Suchergebnisse

Problem setting. Critical thinking is an attribute of consciousness that can be manifested in all human activities where it is required, as a condition ofpossibility, in the use of critical reason and deliberation. Consequently, it is in the domains of politics that critical thinking is used more frequently, to discuss the scope and concrete significance of the discourses and practices that, from the exercise ofpublic powers, are deployed on intelligent citizenship and with the minimum necessary of information for peer deliberation.Recent research and publications analysis. The term «critical thinking» itself is inextricably linked with the concept of «criticism. The Modern Dictionary of Social Sciences defines the term «criticism» as «a way of spiritual activity, the main task of which is to give a holistic assessment of the phenomenon, revealing its contradictions, strengths and weaknesses». Critical thinking is understood as a system of judgments, which is used to analyze things and events with the formulation ofsound conclusions and allows us to make informed estimates, interpretations, and also apply the results to situations and problems. According to a number of researchers (Palacios, Alvarez, Moreira, and Moran, 2017), critical thinking is a type of reasoning that can be defined differently, but most of these reasoning always have something to do with the act of a survey or assessment. For this reason, speaking of critical thinking in general terms, references are made to questions and assessments, which ultimately make it possible to express a judgment or substantiate a position regarding a fact, phenomenon or idea. There is a position that the transition to a critical level of thinking in a particular community is a necessary prerequisite for the beginning of the civilized development of this community.Paper objective. The objective of this article is to deconstruct the most common contributions of critical thinking, as a form ofparticipation and political deliberation. It is about investigating what it implies for a social actor or political subject to think critically, by reviewing different theoretical and legal developments, which have been propping up dialectically in the West, since the advent of the philosophical program of political modernity, a culture of critical thinking that subsumes to different notions such as: freedom of conscience, freedom of expression, autonomy of the person, rights of resistance to oppression and free development of personality.Methodology. Methodologically it is a research of documentary design developed in the coordinates of the philosophical essay, next to the Latin American philosopher and the revision of the most popular political theory.Paper main body. Democracy is the natural space of critical thinking. In it, the individual - and beyond, the social movements - find the basic conditions for the development of criticality: freedom (recognition in the legal plane offreedom of thought and expression), and the possibility of dissenting in order to seek social change. In this sense, critical thinking is not the exclusive patrimony of a progressive or conservative ideology, but of every person and social group that, in a context of democratic exercise, think about the established order and its transformation.Totalitarian systems repress critical thinking, and although they do not cancel it due to the resistance of some dissenting voices, they prevent it from becoming generalized in the population. The change or conformation ofan order of justice, equality and participation, aspiration present in the critical vision of society, is replaced in totalitarianism (either from the right or from the left) by an ideology of control, where freedom is curtailed, to sow in the population the belief in a non-existent functional order, when in reality it is devoid of a minimum of rationality.Democratic systems, in contrast to totalitarian systems, promote freedom of expression and recognize the right of citizens to think differently from what is considered normal in society. In this way, critical thinking does not represent a threat to democracy, but is part of it; while for totalitarianism, it is simply subversive and dangerous.Conclusions of the research. Among the main findings, the idea that critical thinking is not the exclusive patrimony of certain self-defined political and ideological tendencies as progressive in the region stands out. It is concluded that, this way of thinking is uncomfortable per se for all the paradigms that serve as the basis for the status quo, in politics and society. ; В статье обосновывается, что критическое мышление, будучи атрибутом че­ловеческого сознания, так или иначе, проявляет себя во всех видах деятельности человека, предполагающих использование критического разума и последующего дис­курса. Обращается внимание, что чаще всего критическое мышление применяется именно в политико-правовой сфере. Утверждается, что критическое мышление предполагает для своего применения демократическую культуру, которая способ­ствует толерантности, политическим дебатам и социальному консенсусу. ; У статті обґрунтовується, що критичне мислення, будучи атрибутом людської свідомості, так чи інакше, проявляє себе в усіх видах діяльності людини, що перед­бачають використання критичного розуму та подальшого дискурсу. Доводиться, що найчастіше критичне мислення застосовується саме в політико-правовій сфері. Стверджується, що критичне мислення передбачає для свого застосування демо­кратичну культуру, яка сприяє толерантності, політичним дебатам та соціально­му консенсусу.

This research paper analyses participation of members of the public (public participation) 1 in the administration of justice, focusing on the problematic aspects of constitutional regulation. Constitutional amendments should establish a regulation that allows members of the public to participate in the administration of justice. The purpose of this paper is to discuss whether the fact that public participation is not established at the constitutional level in other European Union (hereinafter, the EU) countries violates the principles of separation of powers or constitutional rule of law. This paper also aims to discuss why the amendment to the Constitution is necessary for Lithuania, and what the scope of such an amendment should be so that the integrity of the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania (hereinafter, the Constitution) is maintained and the compliance with the requirements of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (hereinafter, the Convention) is ensured. Design/methodology/approach. A qualitative research has been carried out. The following data collection methods were used: questionnaires made up of open-ended questions (the survey was conducted via email) as well as an interview (the interview with Prof. Egidijus Kūris via email), thematic analysis, and document selection. The following data processing methods were used: the data was processed by analysing the contents of the documents and summarising the educational (legal) practice. The following data analysis methods were used: a dogmatic and comparative analysis. The data regarding the level of regulation of public participation was collected remotely from the participants and experts (judges, representatives of courts, scholars, representatives of ministries of justice) from various EU countries. The data was collected, processed, and analysed from spring 2019 until the submission of this paper for publication, i.e. spring 2020. The participants of the study were asked problem questions related to constitutional regulation. Research papers, other literature related to the issue of the study, constitutions of EU countries, and other international and national legislation were analysed. The scope of the study is the legal framework of EU countries and selected from them the EU countries that have lay participation established only at the legislative (ordinary) level instead of the constitutional level. The data for the research was collected from Estonia, Malta, Finland, Sweden, Hungary, and Germany. In addition, Poland, Latvia, Slovenia, Slovakia, and Norway were included in the study with regards to the amendment of Article 112(5) of the Constitution. The participants from Latvia, Slovenia, Slovakia, and Norway agreed to participate in the study but were unable to provide answers before submitting the paper for review. The findings. For the EU countries that have lay participation established at the legislative (ordinary) instead of the highest (constitutional) level, it is not necessary to amend the Constitution. This is due to the differences among the countries, their systems and mentality, methods and tradition of constitutional interpretation and constitutional identity. However, within the context of the Lithuanian legal system, it is necessary to amend the Constitution. In order to maintain the integrity of the Constitution, and to harmonise constitutional regulation with the requirements of the Convention, four articles of the Constitution should be considered: amending Article 48(4) of the Constitution, supplementing Article 109 of the Constitution with Paragraph 5, supplementing Article 111 of the Constitution with Paragraph 5, and amending Article 112(5) of the Constitution. Research limitations/implications. Not all EU countries participated in the research, i.e. Ireland, Austria, Greece, Cypress, Luxembourg, and Portugal. Since not all the representatives expressed their consent to their opinions being published, to protect personal data, the identities of such participants or experts have not been given in the paper. Only those who agreed to be quoted with their full name and place of work have been identified in the paper. Practical implications. Recommendations for further practice so that if the remaining countries decide to introduce public participation to the administration of justice, they can assess whether it is necessary to intervene in the constitution. Meanwhile, countries that have established public participation only at the legislative level may evaluate their constitutional identity with regards to the necessity to amend or supplement their constitutions. There are ongoing discussions in the EU countries about how to select lay judges so that their independence is ensured; therefore, this paper analyses whether lay judges should be introduced to the judiciary system in the same way as professional judges are. Originality/Value. There is a draft amendment to the Constitution registered at the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania (hereinafter, the Seimas). The draft amendments to the Constitution No. XIIIP-3273 were considered in the Committee on Legal Affairs during the autumn session of the Seimas. However, the draft amendments received a lot of important observations, especially from scholars, due to which the consideration was postponed. It is currently unclear whether the authors of the draft amendments plan to clarify the document or not. This contributes to the relevance of the topic and the necessity to publicise the extent of the amendments to the Constitution. Keywords: lay judges, selection of lay judges, constitution, amendments to a constitution, constitutional amendments, the principle of separation of powers, the principle of constitutional rule of law, the principle of integrity.

