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DIPLOMATISCHE AKTENSTÜCKE ZUR GESCHICHTE DER ENTENTEPOLITIK DER VORKRIEGSJAHRE 2 Diplomatische Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre (-) Diplomatische Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre 2 (2; 1921) (805) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) Elftes Kapitel. Italiens Stellung im Dreibund und sein Verhältnis zu den drei Ententemächten. ([449]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 9./22. Juni 1909. ([449]) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. Oktober 1909. (451) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. Oktober 1909. (451) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Oktober 1909. (452) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Okt. 1909. - Nr. 213. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Oktober / 12. November 1909. - Nr. 218. (3)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 1./14. November 1909. - Nr. 1946. (453) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Berlin vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1909. (454) [Brief]: Instruktionen des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die Vertreter Rußlands in Sofia, Belgrad und Cettinje anläßlich der Monarchenbegegnung in Racconigi vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1909. (456) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Oktober / 6. November 1909. (458) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1909. (459) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 9./22. Juli 1911. (459) [Brief]: Schluß eines Briefes des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. September 1911. (460) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1911. - Nr. 1724. (460) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. April 1910. (461) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. August / 7. September 1910. (462) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. März 1912. (462) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Mai 1912. (464) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky vom 17./30. Mai 1912. (465) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. Mai / 4. Juni 1912. (466) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1912. (467) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Juli 1912. (469) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Juli / 13. August 1912. (470) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Juli / 13. August 1912. (471) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. November 1912. - Nr. 376. (473) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem streng vertraulichen Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Oktober 1911. (474) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. März 1912. (475) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juni 1912. (476) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Juni 1912. (477) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1912. - Nr. 19. (478) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Juni / 11. Juli 1912. (479) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Juli 1912. (480) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. Oktober / 9. November 1912. - Nr. 351. (481) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. Mai / 4. Juni 1912. (482) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 18./31. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 676. (482) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. November 1913. (483) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. November / 4. Dezember 1913. (485) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. April 1914. (486) Beilage zu obigem Briefe vom 8./21. April 1914. (486) [Brief]: Vertrauliches Schreiben des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Februar 1914. (488) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1914. (490) Zwölftes Kapitel. Tripolis. ([492]) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Rom vom 13./ 26. August 1911. - Nr. 550. ([492]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. August / 12. September 1911. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. August / 13. September 1911. - Nr. 843. (493) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. September 1911. (494) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. September 1911. (495) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18. September / 1. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 1357. (496) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. September 1911. (496) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. September / 8. Oktober 1911. (497) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 9./22. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 1557. (497) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 24. Oktober / 6. November 1911. (498) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 19. Oktober / 1. November 1911. - Nr. 158. (2)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1911. (500) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. April 1912. - Nr. 111. (500) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. April 1912. - Nr. 112. (501) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18. April / 1. Mai 1912. - Nr. 790. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. April / 2. Mai 1912. - Nr. 115. (502) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. April / 2. Mai 1912. - Nr. 116. (502) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. April / 9. Mai 1912. (503) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Mai 1912. - Nr. 126. (504) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1912. - Nr. 58. (505) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Mai 1912. (505) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Mai 1912. - Nr. 69. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Mai 1912. - Nr. 70. (3)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 16./29. Mai 1912. - Nr. 1013. (507) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1912. - Nr. 143. (508) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1912. - Nr. 90. (508) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. Mai 1912. - Nr. 144. (509) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. Mai 1912. (509) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1912. (510) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 27. Mai / 9. Juni 1912. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Mai / 10. Juni 1912. - Nr. 158. (511) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Mai / 10. Juni 1912. - Nr. 159. (512) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Mai / 11. Juni 1912. - Nr. 160. (512) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Juni 1912. - Nr. 102. (513) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 31. Mai / 13. Juni 1912. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juni 1912. - Nr. 174. (514) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juni 1912. - Nr. 107. (515) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 5./18. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1146. (515) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 10./23. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1177. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Juni 1912. - Nr. 176. (516) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Juni 1912. (516) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Juni / 13. Juli 1912. - Nr. 34. (517) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. August 1912. - Nr. 583. (518) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. August / 2. September 1912. - Nr. 222. (518) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. September 1912. - Nr. 90. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 262. (519) Dreizehntes Kapitel. Die Lage auf dem Balkan vor Ausbruch des ersten Balkankrieges. (520) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1912. - Nr. 54. (520) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Juli / 6. August 1912. - Nr. 536. (520) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Cettinje an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. August 1912. - Nr. 125. (521) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. September / 8. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2102. (521) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. September / 8. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2102. ([522]) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem sehr vertraulichen Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1912. (525) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juni 1912. (527) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1912. - Nr. 1266. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1912. (3)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20 September 1912. - Nr. 115. (528) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juli 1912. - Nr. 494. (528) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Juli 1912. - Nr. 89. (529) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Juli 1912. - Nr. 91. (529) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Juli 1912. - Nr. 54. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Belgrad an das russische Außenministerium vom 7./20. August 1912. - Nr. 108. (530) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. September 1912. - Nr. 141. (530) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. September 1912. - Nr. 731. (531) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. September 1912. - Nr. 734. (531) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juli 1912. (532) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Wien vom 5./18. August 1912. - Nr. 1566. (533) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an die russischen Vertreter in Paris und London vom 5./18. August 1912. - Nr. 1564. (534) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. August 1912. - Nr. 152. (535) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. August 1912. (535) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. August 1912. (537) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. August 1912. (537) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsführers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. August / 1. September 1912. (538) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. August 1912. (538) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. September 1912. - Nr. 114. (539) [Brief]: Sehr geheimes Schreiben des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den Vorsitzenden des Ministerrates Staatssekretär Kolowzew vom 10./23. Oktober 1912. (540) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an das russische Außenministerium vom 10./23. Oktober 1912. (542) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den Zaren über seine Auslandsreise im September-Oktober 1912. (546) Vierzehntes Kapitel. Die Großmächte während des Balkankrieges. ([551]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 267. ([551]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 268. (552) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 269. (553) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 270. (554) [Brief]: Persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 9./22. Oktober 1912. (554) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 275. (556) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2314. (557) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 282. (557) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 283. (558) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 17./30. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 284. (559) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18./31. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 675. (560) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18./31. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2403. (562) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an die russischen Botschafter in Paris und London vom 18./31. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2405. (563) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Oktober / 1. November 1912. - Nr. 290. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Oktober / 2. November 1912. (564) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Oktober / 2. November 1912. - Nr. 2423. (564) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Oktober / 2. November 1912. - Nr. 295. (565) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1912. - Nr. 2455. (567) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1912. - Nr. 298. (568) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1912. - Nr. 299. (568) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 24. Oktober / 6. November 1912. - Nr. 2474. (569) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1912. - Nr. 307. (570) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1912. - Nr. 308. (570) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. Oktober / 9. November 1912. - Nr. 276. (571) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 23. Oktober / 5. November 1912. - Nr. 2461. (572) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 23. Oktober / 5. November 1912. - Nr. 2461. (573) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 26. Oktober / 8. November 1912. - Nr. 2500. (574) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1912. (575) [Brief]: Eigenhändiger Brief Poincarés an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1912. (576) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 27. Oktober / 9. November 1912. - Nr. 2513. (577) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 29. Oktober / 11. November 1912. - Nr. 2526. (578) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 28. Oktober / 11. November 1912. - Nr. 2540. (579) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Oktober / 11. November 1912. - Nr. 315. (580) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Oktober / 12. November 1912. - Nr. 316. (580) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. November 1912. - Nr. 319. (581) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. November 1912. - Nr. 320. (581) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. November 1912. - Nr. 321. (582) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 1./14. November 1912. (583) [Brief]: Projekt eines Briefes des russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky an den französischen Außenminister Poincaré. (584) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. November 1912. - Nr. 323. (584) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. November 1912. - Nr. 324. (585) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. November 1912. - Nr. 369. (586) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. November 1912. - Nr. 372. (586) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. November 1912. - Nr. 369. (587) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. November 1912. - Nr. 376. (589) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. November 1912. - Nr. 383. (590) Fünfzehntes Kapitel. Die Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912. ([593]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. November 1912. - Nr. 332. ([593]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. November 1912. - Nr. 338. (594) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. November 1912. - Nr. 385. (595) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. November 1912. - Nr. 386. (595) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. November 1912. Nr. 388. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 390. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 342. (597) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 345. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenminister an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 14./27. November 1912. - Nr. 2738. (598) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. November 1912. - Nr. 330. (599) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 392. (599) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 393. (600) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. November 1912. - Nr. 348. (600) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. November 1912. - Nr. 347. (601) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. November 1912. - Nr. 349. (602) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. November 1912. - Nr. 351. (602) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 17./30. November 1912. - Nr. 2762. (603) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. November / 1. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 355. (604) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 21. November / 4. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2781. (605) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 21. November / 4. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2791. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. November / 4. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 412. (606) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. November / 5. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 365. (606) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. November / 5. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 366. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. November / 6. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 368. (607) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. November / 6. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 369. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. November / 8. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2829. (608) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2836. (608) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2838. (609) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2837. (609) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1912. Nr. 2845. (610) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 429. (612) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 431. (612) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. November / 11. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 384. (613) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 387. (613) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 393. (614) Sechzehntes Kapitel. Die Lage auf dem Balkan Anfang 1914. ([615]) [Brief]: Sehr geheimer Brief des russischen Gesandten in Bukarest Poklewski-Koziell an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Januar 1914. ([615]) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Bukarest an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Februar 1914. - Nr. 9. (618) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Februar 1914. - Nr. 7. (620) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 17. Februar / 2. März 1914. - Nr. 129. (621) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. März / 3. April 1914. (622) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Cettinje an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. März 1914. - Nr. 17. (624) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Cettinje an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. März 1914. - Nr. 18. (624) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 16./29. März 1914. - Nr. 602. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. März 1914. - Nr. 104. (625) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. März 1914. - Nr. 104. (626) [Brief]: Geheimer Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 20. Februar / 5. März 1914. - Nr. 130. (626) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. März / 7. April 1914. - Nr. 18. (628) [Brief]: Streng vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. Mai 1914. - Nr. 26. (629) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 24. Juni / 7. Juli 1914. - Nr. 1351. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 9./22. April 1914. - Nr. 69. (631) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. April 1914. - Nr. 72. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. April 1914. - Nr. 106. (632) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 23. April / 6. Mai 1914. (632) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. April / 13. Mai 1914. - Nr. 84. (633) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Mai 1914. - Nr. 122. (634) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Mai 1914. - Nr. 125. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Mai 1914. - Nr. 126. (635) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1914. - Nr. 134. (635) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1914. - Nr. 135. (636) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1914. - Nr. 143. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. Juni 1914. - Nr. 163. (637) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Juni 1914. - Nr. 121. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Juni 1914. - Nr. 122. (638) Siebzehntes Kapitel. Rußland und die Militärmillion General Liman von Sanders. ([639]) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. November 1913. ([639]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 12./25. November 1913. - Nr. 3230. