating the inner structure of the variables. Thereafter, we employed a linear regression analysis in a bid to answer the question as to which are the variables that account for commitment to sustainable fashion in Romania. Inter alia, our results suggest that positive attitudes towards sustainable fashion are most enhanced by awareness about environmental issues and sensitivity to environmental protection in general and are weakened most significantly by poor financial situation measured in terms of difficulty in paying the bills.
Besides gathering information on environmental protection from traditional media (the press), relying on Internet sources in this respect also increases support for the transition to a more environmentally conscious textile industry. Our analysis touches upon research limitations such as the attitude–action gap.

The COVID-19 pandemic brought to the fore some divergent ideas that are added to the list of those already existing within NATO. Pivoting the Alliance's efforts to fight the new coronavirus (and future outbreaks) requires a different set of military capabilities. The pandemic could further contribute to a shift in NATO's strategic geography from an east-west to a north-south axis and, at the same time, shift the focus on military spending and defence preparation away from the eastern border to the Mediterranean. We are also dealing with an amplification of the Russian propaganda campaign whose target audience seems to be the population of southern and western Europe and which could call into question the value of an alliance that is not effective in the response to the crisis created by the new virus. It makes the London agenda obsolete and the Allies find the most appropriate answers and topics for discussion at the next summit in October in Beverly Hills, California, USA.

For all national German elections since 1953 and for each position on one of the parties' state lists the probability to get elected into parliament is calculated. Identifying safe list positions allows us to analyze parties' nomination strategies. Given that the large majority of all Members of Parliament run both on a list and in a district, we can investigate how parties combine (un)safe districts with (un)safe list positions. Thereby insight is gained into the relative attractiveness of list- versus district-candidatures, into the potential for parliamentary 'role differentiation' between list- and district-candidates and into the effectiveness of the basic democratic sanctioning mechanism -- voting representatives out of office. Adapted from the source document.