As a poetic exploration of the collaborative practice of Kelly + Jones (2014-2020), this article critiques processes employed by the artists to excavate writing and site with attention to aspects of sound. The sites of investigation include a disused quarry in Cambridge, UK . The use of the chalk quarry creates a unique ambience/ambiance – which can be considered theoretically in relation to phenomenological, dialogical, and post- feminist perspectives, in tandem with a partnered site of an old staircase with integral chalkboard in a former inner-city Victorian school. The site-specific nature of the investigation requires that environmental ambience is noted and processed through the body as a material quality instrumental in rendering form. The material ambience of site is also embroiled with the cultural ambiance of received convention and practices that seep into diverse modes of expression through and off the body that is inescapably conditioned by the translation of social relations. Also to consider is an inter-relational translation from environment to tissue where cultural memory embeds in the yet-to-emerge gestures of the anticipated. Throughout this text ambience is a reference to physical and sensed qualities and ambiance to the cultural uptake that conditions individual subjectivity within its political realm. The gouging and scarring of the landscape where chalk has been blasted, hacked and removed, and the striking of surfaces inherent in chalk on board in regimes of education and enculturation chime with the violent and strident nature of writing a subject into being, even more evident in acts of resistance. The sifting of dust particles into the lungs of workers and educators are a reaction inducing irritant causing bodies to spasm in coughs and soft tissue to mobilise and swell. The artists value this material and cultural aspect as a site of troublesome proliferation on the side of the feminine. The collaborative writing offers a glimpse into the artists' questioning of the material world of the human body and the spent bodies of marine-life which create chalk deposits, in order to explore the dialogic relationship of the body and its ambiant hauntological qualities . Though the project holds personal resonance and subjectivities for the artists tethered to site intimacy, in this instance they opt to share their research through the distance of third person. Through the culturally received dominance of the masculine empirical voice this could be viewed as a replication and appropriation of a hierarchical voice-as-trope rather than a subversion towards the non-binary. The artists have different intentions for use. By putting aside the intimacy of the first person the artists intend to draw attention to the there-yet-not-there qualities of the hauntological scene and to perhaps open a space where the reader can insert their own subjectivity as they wander through a newly encountered and perhaps dense terrain. A reader may find their own ways to enter the unoccupied space of first person and disrupt the flow of words and events, altering the course of the article within their individual encounter. Similarly, the practical research around writing resists using text because of its inherently hierarchical disposition in terms of gender, race and class codes and exclusions. By refusing to offer decipherable text in the practical investigations the artists set up an alternative provocation utilising grammatical signs and symbols. By tampering with the form and avoiding the defining sense of a word they aim to resist boundaries and enable 'the structural enigma which inaugurates the scene of writing'. (Castricano 2001) As part of their investigation into the site of writing, this essay creatively contemplates the role of the body as an instrument for making and storing sculptural sound documentation to excavate work based on re/calling, un/calling, production and erasure within phenomenological experience. Kelly + Jones embrace the unknown within research-creation as the ground for potentiality in thinking around chalk's materiality and the cultural significance of mark-making as a condition of writing a subject into being. The collaboration probes how this might be distilled into enmeshed visual and audial practice through creating a micro-ecology of sound-body interventions. Through their improvised gestures ambiance is situated as a dis/embodied oscillation that only exists in the moment of interplay between artists and site, which the artists consider live 'jamming sessions' within a responsive and improvised practice. The unforetold of improvisation and the discursive nature of ambiance necessitate the grapple of emergent subjectivity and its possible transgressions. The relationship between sound-body-landscape blurs the lines of formation of ambiance, as a site of re/action. Ambiance's unfaithful and generative translation into gesture resists ontological distinctions and casts shimmering generative interplays. The exploratory works in the quarry consider the artist as instrument and sensitised corporeal recording device, the pit as echo chamber, and the artists' interventions in the site as soundscapes – visceral, live scores that are embodied. The positioning of the artists' bodies as a point of resonance in building sculptural soundscapes constitutes a fragile and precarious interplay with the site. This evolving body of work is a series of multimedia-based artefacts and live works that explore the contextual process of writing through the body and the writing of sound-as-site into being. ; Hyperallergic

Розкрито сутність та політико-правову природу конституційно-правового забезпечення національної безпеки в Україні. Досліджено роль Конституції України в процесі забезпечення національних інтересів та формування без пекового середовища. Проведено аналіз системо утворюючої та організаційно-установчої функції Конституції України в даній сфері. Розкривається основний зміст конституційно-правового забезпечення національної безпеки в Україні. Проведено дослідження основних положень Конституції України та законів України в сфері встановлення засад реалізації національної безпеки. Проведено аналіз положень Конституції України на предмет закріплення та регулювання окремих засад функціонування системи забезпечення національної безпеки України. Визначені основні засади конституційно-правового регулювання організаційної та інституційної складової системи забезпечення національної безпеки. Досліджено особливу державно-правову природу Конституції України, як центрального елементу в сфері організації забезпечення національної безпеки. Конституція України містить положення переважно загального характеру які визначають систему гарантій прав і свобод людини і громадянина, визначає засади та пріоритети політики в сфері забезпечення національної безпеки, саме її положеннями забезпечується єдність архітектоніки та організаційної узгодженості існування системи національної безпеки України. Разом з тим, зазначається наявність суттєвого недоліку конституційно-правового регулювання в означеній сфері. Зокрема, нормами Конституції України (ст. 17-18) визначено обов'язок участі суспільства та громадян України в забезпеченні лише окремих складових національної безпеки: інформаційної, економічної, військової. Натомість в інших сферах, така участь не є конституційно-правовим обов'язком громадян. Крім того, саме поняття та зміст категорії «національна безпека» повинні закріплюватися на конституційному рівні, а Конституція України не повинна мати дихотомність категорій «національна» та «державна» безпека, що містить в собі ризики зниження ефективності всієї системи її практичного забезпечення ; Раскрыта сущность и политико-правовую природу конституционно-правового обеспечения национальной безопасности в Украине. Исследована роль Конституции Украины в процессе обеспечения национальных интересов и формирования среды безопасности. Проведен анализ системообразующей и организационно-учредительной функции Конституции Украины в данной сфере. Раскрывается основное содержание конституционно-правового обеспечения национальной безопасности в Украине. Проведено исследование основных положений Конституции Украины и законов Украины в сфере установления основ реализации национальной безопасности. Проведен анализ положений Конституции Украины на предмет закрепления и регулирования отдельных принципов функционирования системы обеспечения национальной безопасности Украины. Определены основные принципы конституционно-правового регулирования организационной и институциональной составляющей системы обеспечения национальной безопасности. Исследовано особую государственно-правовую природу Конституции Украины, как центрального элемента в области организации обеспечения национальной безопасности. Конституция Украины содержит положения преимущественно общего характера, которые определяют систему гарантий прав и свобод человека и гражданина, определяют основы и приоритеты политики в сфере обеспечения национальной безопасности, именно ее положениями обеспечивается единство архитектоники и организационной согласованности существования системы национальной безопасности Украины. Вместе с тем, отмечается наличие существенного недостатка конституционно-правового регулирования в указанной сфере. В частности, нормами Конституции Украины (ст. 17-18) определена обязанность участия общества и граждан Украины в обеспечении только отдельных составляющих национальной безопасности: информационной, экономической, военной. В других сферах такое участие не является конституционно-правовой обязанностью граждан. Кроме того, само понятие и содержание категории «национальная безопасность» должны закрепляться на конституционном уровне, а Конституция Украины не должна иметь дихотомность категорий «национальная» и «государственная» безопасность, содержащую в себе риски снижения эффективности всей системы ее практического обеспечения ; The essence and political-legal nature of constitutional-legal provision of national security in Ukraine are revealed. The role of the Constitution of Ukraine in the process of ensuring national interests and the formation of a security environment has been studied. An analysis of the system-forming and organizational and constituent function of the Constitution of Ukraine in this area has been carried out. The main content of the constitutional and legal provision of national security in Ukraine is disclosed. A study has been carried out of the main provisions of the Constitution and the laws of Ukraine in the field of establishing the foundations for the implementation of national security. An analysis of the provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine has been carried out with a view to consolidating and regulating certain principles of the functioning of the national security system of Ukraine. The basic principles of constitutional and legal regulation of the organizational and institutional component of the national security system are defined. The special State legal nature of the Constitution of Ukraine as a central element in the organization of national security was studied. The Constitution of Ukraine contains provisions of a predominantly general nature, which determine the system of guarantees of human and civil rights and freedoms, determine the foundations and priorities of the national security policy, and it is its provisions that ensure the unity of architects and organizational coherence of the existence of the national security system of Ukraine. At the same time, there is a significant lack of constitutional and legal regulation in this area. In particular, the Constitution of Ukraine (arts. 17-18) defines the obligation of participation of society and citizens of Ukraine in ensuring only certain components of national security: information, economic, military. In other areas, such participation is not a constitutional and legal obligation of citizens. In addition, the very concept and content of the "national security" category should be enshrined at the constitutional level, and the Constitution of Ukraine should not have a dichotomy of the "national" and "state" security categories, which contains risks of reducing the effectiveness of the entire system of its practical provision