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1913. - Nr. 790. (641) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1913. - Nr. 555. (641) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. November 1913. - Nr. 795. (642) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. November / 2. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 798. (643) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. November / 2. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 799. (644) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 24. November / 7. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3309. (644) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 802. (645) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 803. (645) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 804. (646) [Brief]: Paraphrase eines Telegramms Sir E. Grey's an den englischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 9. Dezember 1913. (647) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3334. (647) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3335. (648) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. November / 11. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 806. (648) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1039. (649) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 28. November / 11. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3346 (650) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3349. (650) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3353. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 807. (651) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. November / 13. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1050. (651) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 813. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 814. (652) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1054. (652) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1055. (653) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 818. (654) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 819. (654) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 4./17. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3388. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 4./17. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3404. (655) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 821. (655) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 822. (656) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 591. (656) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 7./20. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3426. (657) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1069. (657) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1069. (658) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1073. (659) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 8./21. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3436. (660) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 833. (660) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 607. (661) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 608. (662) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 308. (662) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 837. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 838. (663) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Dezember 1913 / 1. Januar 1914. (664) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Dezember 1913 / 1. Januar 1914. - Nr. 311. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 20. Dezember 1913 / 2. Januar 1914. - Nr. 3513. (666) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 22. Dezember 1913 / 4. Januar 1914. - Nr. 3541. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1913 / 5. Januar 1914. - Nr. 840. (667) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1913 / 5. Januar 1914. - Nr. 841. (667) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1913 / 5. Januar 1914. - Nr. 843. (668) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1913 / 5. Januar 1914. - Nr. 617. (668) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Dezember 1913 / 7. Januar 1914. - Nr. 847. (669) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. Dezember 1913 / 8. Januar 1914. - Nr. 849. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Dezember 1913 / 12. Januar 1914. - Nr. 850. (670) [Briefe]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 30. Dezember 1913 / 13. Januar 1914. Nr. 3582. (671) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 3./16. Januar 1914. (671) Achtzehntes Kapitel. Die Grundzüge der russischen Meerengen-Politik. ([674]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 245. ([674]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Oktober 1911. (675) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 655. (678) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 12./25. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 1589. (679) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem sehr vertraulichen Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Oktober 1911. (679) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 250. (680) [Brief]: Privatbrief des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Oktober / 2. November 1911. - Nr. 692. (681) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 26. Oktober / 8. November 1911. (682) [Brief]: Privatbrief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 26. Oktober / 8. November 1911. (684) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. November 1911. - Nr. 1862. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 394. (686) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky vom 17./30. November 1912. - Nr. 2764. (687) [Brief]: Sehr geheimer Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 15./28. November 1912. - Nr. 787. (687) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. November / 2. Dezember 1912. (690) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18. April / 1. Mai 1913. - Nr. 381. (692) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. April / 10. Mai 1913. - Nr. 341. (694) Neunzehntes Kapitel. Deutsch-russische Beziehungen 1909 - 1914. ([696]) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. März / 2. April 1909. ([696]) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Berlin Osten-Sacken vom 18. Juni / 2. Juli 1909. (697) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Osten-Sacken an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 12./25. Juni 1909. - Nr. 41. (701) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Oktober / 12. November 1909. (701) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. März 1910. (702) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Juli / 5. August 1910. (703) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Oktober / 11. November 1910. - Nr. 103. (704) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Mai / 4. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1062. (704) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Mai / 4. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1061. (705) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 24. Juni / 7. Juli 1912. - Nr. 1260. (705) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1912. (706) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Juli 1912. (709) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 15./28. Februar 1913. - Nr. 184. (710) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 1./14. März 1913. (710) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem ganz vertraulichen Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Februar / 12. März 1914. (713) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. März / 9. April 1914. (714) Zwanzigstes Kapitel. Deutsch-englische Beziehungen 1908 bis 1914. ([716]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 12./25. November 1908. ([716]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 21. Januar / 3. Februar 1909. (718) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1909. (722) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Februar 1909. (722) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London Poklewski-Koziell an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Februar 1909. (723) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Osten-Sacken an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 6./19. Februar 1909. (726) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1909. (727) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Mai 1909. (728) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Oktober / 10. November 1909. (729) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Oktober / 12. November 1909. (730) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1909 / 5. Januar 1910. (731) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. März 1911. (732) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. März 1911. (733) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. März 1911. (735) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden Außenminister vom 9./22. November 1911. (737) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 26. Januar / 8. Februar (?) 1912. (738) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 26. Januar / 8. Februar 1912. - Nr. 27. (748) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1912. (749) [Brief]: Persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1912. (751) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Jannuar /13. Februar 1912. - Nr. 35. (754) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1912. - Nr. 36. (754) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1912. - Nr. 37. (755) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. Februar 1912. - Nr. 44. (756) [Brief]: Persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Februar 1912. (756) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 16. Februar / 1. März 1912. (761) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. März 1912. - Nr. 67. (762) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. März 1912. - Nr. 68. (763) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. März 1912. (763) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 25. April / 8. Mai 1912. (765) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Mai 1912. (765) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Mai 1912. - Nr. 27. (767) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin Schebeko an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Mai / 7. Juni 1912. (769) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 23. November / 6. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 373. (770) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 21. Dezember 1912 / 3. Januar 1913. - Nr. 465. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1913. - Nr. 91. (771) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1913. - Nr. 276. (771) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1913. - Nr. 105. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 28. März / 10. April 1913. - Nr. 906. (772) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 29. März / 11. April 1913. - Nr. 330. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 1./14. April 1913. - Nr. 344. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 6./19. April 1913. - Nr. 355. (773) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. Mai 1913. - Nr. 1263. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 6./19. Mai 1913. - Nr. 450. (774) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1914. (774) Einundzwanzigstes Kapitel. England, Frankreich, Rußland. ([777]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 5./18. Juni 1908. ([777]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 20. November / 3. Dezember 1908. (779) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. April / 10. Mai 1910. (781) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Mai/11. Juni 1910. Nr. 125 (781) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Juni 1910. - Nr. 134. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1910. - Nr. 178. (782) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Januar / 2. Februar 1911. (782) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1911. (784) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1911. - Nr. 26. (784) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. März 1911. (785) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. April 1911. (786) [Brief]: Auszug aus einer Denkschrift R. R. Rafalowitschs über den österreichischen Einfluß in französischen Banken vom 14. Mai 1914. (788) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Mai 1912. - Nr. 74. (790) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juli / 2. August 1912. - Nr. 136. (791) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Juli / 6. August 1912. - Nr. 141. (791) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 28. Juli / 10. Augst 1912. - Nr. 1520. (792) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Außenministers Sasonow über die Verhandlungen mit dem französischen Außenminister Poincaré anläßlich seines Besuches in Petersburg im August 1912. (792) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 18./31. Mai 1912. (796) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 20. Mai / 2. Juni 1912. (798) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1912. (799) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 28. Juni / 11. Juli 1912. - Nr. 187. (800) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Juli 1912. (801) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juli 1912. - Nr. 191. (802) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 23. November / 6. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 372. (802) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 28. November / 11. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 381 (803) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 14./27. Juni 1913. - Nr. 572. (804) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1914. - Nr. 252. (805) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Februar 1914. - Nr. 39. (806) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky vom 20. März / 2. April 1914. - Nr. 23. (806) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. März / 9. April 1914. (808) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. April / 12. Mai 1914. (809) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Mai 1914. (810) [Brief]: Vertraulicher und persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Mai 1914. (812) [Brief]: Vertraulicher und persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Mai 1914. (814) [Brief]: Brief Sir Edward Greys an den französischen Botschafter in London Paul Cambon vom 22. November 1912. (816) [Brief]: Brief des französischen Botschafters in London Paul Cambon an Sir Edward Grey vom 23. November 1912. (816) [Brief]: Sehr geheimer Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 15./28. Mai 1914. - Nr. 47. (817) Anlage zu obigem Briefe. (818) [Brief]: Geheimer Bericht des russischen Marineagenten in London an den Chef des russischen Admiralstabes vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1914. - Nr. 182. (820) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Mai / 11. Juni 1914. (821) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Mai / 12. Juni 1914. - Nr. 149. (822) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Mai / 13. Juni 1914. - Nr. 150. (823) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Juni 1914. - Nr. 167. (823) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 12./25. Juni 1914. (824) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1914. (825) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Juli 1914. (827) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

I R 14 I R 14 ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) I. Abschnitt. (1) Geleitwort. (1) Geleitwort. (2) [Vorwort]: (4) Errichtung des Infanterieregiments Nr. 14. (Aus der Regimentsgeschichte.) (5) Beilage A. Ein ordninari Compagnie. (6) Beilage B. Extract. Beilage C. Specification. (7) II. Abschnitt. (9) [Abb.]: (9) [Gedicht]: (9) Das Regiment im Weltkriege. (10) Die Kommandobesetzung zeigt folgendes Bild: (12) [Abb.]: Der Ausmarsch des Feldregiments. (13) A. Der Feldzug gegen Rußland 1914 - 1915. (15) [Abb.]: Die Regimentsfahne. (15) [Abb.]: Der Lupkowerpaß in den Karpathen. (16) [2 Abb.]: (1)Galizisches Dorf (2)Das zerstörte Tuchów. (22) [Abb.]: Ruthenen. (23) [Abb.]: Jägerhaus Wacholi bei Nisko. (24) [2 Abb.]: Heldengräber bei Rudnik am San. (2)Der Regimentstrain passiert die Wysloka. (25) [Abb.]: Vormarsch in den Karpathen (29) [Abb.]: Rynek (Hauptplatz) von Dębica. (38) [Abb.]: Russischer Schützengraben bei Dębica. (39) [Abb.]: Schrapnellsichere Eindeckung am San. (40) [Abb.]: Kopky am San, Hessenfriedhof. (41) [Abb.]: Schloß Rudnik am San. (42) [2 Abb.]: (1)Fahrküchen des Regiments in Skinau am San. (2)Heldengräber des 14. Infanterieregiments in Kamien am San. (43) [2 Abb.]: (1)Im Quartier. (2)Radbrunnen bei Studzianki. (45) [Abb.]: Typisches Landschaftsbild in Russisch-Polen. (46) [Abb.]: Leben beim Regimentstrain. (49) [Abb.]: Schloß des Grafen Grabinski. (51) [Abb.]: Das Regiment überschreitet die Bychawa. (52) [Abb.]: Windmühle bei Josefów. (53) [Abb.]: Infanterieregiment 14 lagernd vor Lublin. (54) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bei der Ernte nahe der Kampflinie. (2)Maschinengewehrabteilung des Regiments am Marsche südlich Lublins. (55) [Abb.]: Von den Russen gesprengte Brücke. (57) [Abb.]: Nach dem Einmarsch der 3. Division in Lublin. (58) [Abb.]: Schützengraben bei Olyka. (64) [Abb.]: Ostausgang von Olyka. (67) B. Der italienische Feldzug. (69) [Abb.]: Trient. (69) [Abb.]: Folgaria. (70) [Abb.]: Mannschaftsdeckung bei Cost' alta. (71) [2 Abb.]: (1)Cost' alta. Rekognoszierung vor dem Angriffe. (2)Stützpunkt Cost' alta-Stellung. (72) [Abb.]: Friedhofkapelle von Cost' alta. (73) [Abb.]: Italienische Deckung am Coston d'Arsiero. (74) [Abb.]: Abgewiesener italienischer Angriff am Coston d'Arsiero. (75) [Abb.]: Ausblick vom Passo della Vena. (76) [2 Abb.]: (1)Tonezza. (2)Italienisches Dörfchen. (77) [Abb.]: Leichte Drahtseilbahn. (79) [Abb.]: Menageausgabe. (80) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russen verteilen an italienische Gefangene die Menage. (2)Mte. Cimone und Caviojo vom Süden gesehen. (81) [Abb.]: (83) [Abb.]: San Sebastiano. (84) [Abb.]: Musketenabteilung des 2. Baons. (85) [Abb.]: Tonezzaspitzen vom Süden gesehen. (86) Das 3. Baon. (87) [Abb.]: Postverteilung auf Fratte d'Arsiero. (87) [Abb.]: Pasubio - Abschnittskommando und Hilfsplatz. (88) [Abb.]: Lt. Franz Getzendorfer. Erwarb in den Pasubiokämpfen die Goldene Tapferkeitsmedaille. (89) [Abb.]: Pasubio - Roite Ost. (90) [Abb.]: 3. Baons - Kommando Pasubio (Hptm. Steffan). (91) Der italienische Stellungskrieg. (92) [Abb.]: Winterbild aus der Vallestellung. (92) [Abb.]: Partie aus Cimone - West. (93) [Abb.]: Der Hexenkessel - Cimone - Süd. (94) [Abb.]: Föhn am Tonezzaplateau. (95) [Abb.]: Molino mit Blitzweg. (96) [Abb.]: Galghera, im Vordergrunde die eigene F. W. Nr. 7. (97) [Abb.]: Regimentskantine in Fratte d'Arsiero. (98) [Abb.]: Deckung der M. G. K. II, Cimone - West. Oblt. Franz Lasser, Lt. Plakolm. (99) [Abb.]: 5. Komp. - Kommando Majo - Rippe Hauptm. Karl v. Kenzian, Kdt. Asp. Elmar Böhm und Lt. Nowak, im Hintergrunde der Blitzweg. (100) Porta Lepozze. (100) [2 Abb.]: (1)Offiziersbesprechung bei Molino. (2)Pedescala (Asticotal) - August 1917. (101) [Abb.]: Seine Majestät dankt am Mte. Rover den Hessen nach der Porta - Lepozze - Schlacht. (102) [Abb.]: Straßenkote 1449 am Kempelrücken. (103) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kaverne in der Tigerstellung. (2)Cimone. Stellung Valle - Vallo. M. G. Kaverne d. II. Baons. (105) [Abb.]: Untere Reihe: Oblt i. d. R. Schatzberger Ernst, Oblt. Kern Franz, Oblt. i. d. R. Krennbauer Josef, Oblt. Rachbauer Hermann. Obere Reihe: Oblt. i. d. R. Benda Anton, Lt. Sturm Max und Oblt. i. d. R. Roeger Josef. (106) [2 Abb.]: (1)Obst. v. Vittorelli mit den Offizieren seines Abschnittes (Asticotal). (2)Cimone - West. Laufgraben. (107) [Abb.]: Trient 1917. (108) [Abb.]: Der Bischof von Linz Johannes Maria zelebriert eine Feldmesse auf Malga Secondo - Posto (Edelweißdivision). (109) [Abb.]: Hochwald nach Trommelfeuer. 2. Baon. Mte. Zebio. (110) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blick von Gibraltar gegen Caseratti im Asticotal. (2)Defilierende Kompagnie in Trient. (111) [Abb.]: Handmaschinengewehrzug der 2. Feldkompagnie auf der Schmelz (Wien). (112) Monte San Gabriele. (112) [Abb.]: Maskierte Straße vor Cernizza (Wippachtal). (113) [Abb.]: Das Offizierskorps des Regiments in Trient - Juli 1917. (115) [Abb.]: Der Laufgraben auf dem Gabrielegipfel. (116) [Abb.]: 600 italienische Gefangene des Regiments am Mte. S. Gabriele. (117) [Abb.]: Mte. Gabriele Trigonometer 646. (118) [Abb.]: Trichterfeld. (119) [Abb.]: Idria. (Überschwemmung des Regimentslagerplatzes). (121) Der Siegeszug gegen Italien 1917. (122) [Abb.]: Die 6. Feldkompagnie auf der Schmelz (Wien). (122) [2 Abb.]: (1)Idria. (2)Lt. Hiesl vor seiner Deckung am Mte. Zebio. 2. Baon. (123) [Abb.]: Kampfgraben am Mte. Zebio. 2. Baon. (124) [2 Abb.]: (1)Trichter - Cimone-Süd. (2)Oblt. Vichidyl, erwarb seine Auszeichnungen beim X. 14. Feldbaon. (125) [Abb.]: Eine M.-G.