Problem setting. At the present stage of human evolution, the development of the information society plays a major role. One of the vectors for society's development is digital transformation, including the use of e-government. E-governance technologies are an important factor for successful public administration reform in the country.The eGovernment implementation strategy is defined in the eGovernment Development Concept in Ukraine approved by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. But the practical implementation of this concept reveals a number of problems, both legal and informational. Among these problems is the problem of assessing the current state of e-government in the country and regions.Recent research and publications analysis. Estimates of the development of e-government and information society are devoted to the work of such scientists as: Zhilyayeva IB, Dovgoy OS, Semenchenko AI, Polumienko SK and others. At the same time, there is a lack of research aimed at creating a national system of indicators for the development of e-government and the information society at both national and regional levels.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The purpose of the article is to analyze the current international rating indices for the development of the information society and e-governance and to identify relevant groups of indicators for their introduction into the national system of indicators.Paper main body. When implementing e-governance in public institutions and organizations, it is crucial to have an objective assessment of the functioning of modern information technology (IT). At the present stage of information technology development, including in the functioning of e-government, different approaches are used, among which the most recognized is the approach based on the use of integrated assessment. An integrated assessment of e-government activity is a characteristic of e-government activity that results from the study of a set of indicators that determine most government and public processes and provides aggregate data on the results of e-services development.At the World Summit on the Information Society in Tunisia in 2005, a core set of information and telecommunication indicators was approved, on the basis of which statistical analysis is carried out and country ratings are formed at the international level. At this summit, it was noted that, given their specificity, countries are introducing their own set of indicators for the development of the information society. At the same time, it is emphasized that although the rapid development of technologies causes changes in the structure of indicators, the characteristic set consists of the following four groups:– infrastructure and access to IT;– access and use of IT by households and individuals;– use of IT in business;– IT sector and IT merchandise.The most popular, as shown by the research of the authors on the basis of the analysis of the websites of international organizations, are the ratings built using the following indices:– eGovernment Development Index (EGDI);– E-Participation Index (EPART);– the Global Innovation Index (GII);– Global Connectivity Index (GCI, Huawei);– IMD World Digital Competitiveness Index (WDCI);– Digital Economy and Society Index (DESI);– ICT Development Index (IDI);– Networked Readiness Index (NRI).The WDCR, NRI, GCI indexes more closely reflect institutional, economic and technological indicators. The DESI, IDI, EGDI, EPART indices are more focused on the social sphere and are used to assess the development of the information society in the country.The composite indices listed above can be used for analysis and overall trends in e-governance and ICT in the country, as well as for benchmarking with the region's and world leaders.By all indexes, Ukraine is far behind the leading countries, leading to the implementation of strategic measures for the development of the information society and e-governance.Thus, the International Indices provide an objective and importantly independent from the authorities and indicate the need to step up actions to create conditions for the development of e-government, public institutions and digitization of both business and public processes.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Recently, the development of e-governance and the introduction of electronic administrative services are moving to a new level. The international indicators discussed in the article give a full assessment of the level of development and functioning of e-government in the country. However, these techniques mainly assess the technical component, the level of education of the population and the number of available electronic services. At the same time, eGovernment is a complex phenomenon that, at least in Ukraine, is related to the transformation of public administration, both at the state and local levels. Therefore, assessing the level of eGovernment development should be done not only across the country, but also with objective data by region.Further studies will identify key indicators and indicators that will allow monitoring and evaluation of the development of e-governance and the information society in the country and its regions. ; Розглянуто існуючі міжнародні індекси та рейтинги розвитку інформаційного суспільства та електронного врядування. Проаналізовано складові міжнародних індексів та можливість застосування їх для оцінки сучасного стану електронного урядування в країні та регіонах. Обґрунтовано ключові показники для побудови національної вимірювальної системи розвитку електронного урядування.

This research paper analyses participation of members of the public (public participation) 1 in the administration of justice, focusing on the problematic aspects of constitutional regulation. Constitutional amendments should establish a regulation that allows members of the public to participate in the administration of justice. The purpose of this paper is to discuss whether the fact that public participation is not established at the constitutional level in other European Union (hereinafter, the EU) countries violates the principles of separation of powers or constitutional rule of law. This paper also aims to discuss why the amendment to the Constitution is necessary for Lithuania, and what the scope of such an amendment should be so that the integrity of the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania (hereinafter, the Constitution) is maintained and the compliance with the requirements of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (hereinafter, the Convention) is ensured. Design/methodology/approach. A qualitative research has been carried out. The following data collection methods were used: questionnaires made up of open-ended questions (the survey was conducted via email) as well as an interview (the interview with Prof. Egidijus Kūris via email), thematic analysis, and document selection. The following data processing methods were used: the data was processed by analysing the contents of the documents and summarising the educational (legal) practice. The following data analysis methods were used: a dogmatic and comparative analysis. The data regarding the level of regulation of public participation was collected remotely from the participants and experts (judges, representatives of courts, scholars, representatives of ministries of justice) from various EU countries. The data was collected, processed, and analysed from spring 2019 until the submission of this paper for publication, i.e. spring 2020. The participants of the study were asked problem questions related to constitutional regulation. Research papers, other literature related to the issue of the study, constitutions of EU countries, and other international and national legislation were analysed. The scope of the study is the legal framework of EU countries and selected from them the EU countries that have lay participation established only at the legislative (ordinary) level instead of the constitutional level. The data for the research was collected from Estonia, Malta, Finland, Sweden, Hungary, and Germany. In addition, Poland, Latvia, Slovenia, Slovakia, and Norway were included in the study with regards to the amendment of Article 112(5) of the Constitution. The participants from Latvia, Slovenia, Slovakia, and Norway agreed to participate in the study but were unable to provide answers before submitting the paper for review. The findings. For the EU countries that have lay participation established at the legislative (ordinary) instead of the highest (constitutional) level, it is not necessary to amend the Constitution. This is due to the differences among the countries, their systems and mentality, methods and tradition of constitutional interpretation and constitutional identity. However, within the context of the Lithuanian legal system, it is necessary to amend the Constitution. In order to maintain the integrity of the Constitution, and to harmonise constitutional regulation with the requirements of the Convention, four articles of the Constitution should be considered: amending Article 48(4) of the Constitution, supplementing Article 109 of the Constitution with Paragraph 5, supplementing Article 111 of the Constitution with Paragraph 5, and amending Article 112(5) of the Constitution. Research limitations/implications. Not all EU countries participated in the research, i.e. Ireland, Austria, Greece, Cypress, Luxembourg, and Portugal. Since not all the representatives expressed their consent to their opinions being published, to protect personal data, the identities of such participants or experts have not been given in the paper. Only those who agreed to be quoted with their full name and place of work have been identified in the paper. Practical implications. Recommendations for further practice so that if the remaining countries decide to introduce public participation to the administration of justice, they can assess whether it is necessary to intervene in the constitution. Meanwhile, countries that have established public participation only at the legislative level may evaluate their constitutional identity with regards to the necessity to amend or supplement their constitutions. There are ongoing discussions in the EU countries about how to select lay judges so that their independence is ensured; therefore, this paper analyses whether lay judges should be introduced to the judiciary system in the same way as professional judges are. Originality/Value. There is a draft amendment to the Constitution registered at the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania (hereinafter, the Seimas). The draft amendments to the Constitution No. XIIIP-3273 were considered in the Committee on Legal Affairs during the autumn session of the Seimas. However, the draft amendments received a lot of important observations, especially from scholars, due to which the consideration was postponed. It is currently unclear whether the authors of the draft amendments plan to clarify the document or not. This contributes to the relevance of the topic and the necessity to publicise the extent of the amendments to the Constitution. Keywords: lay judges, selection of lay judges, constitution, amendments to a constitution, constitutional amendments, the principle of separation of powers, the principle of constitutional rule of law, the principle of integrity.