-Abteilung auf der Schmelz (Wien). (126) [Abb.]: Raibl mit Fünfspitz. (127) [Abb.]: Das Regiment passiert eine Brücke bei Saga. (128) [2 Abb.]: (1)Stellung "Gibraltar" Asticotal). (2)Rio Freddotal - Zwei-Felsturmrippe. (129) [Abb.]: Vormarsch der Hessen im Ucceatal. (130) [Abb.]: Carbonare bei Lavarone. (131) [Abb.]: Quinis am Tagliamento. (132) [Abb.]: Moggio am Tagliamento. (133) [2 Abb.]: (1)Übergang des I. R. 14 über die Piave bei Bribano. (2)Giamosa südlich Belluno. (134) [Abb.]: Der Mte. Grappa. (135) [Abb.]: Brentatal bei Collicello. (136) [Abb.]: Galerie Il Termine. (137) [2 Abb.]: (1)Italienische Stellung bei Il Termine. (2)Tragtiersteg bei Ponte della Serra. (138) [Abb.]: Ponte della Serra mit Mte. Coppolo. (139) [Abb.]: Lamon. (140) [Abb.]: Flüchtlinge in der Gegend von Tramonti di Sopra. (141) [Abb.]: Die 16. Feldkompagnie in Mier. (142) [2 Abb.]: (1)Mugnai bei Feltre. (2)Belluno. (143) [Abb.]: Borgo - Val Sugana. (144) [Abb.]: Frenzella - Juni 1918. (145) [Abb.]: Rachel IV Col del Rosso - Juni 1918. (146) [2 Abb.]: (1)Olle bei Borgo - Val Sugana. (2)Die Reste des Regiments nach dem Col del Rosso. Die Masse rechts rückwärts ist Train. (147) [Abb.]: Col del Rosso und Val di Bella. Im Vordergrunde die Frenzellaschlucht. (148) C. Verzeichnis der Goldenen und Großen silbernen Tapferkeitsmedaillen. (150) Goldene Tapferkeitsmedaille. (150) [4 Abb]: (1)Offz. Stellv. Karl Haiberger (2)Feldw. Karl Schiefmayr (3)Feldw. Anton Derntl (4)Zgf. Ferdinand Wimmer (151) Silberne Tapferkeitsmedaille I. Klasse. (152) A (152) B (152) C - E (153) F (153) G (154) H (154) [9 Abb.]: (1)3 Zgf. Hartmair Franz, (2)6 zgf. Karl Gruber, (3)7 Offz. Stellv. Hugo Greifender, (4)8 Res. Korp. Josef Huber, (5)9 Stabsfeldw. Josef Dinghofer, (6)10 Gefr. Ignaz Edelmayer, (7)11 Zgf. Johann Söllinger, (8)12 L. Gefr. Josef Sieghartner, (9)13 Zgf. Alois Dannerbauer. (155) [9 Abb.]: (1)14 Feldw. Johann Achleitner, (2)15 Korp. Ferdinand Danzmayr, (3)16 Zgf. Karl Winkelmayer, (4)17 Waffenmeister Franz Cernoch, (5)18 Korp. Franz Fischerlehner, (6)19 Zgf. Franz Weigl, (7)20 Feldw. Johann Eppinger, (8)21 Korp. Karl Rockenschaub, (9)22 Gefr. tit. Feldw. Johann Lehner. (156) J (157) K (158) [Abb.]: Kadett i. d. Res. Friedrich Kiffe. (158) [9 Abb.]: (1)23 Korp. Ludwig Palmsdorfer, (2)24 Feldw. Karl Pum, (3)25 Feldw. Felix Kaltenbrunner (4)26, Zgf. Josef Froschauer, (5)27 Stabsfeldw. Josef Datkerl, (6)28 Zgf. Michael Feilmaier, (7)29 Zgf. Karl Haas, (8)30 Feldw. Josef Hochmayer, (9)31 Res. Korp. Johann Körner. (159) [9 Abb.]: (1)32 Korp. Edmund Grundmüller, (2)33 Zgf. Wenzel Prusek, (3)34 Res. Stabsfeldw. Franz Kern, (4)35 Feldw. Rudolf Malek, (5)36 L. Inf. Johann Palschinsky, (6)37 Gefr. Georg Lehner, (7)38 Feldw. Peter Kaser, (8)39 Feldw. Karl Kern, (9)40 Stabsfeldw. Josef Kühberger. (160) L (161) M (161) N, O (162) P (162) R (163) S (163) T (164) [9 Abb.]: (1)41 Stabsfeldw. Michael Wiesinger, (2)42 Feldw. Franz Kern, (3)43 Stabsfeldw. Johann Scher, (4)44 Feldw. Leopold Ertl, (5)45 Feldw. Ferdinand Schatzl, (6)46 Inf. Karl Kickinger, (7)47 Zfr. Alois Krottenhofer, (8)48 Zfr. Leopold Lettner, (9)49 Gefr. Klement Schüppel. (165) [9 Abb.]: (1)50 L. Feldw. Franz Prikler, (2)51 Inf. Josef Keferböck, (3)52 Zfr. Roman Falkner, (4)53 Zfr. Franz Schauberger, (5)54 Franz Krenmayr, (6)55 Stabsfeldw. Anton Reisinger, (7)56 Stabsfeldw. Johann Janak, (8)57 Feldw. Leopold Haslinger, (9)58 Inf. Josef Fuchs. (166) U - Z (167) III. Abschnitt. (168) [5 Abb.]: (1)G. M. Friedrich Edler v. Löw (2)Obst. Artur Edler v. Pöschmann ad int. (3)Obst. Thomas Beneš (4)Obstlt. d. G. St. Karl Heppner ad int. (5)Obst. August v. Ontl (168) A. Die Feldregimentskommandnaten und der Regimentsheld Oberleutnant Franz Kern. (169) Oberst Friedrich Edler v. Löw. (169) Oberst Artur v. Pöschmann. (170) Nachruf für Oberst Thomas Beneš. (170) Oberst Richard v. Vittorelli. (171) [Abb.]: Oberst Richard v. Vittorelli. (172) Oberstleutnant des Generalstabes Karl Heppner. (173) Oberst August v. Ontl. (174) Oberleutnant Franz Kern. (174) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Franz Kern, der Regimentsheld. (2)Se. Majestät dekoriert, auf der Schmelz in Wien, Oblt. Franz Kern mit dem Eisernen Kronenorden 2. Klasse mit der Kriegsdekoration und den Schwertern. (175) B. Im Felde Gereimtes. (178) [Gedicht]: Liski, 2. September 1914. (178) [2 Gedichte]: (1)Ein neu Hessenlied. (2)Widmung. (179) [Abb.]: (180) [Gedicht]: Auf der Priafora! (180) [Gedicht]: Dö 14er als Nothelfá. (180) [Gedicht]: Friede! (181) [Gedicht]: Unsere Vierzehner! (181) [2 Gedichte]: (1)Mahnung! (2)Nur dieses nicht! (182) [Gedicht]: Triest! (183) [Abb.]: Grein an der Donau. (184) [Gedicht]: Mein Oberösterreich! (184) [Abb.]: (185) [2 Gedichte]: (1)Ich Hab' ein Hüglein im Polenland. (2)Des Helden Grab! (185) [2 Gedichte]: (1)Einer von Vielen! (2)November 1918 (186) C. Spender. (187) [Tabelle]: (187) Abschiedsworte des Obersten Regimentskommandanten Richard v. Vittorelli. (189) D. Die Feldbaonskommandanten. (190) Oberstleutnant Friedrich Schneider. (190) Oberst Anton Edler v. Walter. (190) Oberst Richard Tenner. Oberst Ludwig Kirchner v. Neukirchen. (191) Oberstleutnant Heinrich Baron Saar (191) [6 Abb.]: (1)Obstlt. Edler v. Walter (2)Obst. Richard Tenner (3)Obstlt. Ludwig Kirchner v. Neukirchen (4)Obstlt. Friedrich Schneider (5)Obstlt. Julius Scazigino Edler v. Medeazza (6)Obstlt. Georg Böhm (192) Oberstleutnant Georg Böhm. (193) Oberst Julius Scazigino v. Medeazza. (193) Oberstleutnant Eduard Lehmann. (194) Hauptmann Maximilian Jaschke. (194) Hauptmann Friedrich Vogl. (195) Hauptmann Edurad Steffan. (196) [6 Abb.]: (1)Mj. Heinrich Freiherr v. Saar (2)Hptm. Ernst Eisner (3)Hptm. Erwin Hingler (4)Mj. Theodor Malina (5)Hptm. Georg Hoffmann (6)Hptm. Eduard Steffan (197) Oberstleutnant Alfons Marbach. (198) Oberstleutnant Aurel v. Bászel. (198) Hauptmann i. d. Ev. Walter Vogt. (199) Hauptmann Ernst Eisner. (200) Hauptmann Erwin Hingler. (200) Hauptmann Georg Hoffmann. (201) [6 Abb.]: (1)Obstlt. Aurel Bászel (2)Mj. Ottokar Podhalsky (3)Mj. Bela v. Szilley (4)Hptm. Friedr. Vogel (5)Obstlt. Eduard Lehmann (6)Obstlt. Alfons Marbach (202) Major Theodor Malina. (203) Major Friedrich Hantken, Ritter v. Prudnik. (204) Major Bela v. Szilley. (204) [5 Abb.]: (1)Mj. Friedrich Hantken R. v. Prudnik (2)Mj. Heinrich Sauer (3)Hptm. Max Jaschke (4)Obstlt. Heinrich Schuldes (5)Hptm. Walter Vogt. (205) Oberstleutnant Heinrich Schuldes. (206) Major Heinrich Sauer. (207) Hauptmann-Rechnungsführer Stephan Schuller. (208) E. Lichtbilder der besonders ausgezeichneten Oberoffiziere. (209) [6 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. R. Ernst Adam (2)Oblt. Alois Windisch (3)Hptm. Karl Kenzian Edler v. Kenzianshausen (4)Oblt. i. d. R. Dr. Karl Stauffer (5)Oblt. i. d. R. Ludwig Plakolb (6)Oblt. i. d. R. August Rettenbacher (209) [6 Abb.]: (1)Lt. Max Nickl (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Ernst Schatzberger (3)Oblt. i. d. R. Leonhard Bielaz (4)Oblt. i. d. R. Johann Hirzenberger (5)Lt. i. d. R. Ehrenreiter Heinrich (6)Oblt. i. d. R. Heinz Hrouda (210) [6 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. R. Wilhelm Eppinger (2)Hptm. Richard Edler v. Skala (3)Feldkur. i. d. R. Alois Bader (4)Hptm. Rf. Stephan Schuller (5)Oblt. Julius Wellenreiter (6)Hptm. Oswald Fiby (211) [6 Abb.]: (1)R. A. i. d. R. Dr. Siegfried Kraft (2)R. A. Dr. Bochskanl (3)O. A. i. d. R. Dr. Leopold Strauß (4)San. Lt. i. d. R. Josef Kammel (5)O. A. i. d. R. Dr. Franz Dangl (6)Oblt. i. d. R. Johann Ehrenmüller (212) [6 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Ferdinand Leitl (2)Oblt. i. d. R. Max Panischka (3)Lt. i. d. R. August Heindl (4)Lt. i. d. R. Wilhelm Schulz (5)Lt. i. d. R. Heinrich Commenda (6)Lt. i. d. R. Rudolf Bünker (213) [6 Abb.]: Oblt. Adolar Schusta (2)Oblt. i. d. R. Karl Stemberger (3)Lt. i. d. R. Robert Pikof (4)Oblt. Theodor Angele (5)Oblt. i. d. R. Josef Roeger (6)Oblt. Franz Kariopp (214) [6 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. R. Johann Haager (2)Lt. Josef Gangl (3)Lt. i. d. R. Hans Schöndorfer (4)Lt. i. d. R. Franz Landl (5)Lt. i. d. R. Friedrich Hilsch (6)Oblt. i. d. R. Johann Floasiu (215) IV. Abschnitt. Einzeldarstellungen und Episoden aus dem Weltkriege. (216) A. Die Feuertaufe des Hessenregiments bei Oserdów am 28. August 1914. (216) B. Gefechtsberichte und Episoden aus den Kämpfen am San und Nördlich von Krakau. (218) Gefechte ab Tarnów, 2. Oktober 1914. (218) Gefechtsbericht über die ineinanderfließenden Gefechte vom 27. Oktober bis 2. November 1914 am San. (219) [Karte]: II. Skizze B. Gefechte I. R. 14 am San (220) Gefechtsbericht über die Schlacht am 17. und 20. November 1914 bei Krakau. (221) Episoden aus den Kämpfen vom 18. September bis 28. November 1914. (222) [Abb.]: Vater und Sohn Wimmer aus Sierning (Steyr). (226) C. Mit einem Nachrichtendetachement an den Feind. (227) D. Die Feuertaufe des 1. Marschbaons des Infanterieregiments Nr. 14 in der Schlacht bei Lemberg. (228) [Abb.]: Das Offizierskorps des 1. Marschbaons vor dem Abgehen aus Linz. (229) E. Erstürmung der ersten Stellung am Mte. Cimone. Kote 1030 in der Maioffensive 1916. (231) [Abb.]: Nach dem Kampfe. (233) F. Galghera! (234) [Abb.]: Holzträger. (234) [Abb.]: Galghera (im Tale Laghi). Hintergrund, die Castellispitzen. (235) [Abb.]: Major Heinrich Sauer, Oblt. Baonsadjutant Bauer und Oblt. Brunhuemer, Kommandant der 6. Feldkompagnie. (236) [2 Abb.]: (1)Sprengen eines Schützengrabens bei Molino. (2)Laghi. Im Mittelgrund links Kote 993, rechts Kote 929. Hintergrund Mte. Majo. (237) [Abb.]: Menageträger. (238) [2 Abb.]: (1)Fürst Schönburg-Hartenstein, Kommandant des Edelweißkorps im Laghibecken. Links Hptm. Edmund Spacil, Kommandant der 7. Feldkompagnie; rechts Obstlt. des Generalstabes, int. Regimentskommandant Heppner. (2)Major Heinrich Sauer und sein Stab im Laghibecken. Hochw. Feldkurat i. d. R. Franz Josef Hämmerle, Oblt. i. d. R. Baonsadjutant Bauer, Fhr. i. d. res. Frauendorfer, Baonsschreiber Ilk, Kommandant des technischen Zuges Lt. i. d. Res. Thieß, Kommandant des Baonssturmzuges Lt. i. d. Res. Dr. Priesner, Kommandant der Sanitätspatrouille Zfr. Wallner, Kommandant der Baons-Telegraphenpatrouille Zfr. Kranzmayer und Lt. i. d. Res. Freudenthaler, Kommandant der 6. Feldkompagnie. (239) [Abb.]: Feldwache am Mte. Majo. (240) [Abb.]: Kohlemeiler des Regiments bei Vanzi. Die Holzkohlen dienten als Feuerungsmaterial, für die exponierten Punkte der Front. (241) [Abb.]: Der Blitzweg. In der Mitte die Nadel (Stützpunkt der Seilbahn). (242) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein 12-cm-Luftminenwerfer. (2)Die Gefangenen werden abgeführt. (243) G. Episoden aus der Schlacht in den Sette Comuni, Juni 1917. (244) I. Eiserne Reserven: Es war am 18. Juni 1917. (244) II. Verschüttet: 19. Juni nachmittags. (245) III. Hilfsbereit: Am 26. Juni 1917 nachts (245) H. Aus der Schlacht von Porta Lepozze. (246) Vorereignisse. (246) Original-Gefechtsbericht des Hauptmanns Edmund Spazil, Interims-Baonskommandant. (247) [Abb.]: Die 5. Kompagnie (Oblt. Scharizer) marschiert zur Schlacht von Porta Lepozze und passiert Il Termine. (247) Wegverhältnisse. (248) Das Gelände. (249) [Abb.]: Porta Lepozze. - Im Hintergrunde die Cima Dieci. (249) Der Feind. (250) Situation vor dem Einsetzen der Vierzehner. (251) [Abb.]: Hochwald nach Trommelfeuer am Mte. Zebio. (251) Meine Einrückung. (252) [Abb.]: Dosso del Fine. - Im Hintergrunde die Cima Dieci. (253) [Abb.]: Kampf um die Kote 2071. (255) Die Aktion "Anna". (255) Der Angriff der Brigade Piemont auf Porta Lepozze am 15. Juni 1917. (256) [3 Karten]: (1)Situation vom 13. - 17./6. 1917 (2)Situation vom 18. - 19/6. 1917 (3)Angriff der Brig. Piemont (I. R. 3. u. 4.) am 15. Juni 1917. ([uncounted]) [Abb.]: Der durch Trommelfeuer zerstörte Graben der 6. Feldkompagnie. (259) [Abb.]: Porta Lepozze. Gefallene Italiener werden beerdigt. (262) I. Am Mte. Gabriele. (265) a) Die Gruppe Major Theodor Malina (Obstlt. Heinrich Schuldes) (265) [Abb.]: Kote 408 Abschnittskommando, vom Süden gesehen. Die dunklen Flecke im Vordergrunde sind M.-G.-Scharten, Beobachtungsstände. (269) [Abb.]: Geschützkaverne am Mte. Gabriele. (272) [Abb.]: Trümmerfeld. (274) b) Die Gruppe Major Heinrich Sauer. (282) 8. September 1917. (284) 10. September 1917. (285) [Abb.]: Bonetti am Südhange des Mte. Gabriele. (287) 11. September. (288) 12. September 1917. (291) 13. September. (293) 14. September. (295) [Abb.]: Mte. Gabriele - Südosthang. (296) [Abb.]: Das Baonskommando. (299) K. Frenzella 1918. (302) [Abb.]: Frenzella - Juni 1918. (303) [Gedicht]: Blessiertenträger Bachmayr. (305) [Abb.]: Frenzella - Volltreffer. (306) L. Abschied. (307) V. Abschnitt. Allgemeines. (308) A. Mondnachtgeplauder. (März 1916.) (308) B. Allgemeine Assentierung. (310) Epilog. (313) C. Meine Reise zur Front. (314) Abschied von der Heimat. (314) Mezzolombardo, 9. bis 27. Juli. (320) [Gedicht]: (320) [2 Abb.]: Mezzo Lombardo (320) Nachtmarsch. Sopramento, Ende Juli 1916. (323) Eine Legende! (325) [Gedicht]: Hessenmauer. (328) D. Wie ich den Krieg kennen lernte. (328) E. Ein eherner Hessengruß. (334) F. "Pythia". (336) [Gedicht]: (339) G. Der Vorabend. (340) [Gedicht]: (343) VI. Abschnitt. (344) [Abb.]: (344) A. Der Krieg im Gebirge. (344) [Abb.]: Pasubio. - Italienische Schützengräben. (344) [Abb.]: Aus dem Adamellogebiete. Auf der Kammlinie die eigenen Stellungen. (345) [Abb.]: Die drei Zinnen. (346) [2 Abb.]: (1)Cima di Campoluzzo, 1775 m. (2)Lawinenunglück. Rettungsarbeiten des II. /14. Baons auf der Cima Valbona. (347) [Abb.]: Hessen arbeiten im Kampfgraben. (Mte. Majo.) (348) [Abb.]: Fratte d'Arsiero - Winterlandschaft. (349) [2 Abb.]: (1)Fliegeraufklärung. (2)Feldwache auf Cima dei Laghi, Höhe 1262 m. III/14. Baon. (351) [Abb.]: Oblt. Dr. Rudolf Freiherr v. Saar, Regiments-Telephonoffizier, später alpiner Referent des II. A. K. in Trient. (352) [Abb.]: Die Brentagruppe. (353) B. Vom Sanitätsdienste beim Infanterieregiment 14 im Weltkriege. (353) [Abb.]: Regimentshilfsplatz im Campoluzzotal. (359) [Abb.]: Marodenzimmer, Hilfsplatz Vanzi. II. Baon. Laghibecken. (360) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim am Mte. Rover. (361) [Abb.]: San Pietro im Asticotale. (362) [Abb.]: Baonshilfsplatz bei Chalupi am San. Vor demselben Oberarzt i. d. Res. Dr. Leopold Strauß. (364) [Abb.]: Impfung. (365) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport. (367) [Abb.]: Sanitäts-Fähnr. Rudolf Emminger. (368) [Abb.]: Fassungsausgabe. (370) [2 Abb.]: (1)Leichtmarode am Regimentshilfsplatz im Campoluzzotal. (2)Molinostellung. Die Menage kommt. (372) [Abb.]: Regimentshilfsplatz im Campoluzzotal. (373) [Abb.]: Menageverteilung am Mte. Majo. (374) [Abb.]: Ärztewohnung und Blumengarten des Hilfsplatzes Vanzi. (375) [Abb.]: Hilfsplatz Vanzi im Winter. (376) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hilfsplatz bei Vanzi. (2)Hilfsplatz auf Porta Lepozze. (377) [Abb.]: Partie des Hilfsplatzes im Tennerloch vor Asiago. (378) [Abb.]: Partie des Hilfsplatzes im Tennerloch vor Asiago. (379) [Abb.]: Eröffnung des Soldatenheims in San Pietro. (380) [Abb.]: Feldmesse am 17. August 1917 im Asticotale. (381) [Abb.]: In Besenello. Retablierung des 3. Baons. (382) [Abb.]: Hilfsplatz am Col della Beretta. (384) [Abb.]: Hilfsplatz in der Frenzellaschlucht. (385) C. Nachrufe für die gefallenen Kameraden, soweit Daten und Lichtbilder zur Verfügung standen. (386) Lt. i. d. Res. Dr. Oskar Fischl. (386) Ldst.-Lt. Franz Kopetz. (386) [Abb.]: Ldst.-Lt. Franz Kopetz. (387) Kadett i. d. Res. Johann Wintersteiger. (387) [Abb.]: Kadett i. d. Res. Johann Wintersteiger. (387) Lt. Wolfgang Garzarolli, Edler v. Thurnlackh. (388) Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Tizian. (388) Hptm. Karl Weilenbek, Ritter v. Wartberg. (389) Oblt. Eduard Appel. (389) [Abb.]: Oblt. Eduard Appel. (389) [Abb.]: Das Begräbnis des Oblt. Eduard Appel. (390) Oblt. Josef Edler v. Barisani. (390) Hptm. Rudolf Fischer. (391) [Abb.]: Hptm. Rudolf Fischer. (391) Kadett i. d. Res. Karl Wimmer. (391) Lt. Hermann Flatz. (392) [Abb.]: Lt. Hermann Flatz. (393) Oblt. i. d. Ev. Dr. Fritz Hasenöhrl. (394) [Abb.]: Oblt. i. d. Ev. Dr. Fritz Hasenöhrl. (394) Hptm. Heinrich Grum. (394) [Abb.]: Hptm. Heinrich Grum. (394) Hptm. Josef Wittek v. Saltzberg. (394) [Abb.]: Hptm. Josef Wittek v. Saltzberg. (395) Oblt. i. d. Res. Hans Greinöcker. (395) [Abb.]: Oblt. i. d. Res. Hans Greinöcker. (395) Feldkurat i. d. Res. Franz Josef Hämmerle. (395) [Abb.]: Feldkurat i. d. Res. Franz Josef Hämmerle. (396) Oblt. Wenzel Mlčoch. (397) [Abb.]: Oblt. Wenzel Mlčoch. (397) Lt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Tragge. (397) Lt. i. d. Res. Dr. Franz Grüner. (397) Oblt. Oskar Zeisberger. (398) [Abb.]: Oblt. Wenzel Mlroch (399) Hptm. Alois Ritt. (399) [Abb.]: Hptm. Alois Ritt. (399) [6 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Otto Krakowizer. (2)Lt. i. d. R. Eduard Jettel. (3)Kdtt. i. d. Res. Franz Prohaska. (4)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Johann Riepl. (5)Oblt. Eduard Schreyer. (6)San.-Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Ecker. (400) [6 Abb.]: (1)Kdtt. i. d. Res. Josef Brunner. (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Karl Friem. (3)Lt. Theodor Sparkeß. (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Johann Kiebacher. (5)Kdtt. i. d. Res. Rupert Wagner. (401) [6 Abb.]: (1)Kadtt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Vizenetz. (2)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Vinzenz Trachta. (3)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Adolf Strauß. (4)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Hermann Berger. (5)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Theodor Peer. (6)Lt. i. d. R. Leopold Raber. (402) [6 Abb.]: (1)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Fritz Kroiß. (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Scharitzer. (3)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Günther Friedrich. (4)Oblt. Artur Breindl. (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Alois Fleschurz. (6)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Karl Rieder. (403) VII. Abschnitt. (404) A. Das Ersatzbaon. (404) [Abb.]: Oberst Franz Nickerl v. Ragenfeld. (405) [Abb.]: Hptm.-Rechnungsführer Hans Horak. (407) [Abb.]: Abfahrt eines Marschbaons. (408) [Abb.]: Einwaggonierung. (409) [Abb.]: Vereidigung eines ins Feld abgehenden Marschbaons. (410) [Abb.]: Oberst Ersatzbaonskommandant Franz Nickerl Edler v. Ragenfeld, Hptm.-Baonsadjutant Adolf Spitzl und Hptm. Johann Ikawetz, Ersatzkompagniekommandant. (413) Nachtrag. (415) [Abb.]: Das Ersatzkommando und seine Referenten. Obere Reihe von links nach rechts: Gfr. Schaffenberger; Feldw. Bruno Scharitzer; E. F. Gfr. Filnkößl; Gfr. Karl Fellöcker; Korp. Franz Seiler; Gfr. Hermann Wimmer; L.-Inf. Johann Schimanek; Korp. Johann Fürst; Zfr. Fuchs. Mittlere Reihe von links nach rechts: Feldw. Alfred Holzner; Zfr. Max Eckstein; Gfr. Franz Winkler; E. F. Grill; E. F. Zfr. Franz Palfinger; Zfr. Karl Becker; Feldw. Max Lukesch; Zfr. Franz Hink; Feldw. Hans Latzelsberger; Feldw. Georg Böcksteiner; Feldw. Josef Guggenberger; Feldw. Max Krepper; Feldw. Josef Leimer; Feldw. Karl Heinzl; Feldw. Leopold Alzinger; Zfr. Borcik; E. F. Zfr. Andreas Lischka; Feldw. Alois Weichselbaumer. Unterste Reihe von links nach rechts: Lt. i. d. Res. Oskar Remele; Oblt. Josef Herberg; Hptm. Adolf Spitzl; Hptm. Anton Malina; Obst. Franz v. Nickerl; Hptm. Ferdinand Mühlbauer; Hptm.-Rechnungsführer Hans Horak; Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Lutz. (415) B. In der Gefangenschaft. (416) Obstlt. Richard Tenner schreibt: (416) Major Ludwig v. Kirchner schreibt: (419) Die Umstände meiner Gefangennahme: (419) [Abb.]: Transbaikal-Eisenbahn (Irkutsk - Wladiwostok). (419) Im Spital in Kiew und Moskau. Reise nach Sibirien. (420) Durch Sibirien nach Chabarowsk - Krasnaja-Rjetschka. (421) [2 Abb.]: (1)Partie von der Baikalbahn. (2)Partie aus der inneren Stadt Nikolsk-Ussurisk. (421) [2 Abb.]: (1)Dampschifflandungsstelle in Chabarowsk. (2)Hundeschlitten für Transporte am Amur. (422) Dienstbetrieb. (423) Die Wohnungsverhältnisse. (423) [Abb.]: Artilleriewerkstätte. Offiziersunterkunft in Krasnaja-Rjetschka. (423) Ernährung. Die Bekleidung. (424) Die sanitären Verhältnisse. (424) [Abb.]: Das Denkmal der in Chabarowsk und Krasnaja-Rjetschka Verstorbenen. (425) Beschäftigung und Arbeit. (426) [Abb.]: Gebäude der Kriegsgefangenen in Krasnaja-Rjetschka, Sibirien (Ostasien), 1914/15. (427) Die Arbeitsverhältnisse der Mannschaft. (428) Gagen und Löhnungen. (428) Strafbestimmungen. (429) Die Post. Der Gottesdienst. (430) Fürsorge durch Delegationen und Vertretungen. (431) [Abb.]: Gräfin Anna Revertera, Delegierte des Roten Kreuzes für die österreichischen Kriegsgefangenen in Sibirien. (431) Rückreise. - Heimkehr. (432) VIII. Abschnitt. (433) [Abb.]: Der Friedhof von San Sebastiano. (433) [Gedicht]: Vor dem Feinde gefallen, den Wunden erlegen, an Kriegsstrapazen gestorben. (433) A. Offiziere und Offiziersaspiranten. (434) A - E (434) F (434) G, H (435) J (435) K - P (436) R (436) S (437) T (437) V - Z (438) B. Personen des Mannschaftsstandes mit den der Schriftleitung zugekommenen Lichtbildern. (438) A (438) B (440) [8 Abb.]: (1)1 Inf. Aigner Andreas, (2)2 Feldw. Hueber Johann, (3)3 Korp. Nagelhofer Josef, (4)4 Inf. Ecker Josef, (5)5 Inf. Kaiser Franz, (6)6 Inf. Perlwieser Franz, (7)7 Inf. Muggenhumer Felix, (8)8 Gfr. Wallner Josef. ( - ) [24 Abb.]: (1)Affenzeller Michael. (2)Aglas Ignaz. (3)Ahorner Franz. (4)Fähnr. Ahorner Willibald. (5)Ahrer Josef. (6)Aichhorn Johann. (7)Aichinger Georg. (8(Ackerl Ignaz. (9)Aichinger Johann. (10)Aichinger Leopold. (11)Aichinger Leopold. (12)Aichinger Matthias. (13)Aigner Johann. (14)Alteneder Josef. (15)Aigner Leopold. (16)Aigner Michael. (17)Albeseder Josef. (18)Allerstorfer Johann. (19)Altmüller Franz. (20)Ameseder Karl. (21)Arnreiter Johann. (22)Aschauer Franz. (23)Aigner Karl. (24)Auberger Johann. ( - ) [23 Abb.]: (1)Atzmüller Johann. (2)Atzmüller Karl. (3)Aumayer Jakob. (4)Auer Anton. (5)Auer Josef. (6)Aumayr Josef. (7)Aumeyer Ludwig. (8)Andorfer Franz. (9)Autengruber Alois. (10)Bachler Ferdinand. (11)Barth Ludwig. (12)Bauer Franz. (13)Baumert Franz. (14)Bauer Franz. (15)Beham Heinrich. (16)Fähnr. Barth Wilhelm. (17)Bauer Franz. (18)Berger Josef. (19)Bergmayr Michael. (20)Biberauer Franz. (21)Baumgartner Josef. (22)Blineder Anton. (23)Binder Johann. ( - ) [24 Abb.]: (1)Bock Josef. (2)Böhm Friedrich. (3)Breuer Adolf. (4)Böhner Anton. (5)Boxrucker Josef. (6)Brandstetter Franz. (7)Brandstätter Michael. (8)Bräuer Franz. (9)Breinhälter Johann. (10)Breitwieser Michael. (11)Brückl Johann. (12)Bucher Adolf. (13)Brunmair Josef. (14)Burner Leopold. (15)Danzer Johann. (16)Dallinger Franz. (17)Burner Franz. (18)Dauerböck Karl. (19)Dattinger Leopold. (20)Dedl Franz. (21)Denkmaier Michael. (22)Denthaner Georg. (23)Deßl Josef. (24)Derntl Sebastian. ( - ) C (444) D (444) [8 Abb.]: (1)1. Gfr. Diensthuber Franz, (2)2 Inf. Breitenbaumer Franz, (3)3 Guttenberger Johann, (4)4 Gfr. Strauß Josef, (5)5 Zfr. Wöckinger Johann, (6)6 Feldw. Prückler Franz, (7)7 Inf. Staufer Johann, (8) Zfr. Panhuber Franz. ( - ) [24 Abb.]:(1)Deutschbauer Leopold. (2)Dieplinger Franz. (3)Diesenreiter Hermann. (4)Dobretzberger Alois. (5)Dolleschal Johann. (6)Donner Ignaz. (7)Draxler Karl. (8)Dornauer Alois. (9)Dumfart Josef. (10)Dunzinger Anton. (11)Dobersberger Josef. (12)Dittinger Johann. (13)Durstberger Alois. (14)Durstberger Alois. (15)Durstberger Josef. (16)Franz Ebenhofer. (17)Karl Ebenhofer. (18)San.-Lt. Franz Ecker. (19)Eder Anton. (20)Eckmair Franz. (21)Heinrich Ebenhofer. (22)Matthäus Ebenhofer. (23)Edtmayr Johann. (24)Edtmayr Josef. ( - ) E (446) F (447) [24 Abb.]: (1)Ecklbauer Andreas. (2)Ecklbauer Josef. (3)Ehm Karl. (4)Ehrenmüller Alois. (5)Eichinger Alois. (6)Einsiedler Andreas. (7)Eisner Johann. (8)Erbe Emil. (9)Enzenhofer Johann. (10)Eisserer Matthias. (11)Enzenhofer Johann. (12)Etzlstorfer Franz. (13)Etzlstorfer Josef. (14)Etzlstorfer Leopold. (15)Franz Falkinger. (16)Falkner Johann. (17)Erlinger Alois. (18)Falkner Josef. (19)Falthansl Florian. (20)Feichtner Raimund. (21)Franz Farthofer. (22)Exl Franz. (23)Franz Felbermayer. (24)Feneberger Ignaz. ( - ) [24 Abb.]: (1)Fenkhuber Franz. (2)Feyrer Franz. (3)Fiedler Franz. (4)Fiedler Josef. (5)Flohs Ferdinand. (6)Forstner Ignaz. (7)Foisner Michael. (8)Froschauer Karl. (9)Franzmair Johann. (10)Frauendorfer Johann. (11)Frühwirth Florian. (12)Freinhofer Anton. (13)Freudenthaler Alois. (14)Freudenthaler Karl. (15)Friedl Johann. (16)Gahleitner Georg. (17)Gabriel Ludwig. (18)Ganglberger Johann. (19)Ganser Leopold. (20)Geishofer Hans. (21)Geislmayr Alois. (22)Gintenstorfer Michael. (23)Glinsner Rupert. (24)Grabmeir Franz. ( - ) [8 Abb.]: (1)1 Feldw. Trettenheim Heinrich, (2)2 Inf. Stelzhammer August, (3)3 Zfr. Lehner Leopold, (4)4 Inf. Lachmayr Anton, (5)5 Inf. Ecker Franz, (6)6 Inf. Klinser Johann, (7)7 Korp. Seckauer Johann, (8)8 Stabsfeldw. Gangl Johann. ( - ) [24 Abb.]: (1)Grubauer Josef. (2)Graßl Ignaz. (3)Grabenschweiger Anton. (4)Gruber Franz. (5)Greinöcker Josef. (6)Gruber Karl. (7)Gruber Karl. (8)Gruber Michael. (9)Gruber Michael. (10)Kadett Gruber Siegfried. (11)Gsöllpointner Anton. (12)Gumpenberger Franz. (13)Gusenbaur Franz. (14)Gugerbauer Alois. (15)Gusenbauer Franz. (16)Haas Johann. (17)Haberfellner Josef. (18)Haas Johann. (19)Haberfellner Reinhold. (20)Hackl Franz. (21)Hackl Johann. (22)Haderer Franz. (23)Haderer Johann. (24)Häuserer Johann. ( - ) G (450) [19 Abb.]: (1)Hagenauer Josef. (2)Haider Franz. (3)Haider Georg. (4)Haider Josef. (5)Haider Josef. (6)Hammer Leopold. (7)Hainzinger Josef. (8)Hainzl Peter. (9)Haslinger Franz. (10)Hamberger Johann. (11)Hammer Ferdinand. (12)Haim Alois. (13)Hammerl Franz. (14)Hanslik Albert. (15)Harrer Josef. (16)Haslhofer Franz. (17)Haslhofer Franz. (18)Hartl Johann. (19)Hartl Leopold. ( - ) [24 Abb.]: (1)Hallwirth Johann. (2)Hartlauer Georg. (3)Haudum Karl. (4)Haselmayer Johann. (5)Haslinger August. (6)Haslinger Franz. (7)Haudum Johann. (8)Offizierstellvertreter Haudum Franz. (9)Hauer Franz. (10)Hartl Johann. (11)Hauer Karl. (12)Haunschmid Josef. (13)Hauser Josef. (14)Hauser Johann. (15)Heiml Karl. (16)Heibl Franz. (17)Heidlmair Georg. (18)Heitzinger Michael. (19)Helauer Konrad. (20)Helletzgruber Karl. (21)Hell Anton. (22)Hentschläger Georg. (23)Hemelmayr Franz. (24)Herzog Johann. ( - ) H (453) [8 Abb.]: (1)1 Inf. Kaltenböck Anton, (2)2 Res. Feldw. Handlgruber Josef, (3)3 Zfr. Mayer Viktor, (4)4 Zfr. Skoda Fritz, (5)5 Inf. Peter Paul Heribert, (6)6 Zfr. Rübenzucker Josef, (7)7 Inf. Kappler Franz, (8)8 Inf. Riedl Andreas. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Himmelbauer Josef. (2)Hinterhölzl Franz. (3)Hinterdorfer Josef. (4)Hinterreiter Alois. (5)Hinterberger Ludwig. (6)Hintringer Severin. (7)Hinterreiter Rudolf. (8)Hirschläger Karl. (9)Hintersonnleitner Josef. (10)Hochgatterer Franz. (11)Hochholzer Josef. (12)Hochmuth Franz. (13)Hochreiter Alois. (14)Hochreiter Johann. (15)Hochreiter Josef. (16)Hörschläger Karl. (17)Hoffelner Ludwig. (18)Hofer Anton. (19)Hofer Heinrich. (20)Hofer Josef. (21)Hofstätter Johann. (22)Holl Franz. (23)Hofstadler Johann. (24)Holzer Josef. (25)Holzer Josef. ( - ) [24 Abb.]: (1)Holzer Karl. (2)Holzer Markus. (3)Holzer Viktorin. (4)Holzhaider Franz. (5)Holzinger Peter. (6)Huemer Franz. (7)Horner Franz. (8)Fähnrich Hufnagl Josef. (9)Huber Franz. (10)Huber Franz. (11)Huber Johann. (12)Hronik Alois. (13)Huber Richard. (14)Huemer Franz. (15)Huber Johann. (16)Huber Johann. (17)Huemer Matthias. (18)Huemer Johann. (19)Huma Hermann. (20)Hunger Franz. (21)Hutterer Alois. (22)Illibauer Adam. (23)Hutterer Josef. (24)Jell Johann. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Jungwirth Franz. (2)Jungwirth Josef. (3)Käferböck Michael. (4)Hagerer Anton. (5)Hagerer Ignaz. (6)Kaiserseder Josef. (7)Kaltenberger Johann. (8)Kallinger Johann. (9)Kammerer Karl. (10)Kapeller Ferdinand. (11)Kapl Johann. (12)Karlinger Johann. (13)Karlsböck Franz. (14)Kaschpar Karl. (15)Kappl Alois. (16)Karlinger Johann. (17)Karlinger Josef. (18)Kastner Johann. (19)Kastner Josef. (20)Kastner Josef. (21)Kastner Franz. (22)Katzmeier Lambert. (23)Katzmeier Raimund. (24)Kay Leopold. (25)Kern Konrad. ( - ) I, J (460) K (460) [8 Abb.]: (1)1 Korp. Königsmaier Josef, (2)2 Inf. Seil Peter, (3)3 Gfr. Kandlbinder Franz, (4)4 Korp. Mayr Florian, (5)5 Inf. Mayr Peter, (6)6 Korp. Hörschläger Leopold, (7)7Josef Schinböck, (8)8 Feldw. Franz Gupf. ( - ) [24 Abb.]: (1)Kickinger Ludwig. (2)Kernegger Franz. (3)Kiebler Johann. (4)Kiesenhofer Josef. (5)Kieslinger Anton. (6)Kirchschläger Josef. (7)Kitzberger Johann. (8)Koller Franz. (9)Kitzmüller Jakob. (10)Klambauer Leopold. (11)Klambauer Rudolf. (12)Klausrigler Alois. (13)Kleinhagauer Engelbert. (14)Kloibhofer Michael. (15)Kneidinger Johann. (16)Kneidinger Ignaz. (17)Köglberger Matthäus. (18)Koch Edi. (19)Kölpl Karl. (20)Königseder Alexander. (21)Krammer Anton. (22)Koppler Johann. (23)Kornfeil Johann. (24)Kopplinger Johann. ( - ) [25 Abb.]:(1)Kramml Florian. (2)Kranawetter Karl. (3)Kristl Hans. (4)Kranzl Franz. (5)Krautgartner Leopold. (6)Krankl Franz. (7)Krenn Karl. (8)Krieger Florian. (9)Krieger Johann. (10)Krenn Johann. (11)Kronawittleithner Alois. (12)Lauß Franz. (13)Kristler Johann. (14)Kronecker Karl. (15)Kristler Josef. (16)Lackner Heinrich. (17)Laußhamayer Franz. (18)Lamplmair Michael. (19)Franz Lehner. (20)Lackner Josef. (21)Lehner Franz. (22)Leeb Franz. (23)Länglachner Josef. (24)Lang Johann. (25)Lehner Franz. ( - ) [24 Abb.]: (1)Lehner Karl. (2)Lehner Heinrich. (3)Leonhartsberger Johann. (4)Lehner Michael. (5)Leimlehner Franz. (6)Leitenbauer Johann. (7)Leithner Max. (8)Leitner Franz. (9)Leitner Johann. (10)Leitner Jakob. (11)Leitner Johann. (12)Leitner Michael. (13)Lindner Franz. (14)Leitner Josef. (15)Lehner Johann. (16)Lettner Franz. (17)Lichtenmayr Johann. (18)Lettner Anton. (19)Lepschy Albert. (20)Lindenbauer Michael. (21)Lettner Kaspar. (22)Lenz Matthäus. (23)Limberger Matthias. (24)Lindtner Johann. ( - ) [8 Abb.]: (1)1 Inf. Mitgusch Ludwig, (2)2 Gfr. Ebner Josef, (3)3 Inf. Schwarz Franz, (4)4 Inf. Wögerbauer Anton, (5)5 Inf. Kreuzhuber Heinrich, (6)6 Korp. Fimberger Josef, (7)7 Zfr. Würflinger Johann, (8)8 Korp. Freimüller Johann. ( - ) [22 Abb.]: (1)Lift Johann. (2)Löschenkohl Gustav. (3)Loidl Alois. (4)Kumerstorfer Leopold. (5)Machl Johann. (6)Mahringer Johann. (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Mair Michael. (8)Mahringer Leopold. (9)Mairhofer Karl. (10)Mandl Franz. (11)Mandl Johann. (12)Manzenreiter Johann. (13)Marschick Johann. (14)Mascher Josef. (15)Maxwald Franz. (16)Mayr Felix. (17)Mayr Franz. (18)Mayr Franz. (19)Mayr Franz. (20)Mayr Hans. (21)Mayr Leopold. (22)Mayr Johann. ( - ) L (465) M (467) [24 Abb.]: (1)Mayr Josef. (2)Mayr Leopold. (3)Mayrhofer Johann. (4)Mehr Franz. (5)Mehr Franz. (6)Mehringer Josef. (7)Mitter Alois. (8)Mayrhofer Josef. (9)Mitgusch Alois. (10)Mitgusch Johann. (11)Mitter Josef. (12)Mitterhuemer Johann. (13)Mitterlehner Johann. (14)Mitterlehner Karl. (15)Mittermayr Sebastian. (16)Mittermair Johann. (17)Mittermaier Karl. (18)Mittermayer Alois. (19)Mittermayer Michael. (20)Mitterndorfer Florian. (21)Mittlböck Anton. (22)Mittermeir Franz. (23)Moser Josef. (24)Mühlbachler Johann. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Mühleder Franz. (2)Mülleder Ignaz. (3)Mülleder Johann. (4)Müller Johann. (5)Nagler Ferdinand. (6)Neubauer Franz. (7)Neubauer Ferdinand. (8)Neumeir Karl. (9)Neuhauser Franz. (10)Neuhauser Michael. (11)Neunteufel Leopold. (12)Neumüller Johann. (13)Neundlinger August. (14)Niederauer Karl. (15)Niedermann Florian. (16)Nußbaumer Ferdinand. (17)Obermann Karl. (18)Ömer Rudolf. (19)Oberlaber Heinrich. (20)Oberngruber Anton. (21)Öller Ludwig. (22)Oberreiter Alois. (23)Obermair Josef. (24)Nigl Rudolf. (25)Oberhamberger Johann. ( - ) N (471) O (472) [9 Abb.]: (1)1 Inf. Heftberger Johann, (2)2 Inf. Schaffner Johann, (3)3 Inf. Schauer Johann, (4)4 Inf. Weiß Franz. (5)Ortner Michael. (6)Paminger Josef. (7)Panholzer Franz. (8)Pauß Leopold. (9)Pargfrieder Johann. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Pehersdorfer Alois. (2)Peireder Franz. (3)Peneder Leopold. (4)Pernerstorfer Josef. (5)Peterseil Peter. (6)Pfenningberger Karl. (7)Pirchbauer Franz. (8)Pichler Franz. (9Pichler Franz. (10)Pichler Franz. (11)Pichler Michael. (12)Piemann Heinrich. (13)Pilgerstorfer Johann. (14)Pirklbauer Josef. (15)Pislinger Franz. (16)Plakolb Franz. (17)Plank Josef. (18)Plöchl Josef. (19)Plohberger Felix. (20)Pöllhuber Johann. (21)Pöstinger Josef. (22)Pötzberger Josef. (23)Pointner Gottfried. (24)Pointner Josef. (25)Pramberger Gottfried. ( - ) [23 Abb.]: (1)Prandner Georg. (2)Preßlmair Josef. (3)Prinz Karl. (4)Priesner Leopold. (5)Priller Franz. (6)Pröslmayr Anton. (7)Priemetshofer Franz. (8)Pühringer Hans. (9)Puchmayr Leopold. (10)Pühringer Franz. (11)Pühringer Alois. (12)Puchner Johann. (13)Pühringer Ignaz. (14)Pürstinger Josef. (15)Punkenhofer Alois. (16)Punkenhofer Karl. (17)Raaber Johann. (18)Putschidl Josef. (19)Puchberger Anton. (20)Pühringer Michael. (21)Quast Josef. (22)Radl Alfons. (23)Radlgruber Johann. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Raid Franz. (2)Ramer Johann. (3)Raml Josef. (4)Rammer Franz. (5)Rath Alois. (6)Rathgeb Anton. (7)Ratzenböck Franz. (8)Ratzenböck Johann. (9)Ratzenböck Peter. (10)Rathmayr Franz. (11)Rechberger Alois. (12)Reder Josef. (13)Rechberger Johann. (14)Rehberger Rudolf. (15)Reder Leopold. (16)Reichl Ferdinand. (17)Reindl Alois. (18)Reisinger Franz. (19)Reisinger Franz (20)Reindl Franz. (21)Reischl Otto. (22)Reisinger Josef. (23)Reitbauer Stanislaus. (24)Reiter Franz. (25)Reiter Johann. ( - ) P (473) Q (477) R (477) [17 Abb.]: (1)Reitinger Karl. (2)Resch Ferdinand. (3)Reslhuber Leopold. (4)Riegler Florian. (5)Riegler Josef. (6)Reisinger Franz. (7)Reisinger Josef. (8)Rieseneder Johann. (9)Ritzlberger Michael. (10)Riernößl Johann. (11)Robeischl Ludwig. (12)Rockenschaub Josef. (13)Rohrmanstorfer Karl. (14)Roither Johann. (15)Rottinger Anton. (16)Roithmayr Karl. (17)Rosenegger Johann. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Ruckendorfer Franz. (2)Rudlstorfer Karl. (3)Rumetshofer Georg. (4)Rumerstorfer Johann. (5)Sailer Franz. (6)Samhaber Johann. (7)Sandböck Otto. (8)Schachinger Hans. (9)Satzinger Florian. (10)Schäffler Johann. (11)Scharmüller Michael. (12)Scherrer Josef. (13)Schatz Franz. (14)Schauer Ignaz. (15)Scherrer Johann. (16)Schedlberger Franz. (17)Scheucher Johann. (18)Scheuchenegger Franz. (19)Scheumayr Karl. (20)Schiefermayr Josef. (21)Schimpelsberger Johann. (22)Schippani Josef. (23)Schlager Alois. (24)Schmid Alois. (25)Schmidt Franz. ( - ) [23 Abb.]: (1)Schmidtmayr Johann. (2)Schober Franz. (3)Schmöller Konrad. (4)Schober Leopold. (5)Schöberl Matthäus. (6)Schöffl Johann. (7)Schöffl Josef. (8)Schreiberhuber Anton. (9)Schöffl August. (10)Schöllhammer Johann. (11)Schönberger Franz. (12)Schoißengeier Peter. (13)Schopf Franz. (14)Schuster Franz. (15)Schuster Heinrich. (16)Schwab Anton. (17)Schöllhammer Otto. (18)Schwantner Johann. (19)Schwarz Franz. (20)Schwarz Franz. (21)Schwarz Michael. (22)Schweiger Franz. (23)Schweiger Georg. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Schweizer Leopold. (2)Schwung Johann. (3)Schwentner Johann. (4)Seltschkar Josef. (5)Siegl Anton. (6)Silber Josef. (7)Siharsch Jakob. (8)Sixtl Josef. (9)Singer August. (10)Söllner Karl. (11)Sollinger Leopold. (12)Sonnleitner Josef. (13)Sonnleithner Franz. (14)Spernbauer Josef. (15)Sperrer Johann. (16)Stadlbauer Rudolf. (17)Staltner Leopold. (18)Stadler Hermann. (19)Staudinger Josef. (20)Staudinger Leopold. (21)Steindl Josef. (22)Steineder Josef. (23)Steiner Florian. (24)Steininger Alois. (25)Steininger Franz. ( - ) S (481) T (488) [22 Abb.]: (1)Steinkellner Josef. (2)Steinmüller Leopold. (3)Striegl Ferdinand. (4)Stöglehner Josef. (5)Stingeder Johann. (6)Stockinger Ignaz. (7)Stöbich Johann. (8)Stellnberger Johann. (9)Straßer Josef. (10)Steinmair Josef. (11)Straßl Karl. (12)Straßl Paul. (13)Stroblmayr Johann. (14)Straßmayr David. (15)Stiftinger Johann. (16)Stelzmüller Franz. (17)Stubauer Johann. (18)Stürmer Heinrich. (19)Strutzenberger Josef. (20)Strigl Georg. (21)Stumbauer Johann. (22)Stummer Franz. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Stumptner Johann. (2)Stumptner Josef. (3)Sturmbauer Matthias. (4)Sumps Johann. (5)Thalhammer Franz. (6)Thaller Anton. (7)Thaller Franz. (8)Traunmüller Karl. (9)Thaller Max. (10)Thumfart Leopold. (11)Traxler Johann. (12)Trefflinger Alois. (13)Umenberger Josef. (14)Trößl Anton. (15)Tumfart Josef. (16)Üblinger Felix. (17)Umenberger Johann. (18)Trinkl Gottlieb. (19)Viertelmaier Josef. (20)Voggeneder Karl. (21)Vsidni Josef. (22)Wagner Johann. (23)Wagenleitner Johann. (24)Wagenleitner Johann. (25)Wagner Franz. ( - ) [25 Abb.]: (1)Waldbruner Josef. (2)Weberndorfer Josef. (3)Weichselbaumer Franz. (4)Weickl Franz. (5)Kdtt. Wagner Rupert. (6)Weickl Robert. (7)Weickerstorfer Josef. (8)Weingartner Johann. (9)Weisenböck Ludwig. (10)Weismair Karl. (11)Weiß Franz. (12)Weiß Josef. (13)Weixelbaumer Franz. (14)Weixelbaumer Ludwig. (15)Wiesinger Johann. (16)Wiesinger Ferdinand. (17)Wiesinger Ludwig. (18)Wiesinger Martin. (19)Wimmer Johann. (20)Windischhofer Johann. (21)Winklmair Georg. (22)Wintersberger Karl. (23)Wöhrer Josef. (24)Wöhrer Josef. (25)Wöß Otto. ( - ) [15 Abb.]: (1)Wöß Matthäus. (2)Wolfsteiner Josef. (3)Wolfersberger Johann. (4)Wolfinger Franz. (5)Wurm Karl. (6)Wollinger Andreas. (7)Wurzwaller Karl. (8)Zauner Josef. (9)Zauner Matthias. (10)Wolfsteiner Johann. (11)Zelenka Karl. (12)Zeller Josef. (13)Zeintl Karl. (14)Zoidl Alois. (15)Zöchbauer Johann. ( - ) U, V (489) W (489) Z (493) [Abb.]: (494) Reingraf Salm-Salm. Alter 14er-Marsch von Gustav Mahr. (495) [Abb.]: Militärkapellmeister Gustav Mahr. (495) [Noten]: Rheingraf Salm-Salm. (495) [Noten]: Österreichischer Generalmarsch (498) Schlußwort. (500) [Gedicht]: (502) Inhalt. (503) Anhang. ( - ) [Karte]: Orientierungskarte für den russischen Feldzug ( - ) [Karte]: Orientierungskarte für den Isonzokriegsschauplatz ( - ) [Karte]: Orientierungskarte für den Südtiroler Kriegsschauplatz ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

DIPLOMATISCHE AKTENSTÜCKE ZUR GESCHICHTE DER ENTENTEPOLITIK DER VORKRIEGSJAHRE 1 Diplomatische Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre (-) Diplomatische Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre 1 (1; 1921) ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) Vorwort. ( - ) Inhaltsverzeichnis ([3]) Balkanpolitik 1909 bis Juli 1912 ([3]) Erstes Kapitel. Die Lösung der bosnischen Krise: 5. November 1908 bis 8. April 1909 . S. 71-115 ([3]) Stellungnahme der Großmächte zur Krise. Die territorialen Kompensationsforderungen Serbiens. ([3]) Der Konferenzvorschlag zur Lösung der Krise. (4) Deutscher Vermittlungsversuch. Zuspitzung der Krise. Die Erklärungen des Grafen Pourtalès in Petersburg und Lösung der Krise. (5) Nachwirkungen der Krise. (5) Zweites Kapitel. Wiederaufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Rußland: 22. November 1909 bis 15. Februar 1911 . S. 116-136 (6) Aehrenthals Wunsch, normale Beziehungen mit Petersburg wiederherzustellen. (6) Die österreichische und die russische Formel zur Wiederherstellung des Kontaktes zwischen beiden Ländern. (6) Bestreben des Petersburger Kabinetts, Österreich durch internationalen Charakter des erzielten Einverständnisses zu binden. (7) Zweckmäßigkeit eines österreichisch-russisch Einvernehmens in Balkanfragen. (8) Drittes Kapitel. Bildung des Balkanblockes: 13. März 1909 bis 20. Juni 1912 . S. 137-156 (8) Bemühungen Rußlands, einen Bund der Balkanstaaten ins Leben zu rufen, März bis November 1909. (8) Desgleichen September 1910 bis Dezember 1911. (9) Abschluß eines Bündnisses zwischen Bulgarien und Serbien März 1912 und eines Abkommens zwischen Bulgarien und Griechenland (10) England und Rußland in Persien. (10) Viertes Kapitel. Die anglorussische Konvention von 1907 über Persien: 9. Oktober 1908 bis 26. Oktober 1910 . S. 157-210 (10) Englands Standpunkt in der Frage der Erteilung von Eisenbahnkonzessionen in Persien an Ausländer. (10) Russische Truppen in Persien. (11) Anstellung ausländischer Beiräte und Beamter und Fragen finanzieller Natur. (11) Russisch-englischer Druck auf Persien, um es zur Rachgiebigkeit zu zwingen. (13) Deutschland und die englisch-russischen Verhandlungen mit Persien über die prinzipielle Frage der Erteilung von Konzessionen an Ausländer. (14) Englands Standpunkt gegenüber dem von Rußland systematisch ausgeübten Druck auf Persien. (15) Fünftes Kapitel. Rußland und die Tätigkeit Morgan Schusters in Persien: 8. August 1910 bis 28. Januar 1912 . S. 211-253 (15) Die prinzipielle Frage der Anstellung von Ausländern. (15) Schwierigkeiten wegen der Übernahme des englischen Majors Stokes in persische Dienste. (16) Feindseligkeit Rußlands gegen Morgan Schuster und Rückwirkung auf die englisch-russischen Beziehungen in Persien. (16) Russische militärische Intervention in Persien zur Entfernung Morgan Schusters und Krise in den englisch-russischen Beziehungen. (17) Ostasiatische Fragen. (19) Sechstes Kapitel. Rußland und Japan in China: 15. Oktober 1909 bis 16. März 1914 . S. 254-292 (19) Zusammenschluß Rußlands und Japans zum Schutz ihrer Interessen in der Mandschurei gegen andere Mächte. (19) Amerikanisches Projekt einer chinesischen Anleihe. (20) Politik Rußlands und Japans in China. Dez. 1910 bis März 1914. (20) Türkische Fragen. (22) Siebentes Kapitel: Russische Politik in der Türkei 1909 bis 1912: 15. April 1909 bis 30. April 1912 . S. 299-314 (22) Rußlands militärische Stellung im Schwarzen Meer. (22) Politische Bedeutung türkische Anleiheversuche in Paris und London. (22) Türkische Versuche einer Annäherung an die Ententegruppe. (23) Verhandlungen über eine Revision des russisch-türkischen Abkommens von 1900. (23) Bagdadbahn. (24) Achtes Kapitel: Die Ententemächte und die Bagdadbahn: 1. Februar 1907 bis 30. Mai 1913 . S. 315-365 (24) Rußlands prinzipieller Standpunkt. (24) Deutsch-englische Verhandlungen Bagdad-Koweit und die vierprozentige Erhöhung der türkischen Einfuhrzölle. Nov. 1909 bis Febr. 1910. (25) Deutsch-türkische Verhandlungen auf der Grundlage der Verwendung der Zehntenüberschüsse als Kilometergarantie. (26) Englisches Bahnprojekt Mohamerra-Khoremabad und Wiederanregung der allgemeinen Bagdadbahnverhandlungen durch die Türkei. (27) Beteiligung französischen Kapitals. Verhandlungen Lynch-Deutsche Bank über die Schiffahrt auf dem Tigris. (28) Die Verhandlungen im Mai 1913. (28) Neuntes Kapitel. Frankreich und England Stellungnahme zu den durch die Potsdamer Kaiserbegegnung bedingten deutsch-russischen Verhandlungen über eine Bahn Bagdad-Khanetin-Teheran: 7. Dezember 1910 bis 7. September 1911 . S. 366-407 (29) Beunruhigung in Paris und London über etwaige Folgen der Potsdamer Zusammenkunft. (29) Frage der finanziellen Unterstützung Rußlands durch England und Frankreich beim Bau der Linie Khanetin-Teheran und anderer Bahnen in Nordpersien. (31) Verlauf der Verhandlungen März-August 1911. (31) Marokko. (32) Zehntes Kapitel. Agadir: 10. Februar 1909 bis 20. Dezember 1911 . S. 408-448 (32) Das deutsch-französische Marokkoabkommen 1909. (32) Die Marokkofrage im Jahre 1911. (32) Nachklänge der Marokkokrise. (35) Italien. (36) Elftes Kapitel. Italiens Stellung im Dreibund und sein Verhältnis