Every April 21 Indonesian people celebrate Kartini Day. R.A. Kartini who is considered as a national hero identical with her struggle through her letters sent to friends who occupy positions in the Dutch colonial government, one of them was Mrs Abendanon-Mandri, a wife of Mr. Abendanon, Minister of Education and Crafts Netherlands in 1890. The contents of these letters was she wanted the Dutch colonial noted Bumiputra. Through the letter, communication used by R.A. Kartini was influenced by friends and reading when he read it. One of them was when she meet with Mbah Soleh Darat in Demak. It was not many researchers observe their meeting. The books that have been published solely focus on the fight gender inequality, women's education, and nationalism of RA Kartini. Meanwhile, researchers didn??t note the religion side. Therefore there are things that should be examined from the religius of RA Kartini. Firstly, it was about why correspondence was chosen by R.A. Kartini as an effort to introduce Islam to Mrs Abendanon. Secondly, any religious issues R.A. Kartini presented to Mrs. R.M. Abendanon-Mandri. And the third is how R.A. Kartini framing religious issues through letters to Mrs. R.MAbendanon-Mandri. To investigate the issue, the researchers used data collection techniques from previous research of RA Kartini books and letters sent to Mrs Abendanon published by KITLV. The analysis is to reveal three things using discourse analysis. This analysis will focus on how to analyze the figure of RA Kartini and her letters. It is also to know what reality construction by RA Kartini in letters to Mrs AbendanonMandri. In journal of A Century Kartini (Anthology Essays About RA Kartini) Grafitas in 1983 briefly it is about the real freedom that solely happened in human beings, not only men but also women, so is in scientific papers Java Representation of Women in Film RA Kartini written by Edwina Ayu Dianingtyas Diponegoro University in 2010, in which it is about polygamy considered as gender inequality. In this study R.A. Kartini was not only a nationalist but also student at the time. Among the evidence includes several letters written on religious issues as well as opposition to the missionaries zending or gospel in Java. In addition, the initial letter R.A. Mrs Kartini Abendanon-Mandri against polygamy, but in the course of his life, RA Kartini still accept polygamy as the Koran allows polygamy with certain conditions. This is one reason R.A. Kartini was not only figures but figures of nationalist student who lived in a noble family that deserves to be studied by Muslim scientists. Keyword: RA. Kartini, letter, religion, nationalist. Setiap tanggal 21 April Rakyat Indonesia memperingati Hari Kartini. Diangkatnya R.A. Kartini sebagai pahlawan nasional tak lepas dari perjuangannya melalui surat-suratnya yang dikirim ke sahabat-sahabat yang menduduki jabatan di Pemerintah Kolonial Belanda, salah satunya Nyonya Abendanon-Mandri, yang tak lain adalah istri dari Mr. Abendanon, Menteri Pendidikan dan Kerajinan Belanda pada 1890. Isinya surat-surat tersebut tak lain agar masyarakat Bumiputra diperhatikan oleh pihak kolonial Belanda. Melalui surat itu, komunikasi R.A. Kartini terpengaruh dengan teman dan bacaan yang ia baca ketika itu. Salah satunya adalah pertemuannya dengan Mbah Soleh Darat di Demak. Dari pertemuan inilah tak banyak peneliti yang mengupas. Buku-buku yang telah diterbitkan fokus pada perlawanan ketimpangan gender, pendidikan perempuan, dan nasionalisme R.A. Kartini. Sementara sisi agama tersisihkan. Karena itu ada hal yang patut diteliti dari sisi relegiusitas R.A. Kartini. Di antaranya mengapa surat-menyurat dipilih R.A. Kartini dalam usaha mengenalkan Islam kepada Nyonya Abendanon. Kedua, apa saja isu-isu keagamaan R.A. Kartini yang disampaikan kepada Ny. R.M. Abendanon-Mandri. Dan ketiga yaitu bagaimana R.A. Kartini membingkai isu-isu keagamaan melalui surat-suratnya kepada Ny. R.MAbendanon-Mandri. Untuk meneliti masalah tersebut, peneliti menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data dari buku-buku peneliti R.A. Kartini sebelumnya dan Surat-surat yang dikirim R.A. Kartini kepada Nyonya Abendanon terbitan KITLV. Sementara analisis untuk mengungkap tiga hal itu digunakan analisis wacana. Analisis ini akan memusatkan perhatian pada bagaimana sosok R.A. Kartini mengemas dan membingkai tulisan dalam surat-suratnya. Hal ini juga untuk mengetahui bagaimana realitas dikonstruksi oleh R.A. Kartini di dalam surat-suratnya kepada Nyonya AbendanonMandri. Dalam jurnal Satu Abad Kartini (Bunga Rampai Karangan Mengenai R.A. Kartini) terbitan Grafitas tahun 1983 secara ringkas bahwa kebebasan riil hanya berhubungan dengan makhluk-manusia, tidak hanya kaum laki-laki juga perempuan. Juga dalam karya ilmiah Representasi Perempuan Jawa dalam Film R.A. Kartini yang ditulis oleh Edwina Ayu Dianingtyas Universitas Diponegoro 2010. Di mana poligami dianggap ketidakadilan gender. Dari penelitian ini sebenarnya R.A. Kartini tak hanya tokoh nasionalis. R.A. Kartini juga tokoh santri saat itu. Di antara buktinya beberapa tulisan suratnya memuat tentang isu-isu keagamaan serta penentangan terhadap misionaris zending atau injil di Jawa. Selain itu, dalam awal suratnya R.A. Kartini kepada Nyonya Abendanon-Mandri menentang poligami, tapi dalam perjalanan hidupnya, R.A. Kartini tetap menerima poligami sebagaimana dalam Alquran yang memperbolehkan poligami dengan syarat tertentu. Inilah salah alasan R.A. Kartini tak hanya tokoh naionalis tapi tokoh santri yang hidup dalam keluarga bangsawan yang layak menjadi kajian para ilmuan muslim. Kata kunci: RA. Kartini, surat, keagamaan, nasionalis.

Introduction. According to the concept of lifelong learning, vocational education system should cover all age categories of working population, including people of the so-called "silver age" (people of the third age). However, in reality, the proportion of citizens over 45 years involved in continuing vocational training is very small, as the current system does not meet their specific needs. Meanwhile, for many representatives of this social community, the continuation of education, the renewal of knowledge, the acquisition of new qualifications or specialties are now becoming a chance to promote an individual's employability over a lifetime in a rapidly changing labour market and an unstable "life market". The aim of the article is to identify the opportunities and barriers to the inclusion of "silver age" people in the practice of vocational education, taking into account the positions of all key actors – the senior generation of Russians, the state, employers and educational organisations.Methodology and research methods. The work was based on the methodological framework of three theories: continuous education, third age, social community. The empirical material was collected through the following methods: the analysis of educational and demographic statistics (2015–2018); the analysis of the content of recruitment agencies' websites and media publications devoted to the problems of the "silver" labour market; the secondary analysis of sociological data; the survey ofSverdlovsk region residents aged over 45 years old in February – March 2019.Results and scientific novelty. The structure and a number of qualitative characteristics of Russians of the elder generation are clarified. The authors give the definition of the concept of social community of "silver age" people ("third age" people), including the group of pre-pensioners. A new interpretation of this category of citizens allowed the authors to reevaluate the old options and to identify the new options for vocational training for "silver age" people. The problems and trends revealed in the course of the survey in this professional training niche of a particular Russian region were focused on the all-Russian situation. Critical differences between the requests for "silver" vocational education from older people, state, educational organisations and employers are identified. The contradictions and necessity of purposeful formation of educational needs and strategies of people of the "third age" are demonstrated. The state and prospects of development of various types and forms of "silver" professional education are described; the conditions of its transformation into a resource of active ageing are formulated.Practical significance. The urgency and relevance of adjusting the content and specific tasks of educational policy of the state aimed at the older generation of citizens have been scientifically proved. It is planned to create and improve training programmes for older people, implemented by various educational structures. Such programmes and research findings can serve as a basis for developing human resources strategies for older people both in government and commercial organisations. ; Введение. Согласно концепции обучения через всю жизнь система профессионального образования должна охватывать все возрастные категории трудоспособного населения, в том числе людей так называемого «серебряного возраста». Однако на деле доля граждан старше 45 лет, вовлеченных в непрерывную профессиональную подготовку, весьма невелика, поскольку существующая система не соответствует их специфическим запросам. Между тем для многих представителей данной социальной общности продолжение обучения, обновление знаний, обретение новой квалификации или специальности сегодня становятся шансами сохранения себя на быстро меняющемся рынке труда и нестабильном «рынке жизни». Цель предпринятого авторами статьи исследования заключается в выявлении возможностей и барьеров получения людьми «серебряного возраста» профессионального образования с учетом позиций всех его ключевых акторов – старшего поколения россиян, государства, работодателей и образовательных организаций.Методология и методика. Работа базировалось на методологической рамке трех теорий: непрерывного образования, «третьего возраста» и социальной общности. Сбор эмпирического материала происходил путем анализа образовательной и демографической статистики (за 2015–2018 гг.), контента веб-сайтов рекрутинговых агентств и публикаций СМИ, посвященных проблемам «серебряного» рынка труда; вторичного анализа социологических данных, а также с помощью проведенного в феврале – марте2019 г. опроса жителей Свердловской области в возрасте 45+.Результаты и научная новизна. Уточнены структура и ряд качественных характеристик россиян старшего поколения. Дана авторская трактовка понятия «общность людей "серебряного возраста"» (иначе – «третьего возраста»), которая расширяет его границы, не замыкаясь только на предпенсионном и пенсионном периодах жизни. Новая интерпретация рассматриваемой категории граждан позволила переосмыслить старые и обозначить новые варианты их профобучения. Вскрытые в ходе опроса проблемы и тенденции в этой нише профессиональной подготовки конкретного российского региона спроецированы на общероссийскую ситуацию. Обнаружены критические расхождения между интересами и потребностями в «серебряном» образовании государства, учебных учреждений, работодателей и самих представителей старшего поколения. Показаны противоречивость и необходимость целенаправленного формирования образовательных потребностей и стратегий людей «третьего возраста». Описаны состояние и перспективы развития различных видов и форм «серебряного» профобразования; сформулированы условия его превращения в ресурс активного долголетия.Практическая значимость. Научно доказаны насущность и актуальность корректировки содержания и конкретных задач образовательной политики государства, ориентированных на старшее поколение граждан. Намечены направления создания и совершенствования предназначенных для них программ профессиональной подготовки, реализуемых различными образовательными структурами. Подобные программы и сделанные авторами исследования выводы могут служить основой для разработки кадровых стратегий в отношении возрастных сотрудников как в государственных, так и в коммерческих организациях.