zu den drei Ententemächten: 22. Juni 1909 bis 2. Juli 1914 . S. 449-491 (36) Zusammenkunft der Könige Italiens und Englands in Bajä 1909. (36) Zusammenkunft zwischen dem Kaiser von Rußland und dem König von Italien in Racconigi 1909. (36) Italien und die persische Frage. Zusammenkunft des italienischen und österreichischen Außenministers in Salzburg 1910. (37) Das französisch-italienische Abkommen von 1902 und Beziehungen zwischen beiden Mächten. März-August 1912. (37) Italienisch-russische Beziehungen Okt. 1911 bis Nov. 1912. (38) Französisch-italienische Beziehungen Nov. bis Dez. 1913 und April 1914. (39) Zwölftes Kapitel. Tripolis: 26. August 1911 bis 14. Oktober 1912 . S. 492-519 (39) Die Stellung der Großmächte zum italienischen Vorgehen in Tripolis. (39) Vermittlungsversuche der Ententemächte 1911, um der Möglichkeit einer Vermittlerrolle Deutschlands zuvorzukommen. (40) Ausdehnung der kriegerischen Operationen auf die Meerengen. (40) Französischer Konferenzvorschlag und die "Uneigennützigkeitserklärung". (41) Friedensschluß durch direkte türkisch-italienische Verhandlungen. (42) Balkan und Türkei. (43) Dreizehntes Kapitel. Die Lage auf dem Balkan vor Ausbruch des ersten Balkankrieges: 11. Mai bis 20 Sept. 1912 . S. 520-550 (43) Montenegro. Bulgarien. (43) Serbien. (43) Österreich-Ungarn. (44) Russische Vorsichtsmaßregeln zum Schutze seiner Interessen. (45) Vierzehntes Kapitel. Die Großmächte während des Balkankrieges: 21. Oktober 1912 bis 23. November 1912 . S. 551-592 (45) Slawophile Evolution Englands und Standpunkt des Londoner Kabinetts gegenüber der Türkei. (45) Rußlands Standpunkt gegenüber Österreich-Ungarn im Oktober 1912. (45) Rußland und der serbisch-bulgarische Geheimvertrag. (46) Russische Befürchtungen wegen bulgarischer Absichten auf Konstantinopel. (46) Europäische Spannung wegen der Frage des serbischen territorialen Zuganges zur Adria. (47) Fünfzehntes Kapitel. Die Londoner Botschafterkonferenz: November bis Dezember 1912 . S. 593-614 (49) Serbische Unnachgiebigkeit. (49) Der Gedanke einer Konferenz der Großmächte und Verhandlungen über das Programm derselben. (50) Sechzehntes Kapitel. Die Lage auf dem Balkan Anfang 1914: 24. Januar bis 30. Juni 1914 . S. 615-638 (51) Die Gruppierung der Balkanstaaten. (51) Möglichkeit der Vereinigung Serbiens mit Montenegro. (52) Die Frage einer bulgarischen Anleihe. (53) Siebzehntes Kapitel. Rußland und die Militärmission des Generals Liman von Sanders: 21. November 1913 bis 16. Januar 1914 . S. 639-673 (53) Verhandlungen in Berlin während der Anwesenheit des russischen Staatssekretärs Kokowzew. (53) Fragen der Unterstützung der russischen Vorstellungen in Konstantinopel durch Frankreich und England. (54) Frage der direkten Verhandlungen zwischen Berlin und Petersburg. Vermittlungsvorschlag des deutschen Botschafters in Konstantinopel. (55) Zuspitzung der Krise. (55) Beilegung der Krise. (56) Achtzehntes Kapitel. Die Grundzüge der russischen Meerengenpolitik: 23. Oktober 1911 bis 10. Mai 1913 . S. 674-695 (57) Englands und Frankreichs Stellungnahme zu den Verhandlungen Tcharykoffs mit Said Pascha 1911. (57) Rußlands Standpunkt im Jahre 1912. Die Meerengen-Frage und die internationale Kontrolle der türkischen Finanzen. (58) Die beiden Mächtegruppen in Europa. (59) Neunzehntes Kapitel. Deutsch-russische Beziehungen 1909-1914: 2. April 1909 bis 9. April 1914 . S. 696-715 (59) 1909. 1910. (59) 1912. (59) 1913. 1914. (60) Zwanzigstes Kapitel: Deutsch-englische Beziehungen 1908-1914: 25. November 1908 bis 13. Februar 1914 . S. 716-776 (60) 1908. (60) 1909. (60) 1910. 1911. (62) 1912 und die Mission Lord Haldanes. (62) Einundzwanzigstes Kapitel. England, Frankreich, Rußland: 18. Juni 1908 bis 16. Juli 1914 . S. 777-827 (65) 1908. (65) 1910. 1911. (66) 1912. (66) 1913. (68) 1914. (68) Erstes Kapitel. Die Lösung der bosnischen Krise. ([71]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Relidow vom 23. Oktober / 5. November 1908. ([71]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 15./28. Januar 1909. (73) [Brief]:Mittteilung der französischen Botschaft in Petersburg an das russische Außenministerium vom 13./26. Februar 1909. (73) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 11./24. Februar 1909. (75) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 14./27. Februar 1909. (76) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 14./27. Februar 1909. - Nr. 250. (76) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 16./27. Februar 1909. - Nr. 251. (77) [Brief]: Inhaltsangabe eines Telegramms des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 14./27. Februar 1909. (78) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 15./28. Februar 1909. - Nr. 40. (79) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 15./28. Februar 1909. - Nr. 41. (79) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 17. Februar / 2. März 1909. - Nr. 265 (80) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1909. (81) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 17. Februar / 2. März 1909. (84) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1909. (85) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1909. (86) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Februar / 5. März 1909. - Nr. 288. (87) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Februar / 5. März 1909. - Nr. 292. (88) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 21. Februar / 6. März 1909. (88) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 22. Februar / 7. März 1909. - Nr. 301. (89) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 22. Februar / 7. März 1909. - Nr. 296. (90) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 23. Februar / 8. März 1909. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Dettinje an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Februar 1909. (3)Inhaltsangabe eines Briefs des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Bukarest vom 24. Februar / 9. März 1909. (91) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. Februar / 11. März 1909. - Nr. 318. (91) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. Februar / 11. März 1909. - Nr. 319. (92) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 27. Februar / 12. März 1909. (93) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 28. Februar / 13. März 1909. (93) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 2./15. März 1909. - Nr. 337. (94) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1909. (95) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 4./17. März 1908. (96) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Botschafter in London und Paris vom 4./17. März 1909. - Nr. 356. (98) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Botschafter in London und Paris vom 4./17. März 1909. - Nr. 364. (99) [Brief]: Telegramm desselben an dieselben vom 4./17. März 1909. - Nr. 365. (99) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Botschafter in London und Paris vom 4./17. März 1909. - Nr. 363. (100) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 4./17. März 1909. (100) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 4./17. März 1909. (101) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 6./19. März 1909. - Nr. 7. (102) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 9./22. März 1909. - Nr. 10. (103) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Vertreter in Paris und London vom 10./23. März 1909. (103) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Vertreter in Paris und London vom 10./23. März 1909. - Nr. 409. (104) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 11./12. März 1909. - Nr. 22. (105) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Berlin vom 13./26. März 1909. - Nr. 425. (106) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. März 1909. - Nr. 24. (107) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Berlin vom 13./26. März 1909. - Nr. 429. (107) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 14./27. März 1909. - Nr. 19. (108) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. März / 4. April 1909. - Nr. 503. (108) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 24. März / 6. April 1909. - Nr. 30. (109) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 19. März / 1. April 1909. - Nr. 28. (109) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 19. März / 1. April 1909. - Nr. 30. (112) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 19. März / 1. April 1909. (113) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 26. März / 8. April 1909. (115) Zweites Kapitel. Wiederaufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Rußland. ([116]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 9./22. November 1909. ([116]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 14./27. Januar 1910. ([116]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafter in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 21. Januar / 3. Februar 1910. (117) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Wien vom 23. Januar / 5. Februar 1910. (118) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 20. Januar / 2. Februar 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1910. (120) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1910. - Nr. 37. (120) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 24. Januar / 6. Februar 1910. - Nr. 136. (121) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Wien vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1910. (122) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. Februar 1910. - Nr. 245. (122) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Februar 1910. - Nr. 40. (123) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 14./27. Februar 1910. - Nr. 256. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1910. (124) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1910. (124) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 4./17. Februar 1910. (125) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Februar 1910. (127) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Februar 1910. (127) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 14./27. Februar 1910. (128) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 16. Februar / 1. März 1910. (128) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 16. Februar / 1. März 1910. - Nr. 17. (129) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 16. Februar / 1. März 1910. - Nr. 19. (130) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 17. Februar / 2. März 1910. (131) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1910. (131) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 25. Februar / 10. März 1910. - Nr. 22. (132) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 6./19. März 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 7./20. März 1910. - Nr. 362. (133) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 9./22. März 1910. - Nr. 27. (133) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Wien Urussow an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 26. Oktober / 8. November 1910. (134) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister 2./15. Februar 1911. (135) Drittes Kapitel. Bildung des Balkanblockes. ([137]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Februar / 13. März 1909. ([137]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. April 1909. ([137]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 5./18. April 1909. (138) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 5./18. April 1909. (138) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. April 1909. - Nr. 34. (139) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. April / 4. Mai 1909. (140) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 29. April / 12. Mai 1909. (2)Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Mai 1909. - Nr. 38. (141) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. Mai / 8. Juni 1909. - Nr. 44. (141) [Briefe]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Sofia vom 3./16. August 1909. - Nr. 759. (142) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. Oktober / 3. November 1909. (143) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 2./15. November 1909. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 15./28. September 1910. (145) [Brief]: Geheimer Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. November 1910. - Nr. 52. (146) [Brief]: Geheimer Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Griechenland an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Januar 1911. - Nr. 1. (148) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. Februar / 11. März 1911. (149) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. März / 1. April 1911. - Nr. 110. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. März / 2. April 1911. (150) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. März / 8. April 1911. (150) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. Mai 1911. - Nr. 80. (2)Telegramm des Stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1911. (151) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. September / 8. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 42. (152) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1911. - Nr. 98. (153) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 17./30. März 1912. - Nr. 580. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. März / 1. April 1912. - Nr. 91. (154) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. März / 4. April 1912. - Nr. 33. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträger in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. April 1912. - Nr. 34. (155) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Sofia in den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juni 1912. - Nr. 16. (155) Viertes Kapitel. Die russisch-englische Konvention von 1907 und Persien. ([157]) [Brief]: Memorandum des englischen Ministeriums des Auswärtigen vom 9. Oktober 1908. ([157]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 9./22. Mai 1909. (158) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. Mai / 3. Juni 1909. - Nr. 77. (160) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 23. Mai / 5. Juni 1909. - Nr. 969. (160) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Mai / 7. Juni 1909. (161) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Juni 1909. - Nr. 114. (162) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1909. - Nr. 1149. (163) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1909. - Nr. 125. (164) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. Juni / 13. Juli 1909. - Nr. 146. (165) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. Juni / 13. Juni 1909. - Nr. 147. (166) [Brief]: Telegramm des englischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an das englische Außenministerium vom 1./14. Juli 1909. (167) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 7./20. Juli 1909. (167) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 3./16. August 1909. (169) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 8./21. Januar 1910. - Nr. 38. (171) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Januar 1910. - Nr. 6. (172) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 18./31. Januar 1910. - Nr. 98. (173) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 18./31. Januar 1910. - Nr. 99. (174) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 20. Januar / 2. Februar 1910. (174) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 25. Februar / 10. März 1910. - Nr. 171. (175) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 2./15. März 1910. - Nr. 51. (176) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1910. - Nr. 52. (177) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1910. (178) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1910. (179) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. März 1910. - Nr. 339. (180) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1910. - Nr. 340. (181) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 5./18. März 1910. - Nr. 54. (182) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 5./18. März 1910. - Nr. 55. (182) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 5./18. März 1910. - Nr. 56. (183) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 7./20. März 1910. - Nr. 57. (184) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 8./21. März 1910. - Nr. 62. (184) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 8./21. März 1910. - Nr. 63. (185) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 8./21. März 1910. - Nr. 63. (185) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 10./23. März 1910. - Nr. 380. (186) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 11./24. März 1910. - Nr. 383. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 11./24. März 1910. - Nr. 65. (187) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 13./26. März 1910. - Nr. 406. (187) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 10./23. März 1910. (188) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. April 1910. - Nr. 492. (188) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. April 1910. - Nr. 493. (189) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. April 1910. - Nr. 494. (190) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 10./23. April 1910. - Nr. 531. (191) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 13./26. April 1910. (192) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an das russische Außenministerium vom 1./14. April 1910. (193) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 29. April / 12. April 1910. Nr. 631. (193) [Briefe]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an das russische Außenministerium vom 12./25. April 1910. (194) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. April 1910. - Nr. 25. (195) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. April / 13. Mai 1910. - Nr. 102. (195) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 5./18. Mai 1910. - Nr. 104. (196) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 8./21. Mai 1910. - Nr. 109. (196) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 9./22. Mai 1910. - Nr. 695. (197) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 11./24. Mai 1910. - Nr. 113. (198) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 13./26. Mai 1910. - Nr. 717. (199) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 18./31. Mai 1910. (199) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den Zaren über seinen Besuch in Balmoral im Oktober 1912. (200) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem persönlichen Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. August 1910. (201) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 13./26. September 1910. - Nr. 1420. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträger in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 15./28. September 1910. - Nr. 242. (204) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 16./29. September 1910. (204) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 18. Sept. / 1. Oktober 1910. (205) [Brief]: Sehr geheimer Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 25. Sept. / 8. Okt. 1910. - Nr 884. (205) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Oktober 1910. (209) Fünftes Kapitel. Rußland und die Tätigkeit Morgan Shusters in Persien. ([211]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. August 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Aug. / 6. Sept. 1910. ([211]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 26. Aug. / 8. Sept. 1910. (2)Telegramm es russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. August / 10. Sept. 1910. - Nr. 564. (212) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Washington an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Sept. / 3. Okt. 1910. (212) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 15./28. Jan. 1911. - Nr. 62. (213) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 9. Jan. / 1. Febr. 1911. - Nr. 13. (213) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 28. Juni / 11. Juli 1911. - Nr. 871. (214) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 4./17. Juli 1911. - Nr. 903. (214) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 4./17. Juli 1911. - Nr. 903. (215) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 4./17. August 1911. - Nr. 189. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 6./19. August 1911. - Nr. 1101. (216) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 9./22. August 1911. - Nr. 703. (217) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 10./23. August 1911. - Nr 193 (218) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 7./20. Okt. 1911. (218) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 11./24. Okt. 1911. - Nr. 246. (221) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 11./24. Okt. 1911. (222) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 26. Okt. / 8. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1730. (2)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 26. Okt. / 8. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1732. (224) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckerndorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 29. Okt. / 11. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 278. (225) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. November 1911. - 1798. (226) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 4./17. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1810. (227) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 5./18. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 280. (230) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 6./19. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 281. (231) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 7./20. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1833. (232) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden Außenminister Neratow vom 8./21. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 283. (233) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 8./21. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 284. (233) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 10./23. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 286. (234) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 10./23. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1861. (235) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorf an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 10./23. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 287. (235) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 11./24. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 288. (236) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 11./24. November 1911. - Nr 289. (236) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 11./24. November 1911. - Nr 289. (237) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 13./26. November 1911. - Nr. 1881. (237) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 16./29. November 1911. - Nr. 1901. (238) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 18. Nov. / 1. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 302. (239) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 19. Nov. / 2. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 305. (239) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 19. Nov. / 2. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 307. (240) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 21. Nov. / 4. Dez. 1911. (242) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 22. Nov. / 5. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 313. (244) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 17./30. Nov. 1911 - Nr. 1173. (2)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 18. Nov. / 1. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 1923. (3)Telegramm es russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 20. Nov. / 3. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 1938. (245) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 21. Nov. / 4. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 1951. (245) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 25. Nov. / 8. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 315. (246) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 27. Nov. / 10. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 2009. (246) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 9./22. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 2109. (247) [Brief]: Telegramm es russischen Statthalters im Kaukasus an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 7637. (247) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Statthalters im Kaukasus an den russischen Außenminister vom 11. / 24. Dezember 1911. - Nr. 7785. (248) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Statthalters im Kaukasus an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 7786. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Dez. 1911 / 1. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 337. (249) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 21. Dez. 1911 / 3. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 341. (249) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorf an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 23. Dez. 1911 / 5. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 343. (2)Auszug aus einem Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. Dez. 1911 / 6. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 346. (250) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 5./18. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 38. (251) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem persönlichen Briefe des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonov vom 15./28. Jan. 1912. (251) Sechstes Kapitel. Rußland und Japan in China. ([254]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Okt. 1909. ([254]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Sept. / 12. Okt. 1909. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Peking vom 5./18. Oktober 1909. (255) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Dezember 1909. (255) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1909. (256) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dezember 1909. (256) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Washington an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Dezember 1909. (257) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Dezember 1909 / 13. Januar 1910. (257) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 31. Dezember 1909 / 13. Januar 1910. - Nr. 2291. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 31. Dezember 1909 / 13. Januar 1910. - Nr. 2291. (259) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 31. Dezember 1909 / 13. Januar 1910. (260) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Februar / 8. März 1910. (262) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. April / 7. Mai 1910. (262) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. April / 12. Mai 1910. (263) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. Juni 1910. - Nr. 760. (263) [Protokoll]: Projekt eines öffentlichen Abkommens zwischen Rußland und Japan. (264) [Protokoll]: Projekt eines Geheimvertrages zwischen Rußland und Japan. (265) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 12./25. Juni 1910 - Nr. 889. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Juni 1910. - Nr. 157. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Juni 1910 - Nr. 160. (266) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 16./29. Juni 1910 - Nr. 911. (266) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Peking vom 1./14. Juli 1910 an den russischen Außenminister. (267) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Finanzminister vom 6./19. November 1910. (268) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. November 1910. (270) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 1369. (271) [Protokoll]: Protokoll einer besonderen Ministerratssitzung in Petersburg vom 19. November / 2. Dezember 1910. (272) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Tokio vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 1742. (276) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 206. (276) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in China vom 10./23. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 1793. (277) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in China an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 645. (277) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in China vom 24. Jan. / 6. Februar 1911. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Februar 1911. - Nr. 43. (278) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Tokio vom 16./29. April 1911. - Nr. 518. (279) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juli 1911. (280) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 12./25. Januar 1912. - Nr. 33. (282) [Brief]: Memorandum des russischen Außenministers vom 10./23. Januar 1912. (282) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 14./27. Dezember 1911. - Nr. 1331. (284) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 5./18. März 1912. - Nr. 475. (286) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 9./22. März 1912. - Nr. 508. (286) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 7./20. April 1912. - Nr. 716. (287) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Mai 1912. - Nr. 32. (287) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1912. - Nr. 1233. (288) [Protokoll]: Projekt einer geheimen Konvention zwischen Rußland und Japan hinsichtlich der Mongolei. (288) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Generalkonsul in Ourga vom 18./31. August 1912. - Nr. 1694. (289) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen diplomatischen Agenten in der Mongolei vom 8./21. Nov. 1913. - Nr. 3179. (289) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 200. (290) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Peking vom 24. Februar / 9. März 1914. - Nr. 417. (290) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. Februar / 11. März 1914. - Nr. 104. (291) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Peking vom 1./14. März 1914. - Nr. 471. (291) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. März 1914. - Nr. 116. (292) Siebentes Kapitel. Russische Politik in der Türkei 1909-1912. ([293]) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris Nelidow an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. April 1909. ([293]) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Privatbrief des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. April 1910. (294) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. April 1910. - Nr. 200. (295) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. April 1911. (296) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 15./28. Juni 1910. - Nr. 905. (297) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Juni 1910. (298) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Juni / 7. Juli 1910. (299) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 21. Juli / 3. August 1910. - Nr. 1139. (300) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 11. / 24. Oktober 1910. (300) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. September 1910. (301) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Oktober 1910. (301) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Februar 1911. (302) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 631. (303) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 634. (304) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an das russische Außenministerium vom 21. Oktober / 3. November 1911. - Nr. 257. (304) [Brief]: Privatbrief des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel Tcharykoff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 2./15. Januar 1912. (305) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1912. - Nr. 17. (307) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1912. - Nr. 42. (308) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 3./16. Februar 1912. - Nr. 230. (309) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 3./16. Februar 1912. - Nr. 230. (310) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Februar 1912. - Nr. 54. (311) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Februar 1912. - Nr. 58. (311) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. März 1912. - Nr. 46. (312) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. Februar / 5. März 1912. - Nr. 88. (312) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel Giers an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. April 1912. - Nr. 189. (313) Achtes Kapitel. Die Ententemächte und die Bagdadbahn. ([315]) [Protokoll]: Protokoll der Sitzung des russischen Ministerrats vom 1. Februar 1907 bezüglich des Abschlusses eines Vertrages mit England über persische Fragen, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bagdadbahn. ([315]) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 6./19. Dezember 1907. (319) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 5./18. November 1909. (320) [Brief]: Memorandum der englischen Botschaft in Petersburg vom 6./19. November 1909. (321) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 10./23. November 1909. (323) [Brief]: Brief des englischen Botschafters in Petersburg an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. November 1909. (324) [Brief]: Brief des englischen Botschafters in Petersburg an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. November 1909. (325) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 13./26. November 1909. (326) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 14./27. November 1909. (329) [Brief]: Brief des englischen Botschafters in Petersburg an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. November / 1. Dezember 1909. (330) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. November / 8. Dezember 1909. (330) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1909. (333) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 9./22. Dezember 1909. (334) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. Dezember 1909. (334) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Dezember 1909. - Nr. 240. (336) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dezember 1909. - Nr. 243. (336) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dezember 1909. (337) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Januar 1910. (338) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Januar / 2. Februar 1910. (338) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 24. März / 6. April 1910. - Nr. 457. (340) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. März / 8. April 1910. - Nr. 75. (340) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. März / 9. April 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. April 1910. - Nr. 79. (341) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. April 1910. (341) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 9./22. April 1910. - Nr. 523. (343) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. April 1910. - Nr. 80. (343) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. April 1910. - Nr. 82. (344) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. April 1910. (344) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. April / 4. Mai 1910. - Nr. 85. (345) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Mai 1910. - Nr. 107. (346) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. Mai / 9. Juni 1910. - Nr. 122. (346) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 10./23. Februar 1911. - Nr. 182. (347) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Februar 1911. (347) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. März 1911. (349) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 3./16. März 1911. - Nr. 271. (350) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. März 1911. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. März 1911. - Nr. 312. (351) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 14./27. März 1911. - Nr. 330. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. März / 1. April 1911. - Nr. 221. (352) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. März / 3. April 1911. - Nr. 224. (352) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 13. / 26. April 1911. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 26. April / 9. Mai 1911. - Nr. 576. (353) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1911. - Nr. 229. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 2./15. Mai 1911. - Nr. 610. (354) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Mai 1911. - Nr. 264. (354) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Mai 1911. - Nr. 265. (355) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juli / 1. August 1911. (355) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Dezember 1911. - Nr. 762. (356) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Konsuls in Bagdad an die russische Botschaft in Konstantinopel vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1912. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. April 1912. - Nr. 177. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Mai / 1. Juni 1912. - Nr. 92. (357) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Juni 1912. - Nr. 170. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 4./17. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1131. (358) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juni 1912. - Nr. 113. (358) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Juni 1912. - Nr. 122. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. August 1912. - Nr. 145. (359) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. August 1912. - Nr. 214. (359) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. August 1912. - Nr. 214. (360) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. August / 7. September 1912. - Nr. 186. (360) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 29. August / 11. September 1912. - Nr. 1790. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. August / 13. September 1912. - Nr. 230. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. April / 9. Mai 1913. - Nr. 433. (361) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 3./16. Mai 1913. - Nr. 1266. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Mai 1913. - Nr. 354. (362) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. Mai 1913. - Nr. 452. (363) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Mai 1913. - Nr. 461. (363) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Mai 1913. - Nr. 260. (364) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1913. - Nr. 264. (365) Neuntes Kapitel. Frankreichs und Englands Stellungnahme zu den durch die Potsdamer Kaiserbegegnung bedingten deutsch-russischen Verhandlungen über eine Bahn Bagdad-Khanetin-Teheran. ([366]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. November / 7. Dezember 1910. ([366]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 2./15. Dezember 1910. (367) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 7./20. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 1779. (369) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 279. (369) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. Dezember / 3. Januar 1911. (370) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. Dezember / 9. Januar 1911. (372) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 25. Dezember 1910 / 7. Januar 1911. - Nr 286. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 28. Dezember 1910 / 10. Januar 1911. - Nr. 1880. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 29. Dezember 1910 / 11. Januar 1911. - Nr. 289. (373) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2. / 15. Januar 1911. (373) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 2./15. Januar 1911. (375) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. Januar 1911. (377) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 8./21. Januar 1911. - Nr. 4. (2)Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 14./27. Januar 1911. - Nr. 21. (381) [Brief]: Persönlicher und vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 14./27. Januar 1911. (381) [Brief]: Privatbrief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 1./14. Februar 1911. (384) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1911. - Nr. 93. (388) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1911. - Nr. 94. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1911. - Nr. 95. (389) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Januar / 6. Februar 1911. - Nr. 16. (390) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. Januar / 6. Februar 1911. - Nr. 17. (390) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. Januar / 6. Februar 1911. - Nr. 19. (391) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 25. Januar / 7. Februar 1911. - Nr. 20. (391) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1911. - Nr. 22. (392) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1911. - Nr. 23. (392) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1911. - Nr. 128. (393) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 29. Januar / 11. Februar 1911. - Nr. 25. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 29. Januar / 11. Februar 1911. - Nr. 133. (394) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1911. - Nr. 26. (394) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Januar /13. Februar 1911. - Nr. 27. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 2./15. Februar 1911. - Nr. 32. (395) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. Februar 1911. - Nr. 37. (396) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. Februar 1911. - Nr. 38. (396) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 4./17. Februar 1911. - Nr. 155. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Februar 1911. - Nr. 39. (397) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Februar 1911. - Nr. 40. (398) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 3./16. März 1911. (398) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 9./22. März 1911. - Nr. 31. (399) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 10./23. März 1911. - Nr. 308. (400) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 13./26. März 1911. (400) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Mai 1911. (401) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Juni 1911. (404) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen stellvertretenden Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. August / 7. September 1911. - Nr. 643. (407) Zehntes Kapitel. Agadir. ([408]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1909. ([408]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. März 1911. (410) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. März / 13. April 1911. (412) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. April 1911. (413) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 26. April / 9. Mai 1911. (414) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1911. (415) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Mai 1911. (416) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 22. April / 5. Mai 1911. - Nr. 559. (2)Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai. 1911. (419) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Mai 1911. (419) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 9./22. Mai 1911. - Nr. 635. (421) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Mai 1911. (421) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1911. - Nr. 811. (423) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1911. - Nr. 135. (424) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1911. - Nr. 136. (424) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1911. - Nr. 137. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1911. - Nr. 138. (425) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 22. Juni / 5. Juli 1911. - Nr. 139. (425) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 22. Juni / 5. Juli 1911. (426) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 23. Juni / 6. Juli 1911. - Nr. 142. (427) [Brief]: Persönlicher und sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 6. / 19. Juli 1911. (428) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juli / 1. August 1911. (429) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. August 1911. (433) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. August 1911. (434) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. August 1911. (435) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. August 1911. (436) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 24. August / 6. September 1911. - Nr. 1180. (438) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 25. August / 7. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 198. (439) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. August / 7. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 1187. (439) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 26. August / 8. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 200. (440) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 26. August / 8. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 202. (441) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. August / 7. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 1189. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 27. August / 9. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 203. (442) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 1./14. September 1911. - Nr. 1239. (442) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 4./17. September 1911. - Nr. 1258. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. September 1911. - Nr. 209. (443) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 6./29. September 1911. (443) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den Stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 158. (445) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 30. September / 13. Oktober 1911. (445) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. November 1911. (446) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. November 1911. - Nr. 289. (447) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1911. (447) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

ROHRBACH - BERG Rohrbach - Berg ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite (III) Impressum (IV) Inhalt (V) Zur Geschichte der Besiedlung und Entwicklung von Rohrbach - Berg von den Anfängen bis in die Neuzeit ([1]*) Überblick (2*) Allgemeine Voraussetzungen (3*) Naturräumliche Gegebenheiten (3*) [Karte]: (4*) Die Verkehrslage (5*) Das mittelalterliche Gesellschaftssystem (6*) Das alltägliche Leben (11*) [Abb.]: Burgplatz im Nöstelbacherhölzl. (14*) [Abb.]: Größte Einfachheit ist typisch für den Burgenbau vor 1200, Holz ist das wichtigste Baumaterial (15*) Die Herkunft der ersten Siedler (16*) Folgende Dorfnamen von Rohrbach-Berg weisen deutliche Anklänge an Ortsnamen unserer benachbarten Gegenden auf: (17*) Rohrbach - Berg im Lauf der Geschichte (20*) Vorgeschichte und Römerzeit (20*) Die Zeit vor Christi Geburt (20*) Die Römerzeit (21*) Rohrbach-Berg im Mittelalter (500-1500) (22*) Im "Land der Abtei" (1010-1161) (22*) Rohrbach-Berg im Hochstift Passau (1161- ca. 1400) (25*) a) Burgenkette und Rodungsgeschlechter (26*) Die Berger (Perger, de monte) (28*) [3 Abb.]: (1)Perger am Perg. (2)Falkenstein II. (3)Haichenbach I. (28*) Die Falkensteiner und Haichenbacher (29*) Stammtafel. (30*) Die Sprinzensteiner (32*) Die Hautzenberger (33*) Die Herleinsberger (34*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hautzenberger (2)Herleinsperger (34*) Die Ruestorfer (35*) [Abb.]: Ruestorf. (35*) b) Die Einzelhöfe (37*) c) Die Dörfer (42*) d) Der Markt Rohrbach (43*) Überlegungen zur Baugeschichte von Rohrbach (47*) Die Gründung des Marktes Rohrbach (47*) [Karte]: Nach den derzeitigen Unterlagen kann man die erste Bauperiode von Rohrbach und damit den Burgfried nach folgender Skizze rekonstruieren: (48*) Zu dieser Kartenskizze (49*) Zum quadratischen Marktplatz: (50*) Änderungen im 14. Jahrhundert (51*) [Abb.]: Rohrbachs gotische Reste. Die vorkragenden Steine sind Zeugen gotischer Bausubstanz, die sich im Erdgeschoß mancher Häuser erhalten haben. Abgebildetes Haus: Rohrbach 17 (Marktplatz 30). Entstanden zwischen 1450 und 1600 (52*) Nach 1427/1446 (53*) [Karte]:Versuch der Rekonstruktion, wie der Bau einer Befestigungsmauer möglich gewesen wäre: ([54]*) Mauer und Graben? (55*) [Karte]: Rohrbach um 1450 Versuch der Rekonstruktion des Rohrbacher Baubestandes nach dem Wiederaufbau nach der Zerstörung durch die Hussiten (1427/1446) ([56]*) (Fortsetzung von S. 53*) (57*) [Abb.]: Markverleihungsurkunde 1459 (58*) Der Markt und die Märkte (59*) [Abb.]:Der Viehmarkt in Rohrbach. Ansicht des Rohrbacher Marktplatzes als Viehmarkt aus der Zeit um 1900 (60*) Im Mühl- und Machlandviertel (= oberes und unteres Mühlviertel) waren die Wochenmärkte in folgender Weise organisiert: (61*) [Abb.]: Rohrbacher Viehmarkt. Zeitungsdruck aus der Zeit um 1895 (62*) Rohrbach im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (65*) Das Urbar 1570 (66*) Behauste Güter im Markt Rohrbach (66*) [Karte]: Rohrbach um 1570. Versuch der Rekonstruktion des Baubestandes von Rohrbach zur Zeit der Anlage des ersten Urbars 1570 (67*) Bemerkungen zu den Eintragungen: (69*) Rohrbach-Berg im Bauernkrieg von 1595 bis 1598 (70*) Rohrbach-Berg im Bauernkrieg 1626 (77*) Eine Marktordnung vom Jahr 1667 (81*) [2 Abb.]: Werke der Steinmetzkunst geben Zeugnis vom Fleiß und auch vom sicheren Formbewußtsein dieser Kunsthandwerker (1)Oben: Brunnen vom Jahr 1795 (Rohrbach 4, Marktplatz 17) (2)Unten: Steintisch um 1800 (Rohrbach 41, Marktplatz 37) (83*) Die Grundherrschaft (86*) Die Menschen von Rohrbach-Berg gehörten zu 14 Grundherrschaften; diese ergeben, nach der größe des Herrschaftsgebietes geordnet, folgende Reihung der Herrschaften: (86*) [Abb.]: Die Freyung von Rohrbach. Das Richtschwert über dem Marktwappen (drei Schilfkolben auf moorigem grund) ist Symbol der (niedrigen) Gerichtsbarkeit des Magistrates über seine Untertanen (88*) Die Marktrichter von Rohrbach [1307 1849] (89*) [2 Abb]: (1)Rechts: Handwerksschild vom Jahr 1764 (Rohrbach 41, Marktplatz 37) (2)Links: Die Barockfassade eines höchst selbstbewußten Bürgerhauses (Rohrbach 41, Marktplatz 37) ([91]*) [Abb.]: Rohrbach um 1830. Ansicht des Marktplatzes von Rohrbach. Aquarell aus der Zeit um 1830. Original Privatbesitz in Rohrbach (92*) Gemeindevorsteher nach dem neuen Gesetz. Die Bürgermeister von Rohrbach [1849 - 1983] (93*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rohrbach 1879. Bleistiftzeichnung im Skizzenbuch von Carl Radler (2)Rohrbach - Bahnhofsstraße. Ansichtskarte aus der Zeit um 1910 ([94]*) Die Bürgermeister der Gemeinde Berg [1865 - 1979] (95*) [Abb.]: Rohrbach 1885. Bleistiftzeichnung von Peter Krenn aus dem Jahr 1885 (96*) Geschichte der Pfarre Rohrbach (98*) Zum Ausklang. (97*) Geschichte der Pfarre Rohrbach (98*) [Abb.]: Rohrbach Rathaus u. Kirche (98*) Erster Teil Bau- und Kunstgeschichte ([99]*) [2 Abb.]: Zwei Ansichten Rohrbachs mit dem früheren Kirchturm ([100]*) Der Bau der barocken Pfarrkirche (1697 - 1700) (101*) Die zehn ältesten Gedenksteine (106*) 1. Grabstein 1562 (oder 1582) (106*) [Abb.]: I. Grabstein Sebastian Aigner 1562 ( oder 1582) (107*) 2. Porträt-Grabstein 1583 (108*) 3. Familiengrabstein Oedt 1583 (108*) [Abb.]: 2. Porträtgrabstein Sebastian von Oedt 1583 (109*) [Plan]: Plan der Pfarrkirche Rohrbach 1696 (110 - 111*) [Abb.]: 3. Familiengrabstein Oedt 1583 ([112]*) 4. Grabstein Weinberger 1641 5. Grabstein Stöger 1688 (113*) [Abb.]: 4. Grabstein Michael weinberger 1641 (114*) [Abb.]: 5. Grabstein Stöger 1688 ([115]*) 6. Wappenschild 1699 (116*) [Abb.]: 6. Wappenschild 1699 (117*) 7. Grabstein Gruber 1706. 8. Grabstein Oedt 1719 (118*) [Abb.]: 7. Grabstein Zacharias Gruber 1706 (119*) [Abb.]: 8. Grabstein Erasmus Anton von Oedt 1719 (120*) 9. Gedenkstein 1720. 10. Wappenstein der Familie Rödern 1743 (121*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Portal der Pfarrkirche Rohrbach mit dem Wappenschild des Abtes Michael Felder von dem Jahr der Fertigstellung des Gooteshauses. (2)Das Taufbecken der Pfarrkirche Rohrbach, bald nach 1700 entstanden, Tischlerarbeiten von H. g. Stempl (?), Figuren der Taufe Jesu geschnitzt vom Bildhauer G. W. Wagner (?) ([122]*) Kunstgeschichtliche Führung durch die Pfarrkirche Rohrbach (123*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche - Langhaus (124*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche - Hochaltar (126*) [Abb.]: Blick zur Anna-Kapelle, Rödern-Wappen (128*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche - Kanzel ([130]*) [Abb.]: Die sieben Zufluchten. Andachtsbild um 1800. (132*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche - Marienaltar (136*) [Abb.]: Pfarrkirche, Orgel (138*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rathaus Rohrbach. Die Fleischlauben mit stuckierten Wappenschildern aus der Zeit des Barock um 1750 (2)Rathaus Rohrbach. Der Kern des Gebäudes enthält noch gotische Bausubstanz aus der Zeit um 1450 in sich (142*) [Tabelle]: Die Glocken, die am 4. Dezember 1949 von Abt Cajetan Lang die kirchliche Segnung erhielten, sind folgende: (143*) Sonstige Sehenswürdigkeiten (143*) [Abb.]: Die Dreifaltigkeitssäule (1743). Ansichtskarte vom Jahr 1910 (144*) [Abb.]: Dreifaltigkeitssäule (146*) Wallfahrtskirche Maria - Trost am Berg bei R. (150*) Bau- und Kunstgeschichte der Wallfahrtskirche Maria Trost am Berg bei Rohrbach (150*) [Abb.]: Maria-Trost-Kirche (150*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rechts: Hochaltar der Wallfahrtskirche Maria Trost (2)Links: Kapelle mit zwei Engeln (152*) [Abb.]: St. Sebastian - Altar (154*) Kapellen und Denkmäler rund um die Berger Kirche (157*) Das Benefizium mit Kirche und Benefiziatenhaus wurde am 14. November 1912 vom Stift Schlägl angekauft, und von diesem Zeitpunkt an versehen Schlägler Chorherren das Benefizium und damit die Seelsorge an der Wallfahrtskirche Maria Trost: (157*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oben Buchet - Kapelle, (2)Unten Hl. Grab (158*) Kapellen am Wallfahrtsweg von Haslach zum Berg (159*) [Karte]: (160*) Die Maria-Hilf-Kapelle (162*) [Abb.]: Deckenfresko der Maria Hilf-Kapelle (1764). (162*) [Abb.]: Der Schickanus. Statue des hl. Ivo von Helori 1720/30 (164*) Kapellen am Wallfahrtsweg von Rohrbach zum Berg (165*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Links: Die Statue der hl. Mutter Anna der Maria-Hilf-Kapelle kann als Werk des Bildhauers Johann Worath (1609 - 1680) angesprochen werden. (2)Rechts: Die Maria-Schnee-Kapelle befindet sich am Wallfahrtsweg, der von Haslach zum Berg führt ([166]*) Die Michaels-Kapelle bei Krien (168*) [Abb.]: St. Michaels - Kapelle bei Krien (168*) Geschichte der Pfarre Rohrbach Zweiter Teil Kirchen- und Pfarrgeschichte von Isfried H. Pichler (171*) [Abb.]: der Apostel Jakobus als Pilger und Prediger im Siegel des Pfarramtes Rohrbach (172*) Kirchen- und Pfarrgeschichte (173*) Patrozinium St. Jakob (173*) Der Umfang der Pfarre Rohrbach im Mittelalter kann nicht ganz genau, aber doch im wesentlichen angegeben werden: (175*) Inkorporation an das Stift Schlägl (176*) Die Pfarrer des 14. Jahrhunderts (179*) Das Herleinsperger-Benefizium St. Georg (1413) (182*) Die Pfarrer des 15. Jahrhunderts (184*) St. Wolfgang am Stein (185*) Filialkirche Oepping (193*) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oben: Votivkirche mit Darstellung des ehemaligen Bürgerspitals (Rohrbach 33) an der Bahnhofstraße (2)Rechts: Der Hahn auf dem Rathaus zu Rohrbach ([196]*) Rohrbach im Jahrhundert der Reformationswirren (1526 - 1626) (197*) Pfarrer Johannes Pigler (1526 - 1533) (197*) Pfarrer Georg Nadler (1533 - 1544) Pfarrer Christoph Kreuss (-1561-) (198*) Pfarrer Andreas Schueschitz (1568 - 1570) Pfarrer Michael Träxel (1570 - 1583) (199*) Pfarrer Kaspar Diethmayr (1583 - 1587) (200*) Pfarrer David Gebhardt (1588 - 1595 und 1599 - 1623) (200*) Martin Huber. Wolfgang Mayeröberl. Hieronymus Kammerstock (1597 - 1599) Pfarrer David Gebhardt (201*) Pfarrer Michael Pögl (1623 - 1625) Pfarrer Wilhelm Georg Göhl (1625 - 1626) (202*) Rohrbach im 17. Jahrhundert (1626 - 1695) (203*) Pfarrer David Goll (1627 - 1629) (203*) Pfarrer Johannes Rehbock (1629 - 1645) (203*) [Abb.]: Widmung der "Exempla tragica" von Theodorich von Rödern an den Rohrbacher Pfarrer Domink Wirth. Dieses Büchlein kam 1670 in die Stiftsbibliothek Schlägl ([204]*) Pfarrer Matthäus Ill (1646 - 1651) (205*) Pfarrer Dominik Wirth (1651 - 1674) (205*) Pfarrer Benedikt Fischer (1674 - 1695) (206*) Die Pfarrer des 18. Jahrhunderts (207*) Pfarrer Wilhelm Kammerruck (1695 - 1705) (207*) Pfarrer Dr. Adalbert Landgraf (1705 - 1727) (207*) [Abb.]: Glorreicher Röderischer Schutz- und Trost-Berg Mariae. (208*) Pfarrer Dr. Franz Posch (1727 - 1731) (209*) Pfarrer Dominik kammerruck (1731 - 1749) (210*) Pfarrer Mathias Wöss (1749 - 1775) (211*) Pfarrer Michael Schmidinger (1775 - 1782) (211*) [Abb.]: Rohrbach 1933 Zeitungsdruck des Viehmarktes vom jahr 1933. Interessant die steilen, schindelgedeckten Dächer (212*) Pfarrer Augustin Bachmann (1782 - 1797) (213*) [Abb.]: Pfarrer Bruno Spalt ist als erster Rohrbacher Pfarrer im Bildnis überliefert. Porträt von Franz Wenger 1802 (214*) Pfarrer Bruno Spalt (1797 - 1805) (215*) Die Pfarrer des 19. Jahrhunderts (216*) Pfarrer Franz Xaver Popp (1805 - 1813) (216*) Pfarrer Norbert Ruezinger (1813 - 1830) (216*) Pfarrer Friedrich Bayer (1830 - 1840) (217*) Pfarrer Dr. Ferdinand Ramet (1840 - 1866) (218*) Pfarrer Konrad Weinbauer (1866 - 1878) (218*) Pfarrer Ludwig Freyinger (1878 - 1887) (219*) Pfarrprovisor Hermann Voraberger (1887/88) (220*) Pfarrer Raphael Cambefort (1888 - 1898) (221*) Die Pfarrer des 20. Jahrhunderts (222*) Pfarrer Ferdinand Laad (1898 - 1917) (222*) Pfarrer Norbert Wipplinger (1917 - 1928) (222*) Pfarrer Pius Feldler (1928 - 1931) (223*) [Abb.]:Hugo H. Haimann (18. 7. 1880 - 12. 2. 1961) (224*) Pfarrer Hugo Haimann (1931 - 1946) (225*) [Abb.]: Jakob L. Pichler (2. 11. 1892 - 26. 5. 1961) ([226]*) Pfarrer Jakob Pichler (1946 - 1961) (227*) Pfarrer Johannes Felhofer (1961 - 1963) (228*) Pfarrer Otto Karasek (1963 - 1967) (228*) Pfarrprovisor Bruno Grünberger (1967) (229*) Pfarrer Albert Dorninger (seit (1967) (229*) [Abb.]: Rohrbacher Pfarrblatt ([230]*) Literaturverzeichnis (232*) [Abb.]: Das Hirtenhäusl (Rohrbach 34, an der Bahnhofstraße) hat die alte Bauweise der einfachen Häuser des Böhmerwaldgebietes dokumentarisch bewahrt, bis es 1939 abgetragen worden ist. Typisch ist das gemauerte Sockelgeschoß, auf dem der Aufbau in Holzbauweise errichtet worden ist. Ebenso typisch ist das flache Dach, dessen Legeschindeln mit Steinen beschwert wurden. (240*) Anhang. Register der Personen- und Ortsnamen und der wichtigsten Sachbegriffe ([241]*) A, B (242*) C - E (243*) F (243*) G (244*) H (244*) I = J (245*) K (245*) L (246*) M (246*) N, O (247*) P (247*) R (248*) S (249*) SCH (249*) St, T (250*) U (250*) V - Z (251*) Häuserchronik Rohrbach - Berg ([1]) I. Teil Straßenverzeichnis Rohrbach - Berg ([1]) Einleitung (2) Akademiestrasse (Ro 1). Am Binderhügel (Ro 2) (5) Am Schlosserhügel (6) Angerweg (Bg 7) (6) Bahnhofstrasse (Ro 3, Bg 8) (7) [Karte]: Gemeinde Berg bei Rohrbach Strassenkarte (9) [Karte]: Strassenkarte Rohrbach (10 - [11]) Illustrationen (12) Bergfeld (Bg 20) (13) Berggasse (Ro 4, Bg 11) (14) Bergweg (Bg 17) (15) Birkenweg (Ro 5) (16) Böhmerwaldstrasse (Ro 6) (17) Brucknerstrasse (Ro 7) (17) [Abb.]: Anton Bruckner (1824 - 1896) (18) Ehrenreiterweg (Ro 8). Erlengrund (Bg 9) (19) Fadingerstrasse (Ro 9) (20) Feldweg (Ro 43) (20) Friedhofweg (Ro 10). Fürlingerberg (Bg 1) (21) Gartenstrasse (Ro 11) Götzendorfer Steig (Ro 12) (22) Grabenstrasse (Ro 13) (23) [Abb.]: Franz Grillparzer (1791 - 1872) (24) Grillparzerstrasse (Ro 14). Hafnerweg (Bg 21) (25) Hanriederstrasse (Ro 15) (25) [Abb.]: Norbert hanrieder (1842 - 1913) ([27]) Harrauerstrasse (Ro 17) (28) Haslacherstrasse (Ro 18) (29) Hofmark (Bg 10) (30) Höhenweg (Bg 14) Hopfengasse (Ro 19) (31) Im Tal (Bg 6) Krankenhausstrasse (Ro 20) (32) Lerchenweg (Ro 22) (33) Linzer Strasse (Ro 23) (33) [Abb.]: Maria-Trost bei Rohrbach. ([34]) Maria Trost (Bg 15) (35) Marktplatz (Stadtplatz (Ro 24) (35) Mayrhoffeld (Ro 26) (37) Mitterfeld (Ro 27) (38) Mitterweg (Bg 18) (38) Molkereistrasse (Bg 2) (39) Muldenweg (Ro 28) Parkweg (Ro 29) (40) Pfaffenberg (Bg 13) Pfarrgasse (Ro 30) (41) Poeschlgasse (Ro 31) Rödernweg (Bg 16) (42) Schnopfhagenstrasse (Ro 32) (42) [Abb.]: Hans Schnopfhagen (1845 - 1908) ([43]) Schulstrasse (Ro 34) (44) Schulweg (Bg 12) (45) Siedlungsstrasse (Ro 35) (45) Spielplatzgasse (Bg 5) (46) Spitalfeld (Ro 36) (46) Sportplatzgasse (Ro 37) Stadtplatz: Siehe Marktplatz Steinland (Ro 38) (47) [Abb.]: Franz Stelzhamer (1802 - 1874) (48) Stelzhamerstrasse (Ro 39) (49) Stifterstrasse (Ro 40, Bg 19) (49) [Abb.]: Adalbert Stifter (50) Stift - Schlägler - Siedlung (Bg 4) (52) Wagner von der Mühl-Strasse (53) Wandschamlweg (Ro 41) (54) Wimholzsiedlung (Bg 3) (54) Wirtschaftszeile (Ro) (55) [Abb.]: Wagner von der Mühl: Seine Eltern erwarben 1890 Rohrbach 66 (Marktplatz 9) (56) Epilog (56a) Brände in Rohrbach: (56a) [Zeitunsartikel]: Rohrbach. Der Umbau des alten Baderhauses (56b) Rohrbach 41 (Marktplatz 37): (56c) 2. Teil Häuserchronik Rohrbach - Berg ([57]) Einleitung (58) Wie ist die Häuserchronik aufgebaut und wie ist sie zu lesen? (59) Verzeichnis der erhaltenen und für die Häuserchronik Rohrbach - Berg bearbeiteten Bände des "alten" Grundbuches, die im oberösterreichischen Landesarchiv (4020 Linz, Anzengruberstraße 19) aufbewahrt werden. (63) Häuserchronik Rohrbach (67) Rohrbach 1: Linzer Straße 10 (67) Rohrbach 2: Linzer Straße 8 (67) Rohrbach 3: Marktplatz 16 (68) Rohrbach 4: Marktplatz 17 (69) Rohrbach 5: Marktplatz 18 (70) Rohrbach 6: Marktplatz 19 (70) Rohrbach 7: Marktplatz 20 (71) Rohrbach 8: Marktplatz 21 (72) Rohrbach 9: Marktplatz 22 (73) Rohrbach 10: Marktplatz 23 (73) Rohrbach 11: Marktplatz 24 (74) Rohrbach 11a: Marktplatz 24 Rohrbach 12: Marktplatz 25 (75) Rohrbach 13: Marktplatz 26 (76) Rohrbach 14: Marktplatz 27 (76) Rohrbach 15: Marktplatz 28 (77) Rohrbach 16: Marktplatz 29 (78) Rohrbach 17: Marktplatz 30 (79) Rohrbach 18: Hanriederstraße 3 (79) Rohrbach 19: Hanriederstraße 18 (80) Rohrbach 20: Hanriederstraße 8 (80) Rohrbach 21: Hanriederstraße 6 (81) Rohrbach 22: Hanriederstraße 4 (82) Rohrbach 23: Hanriederstraße 2 (82) Rohrbach 24: Marktplatz 31 (83) Rohrbach 25: Marktplatz 32 (84) Rohrbach 26: Marktplatz 33 (85) Rohrbach 27: Marktplatz 34 (85) Rohrbach 28: Marktplatz 35 (86) Rohrbach 29: Bahnhofstraße 3 (87) Rohrbach 30: Bahnhofstraße 9 Rohrbach 31: Harrauerstraße 1 (88) Rohrbach 32: (Bahnhofstraße) Rohrbach 33: (Bahnhofstraße) Rohrbach 34: (Bahnhofstraße) (89) Rohrbach 35: Bahnhofstraße 16 (90) Rohrbach 36: Bahnhofstraße 14 (90) Rohrbach 37: Bahnhofstraße 12 (91) Rohrbach 38: Bahnhofstraße 10 (92) Rohrbach 39: Bahnhofstraße 4 (92) Rohrbach 40: Marktplatz 36 (93) Rohrbach 41: Marktplatz 37 (93) Rohrbach 42: Poeschlgasse 3 (94) Rohrbach 43: Poeschlgasse 5 (95) Rohrbach 44 und 81: Berggasse 1 und Poschlgasse 7 (96) Rohrbach 45: Berggasse 5 (97) Rohrbach 46: Berggasse 2 (97) Rohrbach 47: Pfarrgasse 8 (98) Rohrbach 48: Pfarrgasse 6 (98) Rohrbach 49: Pfarrgasse 4 (99) Rohrbach 50: Poeschlgasse 2 (100) Rohrbach 51: Marktplatz 38 (101) Rohrbach 52: Marktplatz 39 (101) Rohrbach 53: Marktplatz 40 (102) Rohrbach 54: Marktplatz 41 (103) Rohrbach 55: Marktplatz 42 (103) Rohrbach 56: Marktplatz 43 (104) Rohrbach 57: Marktplatz 44 (105) Rohrbach 58: Marktplatz 1 (105) Rohrbach 59: Marktplatz 2 (106) Rohrbach 60: Marktplatz 3 (107) Rohrbach 61: Marktplatz 4 (108) Rohrbach 62: Marktplatz 5 (109) Rohrbach 63: Marktplatz 6 (109) Rohrbach 64: Marktplatz 7 (110) Rohrbach 65: Marktplatz 8 (111) Rohrbach 66: Marktplatz 9 (111) Rohrbach 67: Marktplatz 10 (112) Rohrbach 68: Marktplatz 11 (113) Rohrbach 69: Marktplatz 12 (113) Rohrbach 70: Marktplatz 13 (114) Rohrbach 71: Marktplatz 14 (115) Rohrbach 72: Linzer Straße 1 (115) Rohrbach 73: Linzer Straße 5 (116) Rohrbach 74: Linzer Straße 7 Rohrbach 75: Linzer Straße 11 (117) Rohrbach 76: Stifterstraße 1 (118) Rohrbach 