Introduction. In many countries around the world, the increase in life expectancy leads to significant social transformations. Institutional structures, social protection policies and legislation on the life and employment of older citizens are being changed today. In Russian higher education, more than a third of professional community belongs to the group of teachers of the third (pre-retirement and retirement) age. The modernisation of this area and the raising of the retirement age will make it possible to study the peculiarities of this group of faculty members as a reserve of the vocational training system.The aim of the present article is to characterise the adaptive potential of social community of teachers of the third age in the context of the transformation of higher education.Methodology and research methods. The methodological framework of the article is based on the set of general scientific approaches: communal, comparative, institutional, resource. The first method provides an opportunity to consider teachers of the third age as a social community with their own specific features. The comparative approach is used to see specific features in dynamics (on the materials of official statistics) and to compare them with similar characteristics of teachers of other age groups. The institutional and resource approaches are aimed at identifying adaptive abilities of teachers of the third age against the background of current restructuring processes in higher education. The article is based on the materials of research projects conducted in 2017–2019 and on a mass survey of teachers. The general population consisted of 51 universities of the Ural Federal District. The volume of the sample of teachers is 810 people.Results and scientific novelty. The study showed that teachers of the third age are characterised by a high level of adaptation to changes in higher education. They successfully fulfill themselves in scientific and pedagogical activities. They are characterised by relatively high publication and grant activities, realisation of new educational forms and high motivation and readiness to improve their com petencies and qualifications. At the same time, teachers of the third age estimate their social security in the professional sphere as extremely low. This community is characterised by a high level of criticality in relation to the implemented institutional changes in the field of higher education, which is based on a socially mature responsibility formed within their professional activities for the consequences of decisions taken.Practical significance. The research undertaken demonstrates the stereotype inadequacy concerning non-adaptability of third-age university teachers to technological, content and organisational innovations. Moreover, teachers of the third age are a significant factor in the sustainable development of universities. Therefore, it is necessary to develop management models and create institutional conditions for maximum use of human capital of third-age teachers, whose peculiarities, needs and opportunities in the system of Russian higher education are inadequately taken into account today. ; Введение. Увеличение во многих странах мира продолжительности жизни населения влечет за собой существенные социальные трансформации. Изменяются институциональные структуры, политика соцзащиты, законодательство в отношении жизнедеятельности и трудовой занятости пожилых граждан. В российском высшем образовании к группе преподавателей третьего (предпенсионного и пенсионного) возраста принадлежит более трети профессионального сообщества. Модернизация этой сферы и повышение возрастной планки выхода на пенсию актуализируют изучение особенностей указанной группы профессорско-преподавательского состава (ППС) как резерва системы профессиональной подготовки.Цель публикации – охарактеризовать адаптационный потенциал преподавателей «серебряного возраста» в условиях преобразований высшей школы.Методология и методы. Методологическим каркасом социологического изыскания был комплекс общенаучных подходов: общностного, сравнительного, институционального, ресурсного. Первый позволил рассмотреть объект исследования как социальную общность, имеющую свои специфические черты. Сравнительный анализ дал возможность увидеть последние в динамике (по показателям официальной статистики) и сопоставить с аналогичными характеристиками других возрастных групп ППС. С опорой на институциональный и ресурсный подходы выявлялись адаптационные способности преподавате лей «третьего возраста» на фоне происходящих в высшем образовании реорганизационных процессов. В статье использованы материалы реализованных в 2017–2019 гг. научно-социологических проектов и проводившихся массовых анкетных опросов преподавателей. В генеральную совокупность мониторингов входил 51 вуз Уральского федерального округа (УрФО). Квотную выборку, сформированную на основе статистической информации о ППС региона, составили 810 человек.Результаты и научная новизна. Обработка результатов анкетирования показала высокий уровень адаптации к изменениям в высшей школе преподавателей «серебряного возраста». Они успешно реализуют себя в научно-педагогической деятельности: им свойственны достаточно высокая публикационная и грантовая активность, включенность в новые формы образования, устойчивая мотивация и готовность повышать свои компетенции и квалификацию. Однако представители ППС этой возрастной группы крайне низко оценивают свою социальную защищенность в профессиональной сфере. Данной части педагогического сообщества присуще критическое отношение к кардинальным переменам институционального типа в сфере высшего образования, базирующееся на зрелой, сложившейся благодаря профессиональному опыту социальной ответственности за последствия принимаемых решений.Практическая значимость. Предпринятое исследование продемонстрировало несостоятельность стереотипа о неадаптивости к технологическим инновациям, содержательным и организационным новшествам возрастных преподавателей вузов. Более того, подтвердилось, что эта категория сотрудников является важным фактором устойчивого функционирования и развития университетов. Поэтому необходимы разработка управленческих моделей и создание институциональных условий для максимального использования человеческого капитала преподавателей «серебряного возраста», чьи особенности, потребности и возможности в системе российского высшего образования в настоящее время мало учитываются.

The article considers a number of approaches to the definition and expression of the mythological significance of the concept SUN and establishment of the symbolic features of mythologeme in the linguistic map of the world used by the native speakers of English. Each linguocultural community has some worldviews which exist in the form of collective representations which are passed from generation to generation in the form of myths, archetypes, symbols, and certain patterns of behavior. All these concepts are related to the mythological picture of the world that contains the basic concepts common to the native speakers of English and which are the foundation of their cultural identity and existence. Myth is not a separate part of life – it goes through every sphere of the human life, and most of all – a national culture. Symbols are characterized by cultural memory, which comes from the time when a mythological conceptualization of the world was basic for a person. Accordingly, these mythological features are the key features of each linguistic picture of the world. Unlike the concept in the traditional sense, mythological concepts (myths) reflect the vague knowledge about the mythological conceptualization of the world and worldviews. Myths are also quite unstable: during their existence, they can be created, transformed, and sometimes disappear, depending on the cultural and historical context and environment in which they exist. Myths may be a part of the general culture and reflect the overall specificity of mythological thinking which is preserved in the ethnic community. References Voitovych, Valerii. 2005. Ukrainska Mifolohiia. Кyiv: Lybid. Nikifor, Arkhimandrit. 1991. Bibleiskaia Entsyklopediia v 2 Tomakh. Мoskva: NB-press, Tsenturion, АPS. Kuper, Dzh. 1995. Entsyklopediia Simvolov. Мoskva: Zolotoi Vek. Losev, A. F. 1982. Znak. Simvol. Mif. Мoskva: Моskovskii Universitet. Maziiev, Yu. M., and Sarafannikova, S. V. 2001. "Mifologiia Politicheskogo Diskursa v SovremennomInformatsyonnom Prostranstve". Yazyk, Kommunikatsyia i Sothyalnaia Sreda 1: 75–83. Voronezh: VGTU. Tokariev, S. A., et al. 1992. Mify Narodov Mira: Entsyklopediia v 2 Tomakh. Тom 2. Мoskva: SovetskaiaEntsyklopediia. Olkot, U. T. 2013. Mify о Solntse. Translated by Zhylova, N. Yu. Мoskva: ZAO Tsyntrpoligraf. Tolstoi, N. I., ed. 1995–2009. Slavianskiie Drevnosti: Etnolingvisticheskii Slovar v 5 Tomakh. Мoskva:Mezhdunarodnyie Otnosheniia. Faulz, Dzh. 2003. Аristos. Translated from the English. Vinnytsa: Tezis. Cirlot, J. E. 1962. A Dictionary of Symbols. Translated from the Spanish by Jack Sage. London: Routledge &Kegan Paul. Olcott, William Tyler. 1914. Sun Lore of All Ages. New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons.SunLoreofAllAgesbyWilliamTylerOlcott.pdf ; Розглянуто низку підходів до визначення та вираження міфологічного та символічного значення концепту SUN і встановлення символічних рис міфологеми в мовній картині носіїв англійської мови. Кожній лінгвокультурній спільноті притаманні певні уявлення про світ, що існують у формі колективних узагальнень, що передаються із покоління в покоління у вигляді міфів, архетипів, символів, стереотипів поведінки тощо. Усі зазначені поняття співвідносяться з міфологічною картиною світу тими базовими уявленнями про світ, які є спільними для носіїв англійської мови і котрі слугують основою їхньої культурної ідентичності. Міф – це не якась окрема частина життя людини – ним пронизана кожна сфера людського життя, а найбільше – культура. Для символів характерна культурна пам'ять, що походить ще з тих часів, коли для людини первинною була міфологічна концептуалізація світу. Відповідно, такі міфологічні символи стають ключовими рисами кожної національної картини світу та представляють її глибинні витоки. На відміну від концепту в його традиційному розумінні, міфологічні концепти (міфологеми) репрезентують дещо розмиті знання, тобто нечіткі уявлення про навколишній світ. Міфологеми є також досить нестабільними: протягом свого існування вони можуть створюватись, трансформуватись, а іноді зникати, залежно від культурно-історичних умов та середовища, в якому вони існують. Міфологеми можуть належати культурі загалом та відображати загальну специфіку міфологічного мислення, яка збереглася в сучасному глобалізованому світі завдяки взаємовпливу культур і стереотипному відображенню ірреального у всіх народів. Джерела та література Войтович В. М. Українська міфологія / В. М. Войтович. – 2-е вид. – К. : Либідь. 2005. – 662 с. Библейская энциклопедия : в 2 т. : [репр. воспроизведение изд. 1891 г. / сост. архим. Никифор]. – М. :NB-press, Центурион, АПС. – Т. 1. – 902 с. Купер Дж. Энциклопедия символов / Дж. Купер. – М. : Золотой век, 1995. – 401 с. Лосев А. Ф. Знак. Символ. Миф : труды по языкознанию / А. Ф. Лосев. – М. : Изд-во Моск. ун-та, 1982. –478 с. Мазиев Ю. М. Мифология политического дискурса в современном информационном пространстве /Ю. М. Мазиев, С. В. Сарафанникова // Язык, коммуникация и социальная среда : межвуз. сб. науч. тр. –Воронеж : ВГТУ, 2001. – Вып. 1. – С. 75–83. Мифы народов мира : энциклопедия : в 2 т. Т. 2 / гл. ред. С. А. Токарев. – М. : Сов. энцикл., 1992. –719 с. Олкотт У. Т. Мифы о солнце / У. Т. Олкотт ; пер. с англ. Н. Ю. Жиловой. – М. : ЗАО Центрполиграф,2013. – 221 с. Славянские древности : этнолингвистический словарь : в 5 т. / под ред. Н. И. Толстого. – М. :Междунар. отношения, 1995–2009. – Т. 1–4. Фаулз Дж. Арістос / Джон Фаулз ; под общ. ред. В. Мельник ; пер. с англ. – Вінниця : Тезис, 2003. –335 с. A Dictionary of Symbols / by J. E. Cirlot ; translated from the Spanish by Jack Sage. – London : Routledge &Kegan Paul, 1962. – 400 p. Olcott W. T. Sun Lore of All Ages [Electronic resource] / William Tyler Olcott. – N. Y. and London : G. P.Putnam's Sons, [1914]. – Access mode : SunLoreofAllAgesbyWilliamTylerOlcott.pdf

Summary
In January 2020, the UK Parliament completed the long-awaited ratification process for the 2018 negotiated EU-BREXIT divorce agreement. After four tumultuous years of UK public contestations, including three general elections in less than five years, the forced resignation of two Prime Ministers after multiple internal Parliamentary votes of 'no confidence', the scheduling of an illegal closure of Parliament by the Prime Minister to block BREXIT debates, and the public and divisive 'Get BREXIT done' campaign in the December 2019 general election, the UK Conservative Party finally succeeded in securing a majority in Parliament and in moving the agenda. The UK begins a 2020 transition period for its permanent departure from the European Union. Even though the long list of unresolved demands outlined by UK citizens in the original 2016 BREXIT vote focused on "the politics of resentment" and a perceived breach of the social contract inherent in democracy, it is not clear that those domestic BREXIT concerns about social investments in housing, health care services, jobs, and education will even be addressed as part of the UK-EU scheduled negotiations in the transition period. The transition period and its negotiated agreements will be governed by the parameters of The Political Declaration ratified in January 2020. While not legally binding, The Declaration publishes extensive guidelines to govern negotiation processes and outcomes between the parties for regional economic capital and international finance settlements as well as parameters for thirteen sectors for global competition / cooperation including mandatory accession by the UK to certain WTO treaties. Large economic sectors for regional transactions including all transportation /energy sectors, public procurement, intellectual property, financial services and economic capital movement will still be governed by "good faith" requirements embedded in TEU Article 50 moving forward. The domestic BREXIT "politics of resentment" is not unique to the UK as national elections 2016–2018 across the Continent also routinely evidenced this citizen resentment as awidespread phenomenon. Even the EU Parliament elections of May 2019 which had one of the highest voter turnouts across the Continent shifted the internal operation of the EUP for the first time in forty-five years. The European Union as aregional entity is once again faced with issues of differentiated integration as it steps forward to not only reshape economic relations for the Common Market but also to ensure support by its State members for values of participatory democracy and the protection of individual liberty across arange of borders and changing international and regional circumstances. The door is wide open now for EU institutional re-evaluation and re-ordering in this transition period as the UK makes is permanent departure. Former Eastern Bloc States along with Greece and Italy want a more empowered infrastructure for the EU moving forward and putting an end to long standing austerity EU programs imposed by the neoliberal paradigm [c.1980–2010] for capitalist globalization, an ideology that has diminished State sovereignty and eroded democratic societies. These countries are also positioned within the EU to appoint Commissioners and use their influence in new more productive ways that may not always support the EU bureaucracy in Brussels. In December 2019, the Council on the European Union set up a2020–2024 targeted review process called aConference on the Future of the EU following extensive 2018 EUP resolutions and citizen reviews demanding more transparency and accountability of EU institutions. The goal is to have needed TEU procedural and treaty changes in place by the 2024 EUP elections. Legitimate expressions of sovereignty and anew paradigm for capitalist globalization for this century are simultaneously in the forefront for the EU even as BREXIT transition negotiations continue. The GeoNOMOS introduced here is astrategic and structural answer for anew EU infrastructure that empowers and supports the 27EU State members and at the same time designs amore balanced compact for capitalist globalization. The EU was created over 45 years ago as a result of aregional treaty agreement and ageographic legal configuration that collaboratively functioned through ascaffolding of "shared sovereignty." State members as sovereign entities voluntarily granted acertain level of ongoing legal competence to the operation of EU structures and its bureaucracy through national level Constitutional ratification. The range of that "competence" can be amended under the TEU and that process is seriously being evaluated in 2020 by many EU member States. The ripple effect of these institutional challenges to definitions of sovereignty and values of democracy are not confined to the UK alone but rather, suggests that anew definition of the nation State will be required for this century if the State is to remain the sole architect of world order. The GeoNOMOS offers aset of definitions and astrategy for implementation in the post-BREXIT era. It depicts amodel of sovereignty for the 21st century based on aframework of liberty and its enterprise of law so that the State at its core can strategically support these two primary functions: [1] secure participatory democracy and individual liberty as it continuously balance all of its essential capital resources [economic, human and social], and [2] participate in the design of anew sustainable global marketplace asa member of the international community of States.

O presente artigo propõe reflexões sobre o acelerado processo de apropriação privada da oferta de educação a distância brasileira, bem como identificar fragilidades e omissões nos dois principais marcos legais da educação - Conferência Nacional de Educação (CONAE) e o Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE) - referentes a esta modalidade educativa. O contexto onde essa discussão acontece é o da educação, enquanto atividade humana e espaço social marcado pelas condições e revoluções técnicas de seu tempo. Especificamente, enquanto desdobramento da modernidade, a educação a distância (EaD) contemporânea é marcada por intensos processos de reprodutibilidade técnica em função de suas características de grande alcance, sobretudo pela tecnificação da criação e distribuição de seus produtos e processos, tensionando cânones da educação tradicional. O texto parte de análise documental para levantar indícios de que há uma ausência da EaD nas proposições legais, de modo intencional, já que inserida no jogo de forças que disputam o controle econômico da educação contemporânea, uma nova fronteira de investimentos, no Brasil e no mundo. Com base nesses documentos, busca contribuir no sentido de alertar sobre as brechas existentes e o quanto é preciso que se veja na educação a distância uma commodity em disputa, com alto valor estratégico e político para o país na construção da cidadania. Os resultados da investigação indicam a presença dominante do componente privatista no cenário nacional desta modalidade, que vem sendo concebida como mera mercadoria em vez de ser entendida como direito social e importante estratégia de democratização do ensino superior brasileiro.Palavras-chave: Educação a distância. Apropriação privada. Reprodutibilidade técnica. Distance Higher Education in Brazil: absence in legal frameworks and expansion of private appropriationABSTRACTThe present article proposes reflections on the accelerated process of private appropriation of the Brazilian distance education offer, as well as to identify weaknesses and omissions in the two main legal frameworks of education - National Education Conference (CONAE) and the National Education Plan (PNE) - referring to this educational modality. The context in which this discussion takes place is that of education as a human activity and social space marked by the conditions and technical revolutions of its time. Specifically, as a development of modernity, contemporary distance education (ED) is marked by intense processes of technical reproducibility due to its far-reaching characteristics, mainly by the technification of the creation and distribution of its products and processes, stressing the canons of traditional education. The text starts from a documentary analysis to raise indications that there is an absence of DE in the legal propositions, intentionally, since inserted in the game of forces that dispute the economic control of the contemporary education, a new frontier of investments, in Brazil and in the world. Based on these documents, it seeks to contribute to alert about the existing gaps and how far it is necessary to see in distance education a commodity in dispute, with high strategic and political value for the country in the construction of citizenship. The results of the research indicate the dominant presence of the privatist component in the national scenario of this modality, which has been conceived as mere merchandise instead of being understood as a social right and an important strategy of democratization of Brazilian higher education.Keywords: Distance education. Private ownership. Mechanical Reproduction. Enseñanza Superior a distancia en Brasil: ausencia en los marcos legales y expansión de la apropiación privadaRESUMENEl presente artículo propone reflexiones sobre el acelerado proceso de apropiación privada de la oferta de educación a distancia brasileña, así como identifi car fragilidades y omisiones en los dos principales marcos legales de la educación - Conferencia Nacional de Educación (CONAE) y el Plan Nacional de Educación (PNE) - referentes a esta modalidad educativa. El contexto donde esta discusión ocurre es el de la educación, como actividad humana y espacio social marcado por las condiciones y revoluciones técnicas de su tiempo. En particular, como desdoblamiento de la modernidad, la educación a distancia (EaD) contemporánea está marcada por intensos procesos de reproducibilidad técnica en función de sus características de gran alcance, sobre todo por la tecnificación de la creación y distribución de sus productos y procesos, tensionando cánones de la educación tradicional. El texto parte de análisis documental para levantar indicios de que hay una ausencia de la EaD en las proposiciones legales, de modo intencional, ya que insertada en el juego de fuerzas que disputan el control económico de la educación contemporánea, una nueva frontera de inversiones, en Brasil y en el mundo. Con base en esos documentos, busca contribuir en el sentido de alertar sobre las brechas existentes y cuanto es necesario que se vea en la educación a distancia un commodity en disputa, con alto valor estratégico y político para el país en la construcción de la ciudadanía. Los resultados de la investigación indican la presencia dominante del componente privatista en el escenario nacional de esta modalidad, que viene siendo concebida como mera mercancía en vez de ser entendida como derecho social e importante estrategia de democratización de la enseñanza superior brasileña.Palabras clave: Educación a distancia. Apropiación privada. Reproductibilidad técnica.

Desde hace más de una década el director camboyano viene abordando el tema del genocidio en su país durante la Kampuchea Democrática (1975-1979) en distintos films documentales, siempre con el ánimo de registrar las atrocidades del régimen. En todas las realizaciones anteriores a La imagen faltante (2013), film en el que haremos foco en esta ponencia, tal abordaje se efectúa tomando distancia frente a los acontecimientos relatados, acontecimientos de los que, sin embargo, el director Rithy Panh formó parte directamente, ya que él y su familia estuvieron en campos de trabajo forzado, siendo él el único sobreviviente. Como sucede con todos los films que intentan documentar el genocidio, el de Panh trae de nuevo a la palestra el tema de la posibilidad o imposibilidad (ética, material, psicológica) de dar cuenta de un fenómeno que arrasa con la dignidad humana y lleva la crueldad a límites extremos. ¿Es lícito convertir una masacre en "espectáculo"? ¿Es inevitable hacerlo cuando se quiere representarlo? ¿Qué pasa cuando el testimonio es en primera persona?, ¿es la subjetividad un obstáculo? El director camboyano elige utilizar figuras de arcilla en lugar de personas para reponer –en las imágenes existentes de lo sucedido– aquello que les falta: la tortura, la explotación, los asesinatos. Es el relato de un niño (tenía 13 años cuando fue arrancado de su casa y son sus recuerdos los que hilvanan la historia), pero también el de un cineasta, y por esta dualidad la reflexión sobre la imagen tendrá, además de profundidad teórica, una simpleza que la vuelve, a la vez, más cruda y más poética. Será cuestionamiento (a lo que pasó, pero también, al modo de representar/representarse), pero, sobre todo, será testimonio: repondrá aquello que quedó fuera de cuadro, tapado, escondido, tras la fanfarria revolucionaria. ; For more than a decade the Cambodian director has been addressing the issue of genocide in his country during the Democratic Kampuchea (1975-1979) in different documentary films, always with the intention of recording the atrocities of the regime. In all the works before The missing picture (2013), the film in which we will focus on this paper, this approach is made by taking distance from the events described, events in which, however, Rithy Panh was directly involved, considering that he and his family were prisoners in forced-labor camps, being him the only survivor. As happen with all the films that attempt to document genocide, Panh brings back to the fore the issue of the possibility or impossibility (ethics, material, psychological) of accounting for a phenomenon that destroys human dignity and carries the cruelty to extreme limits. Is it lawful to turn a massacre into a "spectacle"? Is it inevitable to do it when you want to represent it? What happens when the testimony is in the first person? Is subjectivity an obstacle? The Cambodian director chooses to use clay figures instead ofpeople in his film to replace –in the existing images of what happened– what they lack: torture, exploitation, murders. It is the story of a child (he was 13 years old when he was ripped out of his house and his memories are those that stitch together the story), but also the story of a filmmaker and, because of this duality, the reflection on the image have, in addition to theoretical depth, a simplicity that makes it, at the same time, more brutal and more poetic. It is questioning (what happened, but also, how to represent it or represent himself), but above all, it is testimony: it replace what was left out of the picture, covered up, hidden behind the revolutionary fanfare ; Há mais de uma década o diretor cambojano está abordando o tema do genocídio no seu pais durante a Kampuchea Democrática (1975-1979) em diferentes filmes documentais, sempre com a ideia de registrar as atrocidades do regime. Em todas as realizações anteriores a A imagem faltante (2013) essa abordagem se faz tomando distância frente aos acontecimentos relatados, dos quais o diretor Rithy Panh foi parte diretamente, porque ele e sua família estiveram em campos de trabalho forçado, sendo ele o único sobrevivente. Como acontece com todos os filmes que procuram documentar o genocídio, o filme de Panh traz novamente à discussão o tema da possibilidade ou impossibilidade (ética, material, psicológica) de mostrar um fenômeno que arrasa a dignidade humana e leva a crueldade a limites extremos. É licito converter um massacre em espetáculo? É inevitável fazê-lo quando se quer representa-lo? Que acontece quando a testemunha é em primeira pessoa? É a subjetividade um obstáculo? O diretor cambojano elege utilizar figuras de argila em lugar de pessoas para repor, nas imagens existentes do acontecido, aquilo que lhes falta: a tortura, a exploração, os assassinatos. É o relato de um garoto (tinha 13 anos quando foi tirado da sua casa e são suas lembranças as que fazem a história), mas também é o relato do cineasta, e por esta dualidade a reflexão sobre a imagem terá, além de profundidade teórica, uma simpleza que lhe da poesia e crueldade. Será questionamento, mas, sobretudo, será testemunha: reporá aquilo que ficou fora do quadro, tapado, escondido, detrás da fanfarra revolucionária.

The influence of postmodernism on the development of a model of language policy, which consists of political actions, technologies, flash mobs, political shows, manipulations, etc., which negatively influence the formation of this model, is explored. It is revealed that the positive component of the development of the language policy model during the postmodern period is such phenomena as freedom, independence, democracy, pluralism, etc. Conversely, the development of a model of language policy is hampered by political technologies, various actions, demonstrations aimed at the formation of pro-Russian self-consciousness in Ukrainians, the rejection of all Ukrainian: Ukrainian independence, unity, language, culture, history, heroes, etc. It is noted that the development of the language policy model is hampering the symbolic linguistic policy, which manipulated all political forces during the independence years and used it during the election for victory.The definition of postmodernism as a phenomenon and construct, which is inherent in it: the fall of respect for power, which we observe not only on the example of Ukraine, which has experienced several revolutions during the period of independence, the last of which is the "Revolution of Dignity", but also other foreign and rather successful democratic ones. states such as Canada, Belgium, etc., where the authorities can not overcome linguistic-political confrontation and solve language-political problems in a civilized way; the enhancement of human self-expression that is generated by the postmodern realities of the lives of ordinary people and policy makers, as well as the use of technologies that promote the carnival of protest actions; "Blinding game characters" when flash mobs, performances and theatricals are used to show weaknesses of power, its incompetence, and the unwillingness to work for the benefit of the people and the state; the virtualization of the political life that takes place during the election, when the struggle of ideas and programs is replaced by the struggle of political showmans for the number of viewers / readers, liceans, social networking posts that clearly showed the presidential election in Ukraine in 2019; turning policies into "talk shows" when private TV and radio channels discuss the same problems or are obvious and understandable to most viewers and listeners issues that are often accompanied by controversy and even fights that television channels broadcast to many countries of the world. Particular attention in this article is paid to various postmodern theories, the overwhelming percentage of which is related to the destructive problems of the model of language policy and those institutions that are not able to cope with the language-political challenges of the present. Proceeding from the above, it was concluded that citizens' loyalty to the model of language policy, which is not specific to their language and culture, as well as the state in whose territory they live, is largely ensured by the welfare they see in the growth of the economy, the formation of identity, mutual understanding and in building a European or other model of language policy on the basis of equality, pluralism, multi – or monoculturalism. ; Досліджується вплив постмодернізму на розбудову моделі мовної політики, складовою якого є політичні акції, технології, флешмоби, політичні шоу, маніпуляції та ін., які негативно впливають на формування моделі. З'ясовано, що позитивною складовою розбудови моделі мовної політики у добу постмодернізму є такі явища як свобода, незалежність, демократія плюралізм, а в державах Європейського Союзу – мультикультуралізм та ін. Гальмують розбудову моделі мовної політики політичні технології, політичні акції антиукраїнськи налаштованих інституцій, політичні демонстрації, які спрямовано на формування в українців проросійської самосвідомості, неприйняття усього українського: української незалежності, соборності, мови, культури, історії, героїв та ін. Зазначено, що гальмує розбудову моделі мовної політики також і символічна мовна політика, яку антиукраїнськи налаштовані інституції використовують для маніпулювання суспільною свідомістю та політичною поведінкою спільноти і не лише під час виборів, а й щоденно заради реваншу та перемоги. Дається визначення постмодернізму як явища і конструкту, якому притаманні: падіння поваги до влади, що ми спостерігаємо не лише на прикладі України, яка за період незалежності пережила декілька революцій, останньою з них є «Революція гідності», а й інших закордонних і доволі успішних демократичних держав таких як Канада, Бельгія та ін., де влада невзмозі подолати мовно-політичні протистояння та розв'язати мовно-політичні проблеми цивілізованим шляхом; посилення самовираження людини, яке породжено постмодерністськими реаліями життя звичайних людей та суб'єктів політики, а також викликано використанням політичних технологій, які сприяють карнавалізації протестних акцій; «засліплення грою символів», коли флешмоби, перфоманси і театралізація використовуються для того, аби показати вади влади, її некомпетентність, небажання працювати на благо народу і держави; віртуалізація політичного життя, яка відбувається під час виборів, коли боротьба ідей і програм замінюється боротьбою політичних шоу-менів за кількість глядачів/читачів, лайків, повідомлень у соціальних мережах, що яскраво показали у 2019 році президенські вибори в Україні; перетворення політики на «ток-шоу», коли приватні телерадіоканали обговорюють одні і ті самі проблеми або очевидні і зрозумілі для більшості глядачів та слухачів питання, які нерідко супроводжуються суперечками та навіть бійками, що телевізійними каналами транслюється багатьом державам світу.

Mining-induced displacements and resettlements are a global phenomenon. However, how these are done and the implications that they have on the displaced and resettled are shaped by micro, local level dynamics. These include existing regulations, socio-economic and cultural situations of communities involved, level and type of compensations offered to the communities, among others. These shape how communities live the experiences of being displaced and resettled, as more powerful companies with financial resources seek out mining opportunities. For communities that are displaced and resettled, this process becomes a socio-economic one as change of place has implications on people's ability to access resources on which they depend. This may lead to a transformation of their livelihood assets in the short and long term, which requires changing of their livelihood strategies. Zambia is endowed with natural resources, and the mining sector is the mainstay of the country's economy. In particular, Zambia ranks among the top 15 producers of copper in the world. The government of Zambia (GRZ) gives mining licenses to companies that in return, pay royalties in form of taxes that support the government's development programs nation-wide. Therefore, mining is said to be in the broader interest of the nation (GRZ, 2006). This means that the rights to the access and use of land by a particular group of people, individuals or ethnic grouping will be superseded by an economic undertaking that is seen as having a broader development interest of the nation. This includes economic activities such as building bridges or hydro-electric plants, road construction, building economic zones and mining. In Zambia, below ground surface mineral rights belong to the state. Given the global nature and scope of mining induced displacements and resettlements, micro-level dynamics easily remain invisible. In Zambia, research in lived experiences of displaced and resettled communities remain sparse and often unpublished. The aim of the research was to explore the psychological and socio-economic implications for the displaced and resettled households by a Nickel Mining Company in Mazabuka, southern Zambia. Families were purposively sampled and interviewed. Positive and negative lived experiences emerged from the interviews and have been presented as themes. Improved access to services; increased employment opportunities; improved production and acquisition of productive assets; and guaranteed security of land tenure and improved quality of houses were the positive lived experiences of resettled families. Negative lived experiences were: poor quality of soils; loss of locational advantage; emotional depression; discontinuation of gardening activities; and inability to buy drugs for livestock. The findings revealed that despite the cultural homogeneity of the sampled families, lived experiences after resettlement were different based on socio-economic situation of households. This was determined by who the head of the household was, literacy levels and family labour availability, because agriculture is the main livelihood activity. This research used a qualitative single case study approach to understand the 'how, what and why' of the lived experiences of the resettled families. It sought to respond to three related research questions: i) Did loss of access manifest in the studied case, and if so, how? What are the psychosocio-economic implications of the Munali Nickel mining-induced displacement and resettlement; ii) What characterizes the livelihoods of resettled families following the establishment of the Munali Nickel Mine, which assets were positively or negatively affected by resettlement and compensation; and iii) What are the coping mechanisms of the displaced and resettled communities following the establishment of the Munali Nickel Mine? The results of this research indicate that the level of compensation paid to resettled family cannot make up for what communities give up so that mining activities can start. Cultural values and the sense of belonging, for example are not compensated for when these are the factors that ensure psychological well-being of communities. Compensation and fulfillment of development promises were'delayed and not necessarily denied.' Access to education and health facilities was not achieved until nearly 10 years later, partially attributed to frequent closures of the mine that prevented the mine from honouring its promises in time. The uncertainty in the operations of the mine, loss of access to livelihood strategic resources was unsettling and created a sense of anxiety among resettled community members. While access to schools and clinics as physical assets was facilitated following resettling, the resettled community was not wholly part of the mining operation to the level that ensured human capacity development. For a highly technological undertaking as mining, resettled households could not benefit from any knowledge transfer. Furthermore, interviewed households reported increased distance to the tarred road; loss of sources of livelihood to closure of the mine, and loss of business opportunities in resettlement site; sub-standard houses with leaking roofs and cracks, as well as non-uniformity in compensation; inadequate grazing land; reduced agroproduction due to water logging in the fields and poor soils; scarcity of firewood; and nonreinstatement of churches, among negative experiences that they have lived. Coping with the experiences of 'delay but not denial of access' and a 'mixed bag' of changes to different asset classes was differential based on age, sex and household composition that determined the level of available labour in the household.