77: Stifterstraße 7 (118) Rohrbach 78, 79 siehe: Mayrhof Rohrbach 80: Bahnhofstraße 6 (119) Rohrbach 81 Rohrbach 82: Linzer Straße 3 Rohrbach 83: Linzer Straße 9 (120) Rohrbach 84: Linzer Straße 2 Rohrbach 85: Marktplatz 15 Rohrbach 86: Bahnhofstraße 8 (121) Rohrbach 87: Hanriederstraße 15 Rohrbach 88: Linzer Straße 4 (122) Rohrbach 89: Linzer Straße 6 (122) Rohrbach 90: Hanriederstraße 16 Rohrbach 91 und 100: Linzer Straße 12 und 14 Rohrbach 92: Bahnhofstraße 7 - 9 - 11 (123) Rohrbach 93: Hanriederstraße 5 Rohrbach 94: Hanriederstraße 9 Rohrbach 95: Hanriederstraße 7 Rohrbach 96: Harrauerstraße 4 (124) Rohrbach 97 und 98: Poeschlgasse 4 und 6 Rohrbach 99: Hanriederstraße 20 Rohrbach 100: Linzer Straße 14 Rohrbach 101: Hanriederstraße 14 (125) Rohrbach 102: Hanriederstraße 2a Rohrbach 103 und 104: Stifterstraße 9 und 11 Rohrbach 105: Stifterstraße 8 Rohrbach 106: Hopfengasse 3 (126) Rohrbach 107: Bahnhofstraße 15 Rohrbach 108: Bahnhofstraße 13 Rohrbach 109: Grabenstraße 1 (127) Rohrbach 110: Stfiterstraße 23 (127) Rohrbach 111: Stfiterstraße 15 Rohrbach 112: Bahnhofstraße 5 Rohrbach 113: Stfiterstraße 17 (128) Rohrbach 114: Bahnhofstraße 28 (128) Rohrbach 115: Hanriederstraße 22 Rohrbach 116: Siedlungsstraße 23 Rohrbach 117: Siedlungsstraße 21 (129) Rohrbach 118: Siedlungsstraße 19 Rohrbach 119: Siedlungsstraße 17 Rohrbach 120: Siedlungsstraße 15 Rohrbach 121: Siedlungsstraße 20 (130) Rohrbach 122: Siedlungsstraße 22 Rohrbach 123: Siedlungsstraße 24 Rohrbach 124: Siedlungsstraße 26 Rohrbach 125: Siedlungsstraße 28 (131) Rohrbach 126: Siedlungsstraße 30 Rohrbach 127: Siedlungsstraße 32 Rohrbach 128: Stifterstraße 19 Rohrbach 129: Stifterstraße 21 (132) Rohrbach 130: Hanriederstraße 26 Rohrbach 131, 132, 133: Harrauerstraße 9, 11, 13 Rohrbach 134: Friedhofweg 2 Rohrbach 135: Harrauerstraße 6, 8 (133) Rohrbach 136: Harrauerstraße 18 (133) Rohrbach 137: Harrauerstraße 20 Rohrbach 138: Harrauerstraße 22 Rohrbach 139: Harrauerstraße 24 (134) Rohrbach 140: Harrauerstraße 26 Rohrbach 141: Harrauerstraße 28 Rohrbach 142: Harrauerstraße 23 Rohrbach 143: Harrauerstraße 21 (135) Rohrbach 144: Siedlungsstraße 2 (135) Rohrbach 145: Siedlungsstraße 4 Rohrbach 146: Siedlungsstraße 6 Rohrbach 147: Siedlungsstraße 8 (136) Rohrbach 148: Siedlungsstraße 10 Rohrbach 149: Siedlungsstraße 12 Rohrbach 150: Siedlungsstraße 14 Rohrbach 151: Siedlungsstraße 16 (137) Rohrbach 152: Siedlungsstraße 18 (137) Rohrbach 153: Siedlungsstraße 13 Rohrbach 154: Siedlungsstraße 11 Rohrbach 155: Siedlungsstraße 9 Rohrbach 156: Siedlungsstraße 7 (138) Rohrbach 157: Siedlungsstraße 5 Rohrbach 158: Siedlungsstraße 3 Rohrbach 159: Siedlungsstraße 1 Rohrbach 160: Harrauerstraße 27 (139) Rohrbach 161: Akademiestraße 6 (139) Rohrbach 162: Bahnhofstraße 11 Rohrbach 163: Harrauerstraße 5 Rohrbach 164: siehe Mayrhof 1 Rohrbach 165: Harrauerstraße 38 Rohrbach 166: Stifterstraße 24 (140) Rohrbach 167: Ehrenreiterweg 5 Rohrbach 168: Hanriederstraße 40 Rohrbach 169: Birkenweg 4 Rohrbach 170 : Schulstraße 5 Rohrbach 171 : Schulstraße 3 (141) Rohrbach 172 : Stifterstraße 5 Rohrbach 173 : Stifterstraße 13 Rohrbach 174 : Stifterstraße 14 Rohrbach 175 : Linzer Straße 16 Rohrbach 176 : Stifterstraße 10 (142) Rohrbach 177: Haslacher Straße 3 Rohrbach 178: Stifterstraße 6 Rohrbach 179: Linzer Straße 13 Rohrbach 180: Schulstraße 8 (143) Rohrbach 1181: Harrauerstraße 31 (143) Rohrbach 182: Harrauerstraße 25 Rohrbach 183: Grabenstraße 29 Rohrbach 184: Grabenstraße 27 Rohrbach 185: Grabenstraße 25 (144) Rohrbach 186: Grabenstraße 23 Rohrbach 187: Gartenstraße 1 Rohrbach 188: Gartenstraße 3 Rohrbach 189: Gartenstraße 5 Rohrbach 190: Gartenstraße 7 (145) Rohrbach 191: Gartenstraße 9 Rohrbach 192: Schulstraße 10 Rohrbach 193: Hanriederstraße 27 Rohrbach 194: Berggasse 1 Rohrbach 195: Hanriederstraße 9a (146) Rohrbach 197: Berggasse 8 Rohrbach 197: Gewerbeallee 3 (Feldweg 3) Rohrbach 198: Spitalfeld 32 Rohrbach 199: Hanriederstraße 32 (147) Rohrbach 200: Bahnhofstraße 23 Rohrbach 201: Hopfengasse 5 Rohrbach 202: Stifterstraße 27 Rohrbach 203: Hanriederstraße 28 Rohrbach 204: Haslacher Straße 11 (148) Rohrbach 205: Stifterstraße 20 Rohrbach 206: Haslacher Straße 9 Rohrbach 207: Grabenstraße 6 Rohrbach 208: Sportplatzgasse 8 Rohrbach 209: Sportplatzgasse 6 (149) Rohrbach 210: Sportplatzgasse 2 Rohrbach 211: Sportplatzgasse 4 Rohrbach 212: Gartenstraße 11 Rohrbach 213: Bahnhofstra 15 Rohrbach 214 und 218: Ehrenreiterweg 9 und 11 (150) Rohrbach 215: Ehrenreiterweg 8 Rohrbach 216: Schulstraße 6 Rohrbach 217: Mayrhoffeld 3 Rohrbach 218: siehe Rohrbach 214 Rohrbach 219: Harrauer Straße 30 (151) Rohrbach 220: Grabenstraße 21 Rohrbach 221: Bahnhofstraße 20 Rohrbach 222: Bahnhofstraße 27 Rohrbach 223: Grabenstraße 35 Rohrbach 224: Stifterstraße 29 (152) Rohrbach 225: Bahnhofstraße 21 Rohrbach 226: Pfarrgasse 8a Rohrbach 227: Poeschlgasse 1 Rohrbach 228: Mayrhoffeld 7 Rohrbach 229: Grabenstraße 37 (153) Rohrbach 230: Harrauer Straße 382 Rohrbach 231: Hanriederstraße 30 Rohrbach 232: Steinland 12 Rohrbach 233: Stifterstraße 16 (154) Rohrbach 234: Birkenweg 6 Rohrbach 235: Birkenweg 8 Rohrbach 236: Gartenstraße 8 Rohrbach 237: Gartenstraße 3 Rohrbach 238 und 239: Haslacher Straße 7 und 7a (155) Rohrbach 240: Mayrhoffeld 5 Rohrbach 241: Grabenstraße 10 Rohrbach 242: Birkenweg 1 Rohrbach 243: Harrauer Straße 40 Rohrbach 244: Grabenstraße 4 (156) Rohrbach 245: Hopfengasse 18 Rohrbach 246: Bahnhofstraße 24 Rohrbach 247: Grabenstraße 17 Rohrbach 248: Harrauer Straße 32 Rohrbach 249: Haslacher Straße 13 (157) Rohrbach 250: Haslacher Straße 15 Rohrbach 251: Gartenstraße 4 Rohrbach 252: Gartenstraße 6 Rohrbach 253 und 254: Gartenstraße 8 und 10 Rohrbach 255: Linzer Straße 17 (158) Rohrbach 256: Spitalfeld 18 Rohrbach 257: Grabenstraße 5 Rohrbach 259: Bahnhofstraße 26a Rohrbach 260: Böhmerwaldstraße 3 Rohrbach 261: Hanriederstraße 38 (159) Rohrbach 262: Steinland 6 Rohrbach 263: Gartenstraße 2 Rohrbach 264: Hanriederstraße 20a Rohrbach 265: Akademiestraße 8 Rohrbach 266: Spitalfeld 34 (160) Rohrbach 267: Harrauer Straße 14 Rohrbach 268: Stifterstraße 6 Rohrbach 269: Schulstraße 12 Rohrbach 270: Haslacher Straße 23 Rohrbach 271: Ehrenreiterweg 14 (161) Rohrbach 272: Schulstraße 7 Rohrbach 273: Bahnhofstraße 22 Rohrbach 274: Pfarrgasse 10 Rohrbach 275: Steinland 4 Rohrbach 276: Ehrenreiterweg 18 (162) Rohrbach 277: Hopfengasse 13 und 15 Rohrbach 278: Schnopfhagenstraße 3 Rohrbach 279: Hanriederstraße 23 Rohrbach 280 Rohrbach 281: Schulstraße 4 (163) Rohrbach 282: Schnopfhagenstraße 8 Rohrbach 283: Schnopfhagenstraße 5 Rohrbach 284: Schnopfhagenstraße 10 Rohrbach 285: Grabenstraße 16 Rohrbach 286: Stelzhamerstraße 6 (164) Rohrbach 287: Stifterstraße 25 Rohrbach 288: Wagner von der Mühl - Straße 4 Rohrbach 289: Siedlungsstraße 10a Rohrbach 290: Böhmerwaldstraße 5 Rohrbach 291: Akademiestraße 15 Rohrbach 292: Grabenstraße 9 (165) Rohrbach 293: Grabenstraße 31 Rohrbach 294: Stelzhamerstraße 5 Rohrbach 295: Mitterfeld 4 Rohrbach 296: Ehrenreiterweg 20 Rohrbach 297: Krankenhausstraße 22 (166) Rohrbach 298: Lanzersdorf 27 Rohrbach 299: Ehrenreiterweg 23 Rohrbach 300: Grabenstraße 16 Rohrbach 301: Mitterfeld 14 Rohrbach 302: Ehrenreiterweg 10 Rohrbach 303: Mayrhoffeld 9 (167) Rohrbach 304: Mitterfeld 11 Rohrbach 305: Mayrhoffeld 13 Rohrbach 306: Gewerbeallee Rohrbach 307: Haslacher Straße 2 Rohrbach 308: Steinland 14 Rohrbach 309: Mayrhoffeld 11 (168) Rohrbach 310, 311, 312, 313: Fadingerstraße 12 und 13, Lerchenweg 11 und 13 Rohrbach 314 und 315: Lerchenweg 8 Rohrbach 316: Harrau 12 Rohrbach 317: Brucknerstraße 9 Rohrbach 318: Brucknerstraße 11 (169) Rohrbach 319: Fadingerstraße 9 Rohrbach 320: Wandschamlweg 6 Rohrbach 321: Brucknerstraße 5 Rohrbach 322: Fadingerstraße 8 Rohrbach 323: Akademiestraße 12 Rohrbach 324: Lerchenweg 1 (170) Rohrbach 325: Fadingerstraße 1 Rohrbach 326: Harrauer Straße 34 Rohrbach 327: Brucknerstraße 1 Rohrbach 328: Brucknerstraße 7 Rohrbach 329: Fadingerstraße 11 (171) Rohrbach 330: Harrauer Straße 42 Rohrbach 331: Steinland 7 Rohrbach 332: Grillparzerstraße 3 Rohrbach 333: Mitterfeld 6 Rohrbach 334: Ehrenreiterweg 29 Rohrbach 335: Siedlungsstraße 20 (172) Rohrbach 336: Hanriederstraße 2b Rohrbach 337: Ehrenreiterweg 27 Rohrbach 338: Ehrenreiterweg 31 Rohrbach 339: Fadingerstraße 6 Rohrbach 340: Krankenhausstraße 1 (173) Rohrbach 341: Götzendorfer Steig 9 Rohrbach 342: Brucknerstraße 3 Rohrbach 343: Mitterfeld 13a, b, c; 15a, b; 16a, b, c, d Rohrbach 344: Haslacher Straße 4 Rohrbach 345: Grabenstraße 39 (174) Rohrbach 346: Fadingerstraße 7 Rohrbach 347: Muldenweg 8 Rohrbach 348: Parkweg 3 Rohrbach 349: Grabenstraße 45 Rohrbach 350: Akademiestraße21 Rohrbach 351: Ehrenreiterweg 25 (175) Rohrbach 352: Brucknerstraße 8 Rohrbach 353: Fadingerstraße 10 Rohrbach 354: Linzerstraße 18 Rohrbach 355: Fadingerstraße 5 Rohrbach 356: Lerchenweg 18 (176) Rohrbach 357: Parkweg 7 (176) Rohrbach 358: Böhmerwaldstraße 7 Rohrbach 359: Grabenstraße 33 Rohrbach 360: Am Binderhügel 2 Rohrbach 361: Krankenhausstraße 28 (177) Rohrbach 362: Gewerbeallee (Feldweg) Rohrbach 363: Krankenhausstraße 4 Rohrbach 364: Stifterstraße 12 Rohrbach 365: Harrauer Straße 39 Rohrbach 366: Götzendorfer Steig 15a (178) Rohrbach 367: Grabenstraße 36 (178) Rohrbach 368: Mitterfeld 12 Rohrbach 370: Muldenweg 6 Rohrbach 370: Muldenweg 10 (179) Rohrbach 372: Muldenweg 11 Rohrbach 373: Schnopfenhagenstraße 12 Rohrbach 374: Wandschamlweg 4 Rohrbach 375: Wandschamlweg 5 Rohrbach 376a: Hopfengasse 20 (180) Rohrbach 376b: Hopfengasse 22 Rohrbach 377: Muldenweg 3 Rohrbach 378: Muldenweg 4 Rohrbach 379: Muldenweg 2 Rohrbach 380: Harrauer Straße 45 Rohrbach 381: Harrauer Straße 44 Rohrbach 382: Muldenweg 5 (181) Rohrbach 383: Grabenstraße 19 Rohrbach 384: Stifterstraße 26 Rohrbach 385: Harrauer Straße 29 Rohrbach 386: Am Schlosserhügel Rohrbach 387: Wirtschaftszeile 2 Rohrbach 388: Wirtschaftszeile 1 Rohrbach 389: Hopfengasse (182) Rohrbach 390: Am Schlosserhügel 5 Rohrbach 391: Gewerbeallee Rohrbach 392: Grabenstraße Rohrbach 393: Rohrbach 394: Am Schlosserhügel 15 Rohrbach 395: Am Schlosserhügel 11 Rohrbach 396: Am Schlosserhügel 7 (183) Rohrbach 397: Am Schlosserhügel 17 Rohrbach 398: Am Schlosserhügel 13 Rohrbach 399: Am Schlosserhügel 9 Rohrbach 400: Am Schlosserhügel 18 Rohrbach 401: Am Schlosserhügel 6 Rohrbach 402: Am Schlosserhügel 10 Rohrbach 403: Am Schlosserhügel 14 (184) Rohrbach 404: Mayrhof 7 Rohrbach 405: Grabenstraße 12 Rohrbach 406: Haslacher Straße 17 Rohrbach 407: Harrauer Straße Rohrbach 408: Spitalfeld Rohrbach 409: Gewerbeallee Rohrbach 410: Sportplatzgasse 1 (184a) Rohrbach 411: Sportplatzgasse 3 Rohrbach 412: Sportplatzgasse 5 Rohrbach 413: Sportplatzgasse 7 Rohrbach 414: Haslacher Straße 6 (184b) Berg bei Rohrbach ([185]) [Karte]: Berg bei Rohrbach ([185]) Zur Geschichte von Berg ([186]) Die Perger. Die Ruestorfer ([186]) Die Grafen von Rödern (187) Verschiedene Besitzer von Berg (189a) Schloß Berg. Das Schloß Berg wurde nach 1912 zerstückelt und existiert jetzt in folgenden Realitäten: Brände in Berg (189b) [Abb.]: Schloß Berg (190) Häuserchronik Berg (191) Berg 1: Berggasse 10 - Schulweg 1, 3 (191) Berg 2: Berggasse 12 (192) Berg 3: Berggasse 14 (192) Berg 4: Berggasse 13 (193) Berg 5: Berggasse 23 (194) Berg 6: Hofmark 1 (194) Berg 7: Hofmark 3 und Hofmark 23 (195) Berg 8 und ehem. 30 zu Berg: Hofmark 4 (196) Berg 9: Hofmark 6 (197) Berg 10: Hofmark 15 (197) Berg 11: Hofmark 16 (198) Berg 12: Hofmark 17 (199) Berg 13: Pfaffenberg 4 (200) Berg 14: Bergweg 9 Berg 14: (alt) (201) Berg 15: Bergweg 15 (202) Berg 16: Bergweg 16 (Berggasse 43) (202) Berg 17: Stifterstraße 69 (203) Berg 18: Stifterstraße 70 (204) Berg 19 und 20: Maria Trost 3 und 4 (205) Berg 21: Maria Trost 2 (205) [Abb.]: Benefiziatenhaus Berg 20 (Maria Trost 3) Das in den Jahren 1708/1709 erbaute Benefiziatenhaus sicherte die Seelsorge an der Maria-Trost-Wallfahrtskirche. Das Benefizium wurde 1706 von Gräfin Maria Theresia von Rödern g. Freifrau von Oedt auf Götzendorf gestiftet. Dieses Haus, im Volksmund "Pfarrhof" genannt, ist im Jahr 1973 renoviert und modernisiert worden. ([206]) Berg 22: Bahnhofstraße 55 (Wimmhof) (207) Berg 23: Berggasse (207) [Abb.]: Renaissance-Portal. Einfahrt in das Schloß Berg; bereits zu sehen am Stich von G. M. Vischer 1679; der Löwe gibt Kunde vom Selbstbewußtsein der Herrschaften des 17./18. Jahrhunderts. Ausgeführt wurde dieses Portal wohl von der gerade zu berühmten "Firma" Getzinger aus Haslach an der Mühl. ([208]) Berg 23: Berggasse 20, 21 (209) Berg 24: Berggasse 28 (210) [Abb.]: Rundell-Häusl Berg 24 (Berggasse 28) Rest der gartengebäude des Schlosses Berg; als Rundturm im Kupferstich von G. M. Vischer 1679 bereits zu sehen (211) [Abb.]: Marien-Kapelle. Diese Kapelle bei Berg 25 (Maria Trost 1) am Wallfahrtsweg von Rohrbach nach Maria Trost hat mehrere Namen. Um 1780 wird sie "Urlaub Capellen" genannt (der Wallfahrer nimmt "Urlaub", Abschied, vom Heiligtum). Dann taucht der Name Teufelskapelle (in sich selbst ein Widerspruch!) auf, wohl wegen der Sage vom Teufelstanz, die man hier lokalisierte. Die Umgestaltung als Marien-Kapelle, die Sicherung durch ein Schmiedeeiserenes Gitter und der gepflegte Blumenschmuck sind lobend hervorzuheben! ([212]) Berg 25: Maria Trost 1 (213) Berg 26: Bergweg 2 (Berggasse 36) (213) Berg 27: Hofmark 2 (214) Berg 28: Bergweg 14 (Berggasse 42) (214) Berg 29: Hofmark 2a (215) Berg 30 (8): Hofmark Berg 30: Bahnhofstraße 57 (216) [Abb.]: Kreuzsäule im Hof des ehemaligen Schlosses Berg (217) Berg 31: Bahnhofstraße 58 Berg 32: Bergweg 3 (Berggasse 37) Berg 33: Berggasse 15 Berg 34: Berggasse 16 (218) Berg 35: Berggasse 34 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 36: Berggasse 35 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 37: Berggasse 32 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 38: Bahnhofstraße 46 Berg 39: Hofmark 7 (219) Berg 40: Bahnhofstraße 45 Berg 41: Berggasse 25 Berg 42: Berggasse 26 Berg 43: Berggasse 31 Berg 41 und 42 (220) Berg 44: Berggasse 24 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 45: Bahnhofstraße 4 Berg 46: Bahnhofstraße 64 Berg 47: Berggasse 18 (221) Berg 48: Hofmark 5 Berg 49: Stifterstraße 67 Berg 50: Stifterstraße 31 Berg 51: Hofmark 9 (222) Berg 52: Berggasse 17 Berg 53 (alt): Baufläche 1956 gelöscht Berg 53 (neu): Berggasse 33 (Teil des Schlosses Berg) Berg 54: Bahnhofstraße 31 Berg 55: Bahnhofstraße 33 (223) Berg 56: Bahnhofstraße 35 Berg 57: Bahnhofstraße 37 Berg 58: Bahnhofstraße 39 Berg 59: Bahnhofstraße 41 Berg 60: Bahnhofstraße 65 (224) Berg 61: Bahnhofstraße 67 Berg 62: Wimholzsiedlung 1 Berg 63: Wimholzsiedlung 2 Berg 64: Wimholzsiedlung 3 Berg 65: Wimholzsiedlung 4 (225) Berg 66: Wimholzsiedlung 5 Berg 67: Wimholzsiedlung 6 Berg 68: Wimholzsiedlung 7 Berg 69: Wimholzsiedlung 8 (226) Berg 70: Wimholzsiedlung 9 Berg 71: Wimholzsiedlung 10 Berg 72: Wimholzsiedlung 11 Berg 73: Wimholzsiedlung 12 (227) Berg 74: Wimholzsiedlung 13 (227) Berg 75: Wimholzsiedlung 17 Berg 76: Wimholzsiedlung 15 Berg 77: Wimholzsiedlung 16 (228) Berg 78: Wimholzsiedlung 14 (228) Berg 79: Bahnhofstraße 54 Berg 80: Bahnhofstraße 53 Berg 81: Hofmark 8 Berg 82: Mitterweg 15 (229) Berg 83: Bergweg 20 (Berggasse 45) Berg 84: Bergweg 6 (Berggasse 38) Berg 85: Hofmark 11 Berg 86: Angerweg 2 Berg 87: Bahnhofstraße 59 (230) Berg 88: Stifterstraße 68 Berg 89: Hofmark 14 Berg 90: Bahnhofstraße 38 Berg 91: Bahnhofstraße 42 Berg 92: Bahnhofstraße 40 (231) Berg 93: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 3 Berg 94: Stifterstraße 33 Berg 95: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 10 Berg 96: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 5 Berg 97: Berggasse 30 Berg 98: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 7 (232) Berg 99: Hofmmark 13 Berg 100: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 4 Berg 102: Bergweg 13 Berg 103: Bahnhofstraße 62 (233) Berg 104: Bahnhofstraße 56 Berg 105: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 2 Berg 106: Stifterstraße 32 Berg 107: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 9 Berg 108: Bahnhofstraße 44 (234) [Abb.]: Bildstock beim Haus Berg 106 (Stifterstraße 32); der kielförmige Bogen erinnert an ein spätgotisches Vorbild. (235) Berg 109: Pfaffenberg 1 (Berggasse 27) Berg 110: Berggasse 22 Berg 111: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 11 Berg 112: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 15 Berg 113: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 6 (236) Berg 114: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 1 Berg 115: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 8 Berg 116: Bahnhofstraße 42a Berg 117: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 16 Berg 118: Mitterweg 16 (237) Berg 119: Spielplatzgasse 3 (237) Berg 120: Mokereistraße 1 Berg 121: Mokereistraße 2 Berg 122: Hofmark 10 Berg 123: Bahnhofstraße 36 (238) Berg 124: Bahnhofstraße 70 Berg 125: Bahnhofstraße 69 Berg 126: Mitterweg 5 Berg 127: Mitterweg 6 Berg 128: Mitterweg 7 Berg 129: Hofmark 12 (239) Berg 130: Wimholzsiedlung 18 Berg 131: Stifterstraße 43 (früher 38) Berg 132: Stifterstraße 435 (früher 39) Berg 133: Stifterstraße 47 (früher 40) Berg 134: Stifterstraße 49 (früher 41) Berg 135: Stifterstraße 31 (früher 42) (240) Berg 136: Stifterstraße 53 (früher 43) Berg 137: Stifterstraße 50 (früher 55) Berg 138: Stifterstraße 41 (früher 37) Berg 139: Hofmark 24 Berg 140: Bahnhofstraße 71 (241) Berg 141: Bahnhofstraße 51 (241) Berg 142: Bahnhofstraße 56 Berg 143: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 14 Berg 144: Mitterweg 17 Berg 145: Bergfeld 9 Berg 146: Stifterstraße 37 (früher 35) (242) Berg 147: Bergfeld 7 Berg 148: Bahnhofstraße 72 Berg 149: Wimholzsiedlung 24 Berg 150: Angerweg 1 (Bahnhofstraße 76) Berg 151: Bergfeld 5 Berg 152: Stifterstraße 34 (243) Berg 153: Stifterstraße 55 (früher 44) Berg 154: Molkereistraße 3 Berg 155: Molkereistraße 4 Berg 156: Stifterstraße 52 Berg 157: Bergfeld 4 (244) Berg 158: Höhenweg 5 (Berggasse 46) Berg 159: Molkereistraße 6 Berg 160: Stifterstraße 57 (früher 45) Berg 161: Bahnhofstraße 63 Berg 162: Bergfeld 1 Berg 163: Bahnhofstraße 34 (245) Berg 164: Wimholzsiedlung 20 Berg 165: Stift-Schägler-Siedlung 17 Berg 166: Stift-Schägler-Siedlung 18 Berg 167: Berggasse 47 Berg 168: Berggasse 48 (246) Berg 169: Bergfeld 6 (246) Berg 170: Angerweg 4 Berg 171: Angerweg 5 Berg 172: Bahnhofstraße 60 Berg 173: Mitterweg 13 (247) Berg 174: Angerweg 6 Berg 175: Bahnhofstraße 43 Berg 176: Bahnhofstraße 48 Berg 177 und 178: Bahnhofstraße 78 und 77 Berg 179: Bergfeld 2 Berg 180: Bergfeld 3 (248) Berg 181: Berggasse 29 Berg 182: Berggasse 39, 49 Berg 183: Berggasse 40 Berg 184: Berggasse 44 Berg 185 und 186: Bergweg 14a Berg 188: Bergweg 17 (249) Berg 189: Bergweg 18 und 18a Berg 190: Bergweg 24 Berg 191: Fürlingerberg 1 Berg 192: Fürlingerberg 4 Berg 193: Fürlingerberg 6 (250) Berg 194: Fürlingerberg 8 (250) Berg 195: Fürlingerberg 10 Berg 196: Höhenweg 1 Berg 197: Höhenweg 2 Berg 198: Hofmark 23 (251) [Abb.]: Maria Trost bei Rohrbach. ([252]) Berg 199: Berg 200: Maria Trost 5 Berg 201: Mitterweg 4 Berg 202: Pfaffenberg 6 Berg 203: Schulweg 5 Berg 204: Bergfeld 13 Berg 205: Stifterstraße 30 Berg 206: Stifterstraße 35 (253) [Abb.]: Kreuzsäule am Pfaffenberg auf der Kuppe des Zwischenmühlrückens gelegen, markiert einen Punkt von ganz besonders weitreichender Fernsicht (254) Berg 207: Stifterstraße 58 Berg 208: Stifterstraße 60 Berg 209: Stifterstraße 64 Berg 210: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 6a Berg 211: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 6b Berg 212: Stift-Schlägler-Siedlung 19 Berg 213: Wimholzsiedlung 22 Berg 214: Wimholzsiedlung 23 (255) Berg 215: Im Tal 4 Berg 216: Wimholzsiedlung 25 Berg 217: Wimholzsiedlung 26 Berg 218: Bahnhofstraße 50 Berg 219: Höhenweg 3 Berg 220: Rödernweg 4 Berg 221: Molkereistraße 13 Berg 222: Bahnhofstraße 49 (256) Berg 223: Höhenweg 9 Berg 224: Bergweg 10 Berg 225: Hafnerweg 1 Berg 226: Hafnerweg 2 Berg 227: Bergweg 8 Berg 228: Fürlingerweg 12 Berg 229: Stifterstraße 48 Berg 230: Berggasse 9 (257) Berg 231: Im Tal 15 Berg 232: Im Tal 22 Berg 233: Im Tal 23 Berg 234: Im Tal 25 Berg 235: Im Tal 26 Berg 236: Im Tal 30 Berg 237: Pfaffenberg 9 Berg 238: Bahnhofstraße 52 Berg 239: Mitterweg 9 Berg 240: Mitterweg 14 Berg 241: Molkereistraße 12 (258) [Abb.]: Grabstein des Franz Anton Graf von Rödern (gestorben am 20. März 1718) Der Stein befindet sich an der Straße vor der Garage des Hauses Berggasse 32 (Berg 37). (259) Anhang zu Berg: Literaturauswahl (260) Götzendorf ([261]) [Abb.]: Götzendorf ([261]) [Karte]: ([262]) Geschichtliche Entwicklung (263) Die Herren von Götzendorf 1180 -1422 (263) Herren von Oedt auf Götzendorf 1453 - 1756 (264) [Abb.]: Der Meierhof nach einer alten Aufnahme. Max Holzer, Verwalter Stöckl. ([265]) Fürsten von Lamberg 1758 - 1912 (267) Benefizium Götzendorf 1719 (267a) Nachträge zu Götzendorf (267b) [Abb.]: Wappenstein Wolf von Oedt ([268]) Häuserchronik Götzendorf (269) Götzendorf 1 (269) Götzendorf 2 (270) Literatur zu Götzendorf (270) Götzendorf 3 (270) [Abb.]: Gezendorf. Kupferstich des Schlosses Götzendorf aus dem Jahre 1674 (271) Götzendorf 4 (272) Götzendorf 5 (272) Götzendorf 6 (273) Götzendorf 7 (273) Götzendorf 8 (274) Götzendorf 9 (275) Götzendorf 10 (276) Götzendorf 11 (277) Götzendorf 12 (alt) (277) Götzendorf 12 (neu) (278) Götzendorf 13 (279) Götzendorf 14 (279) Götzendorf 15 (280) Götzendorf 16 (281) Götzendorf 17 (282) Götzendorf 18 (283) Götzendorf 19 (283) Götzendorf 20 (284) [Abb.]: Hammerschmiede Götzendorf 20. Die Zuleitung des Fischbaches zum Betreiben des schweren Schmiede-Hammers ist noch zu erkennen, die Schmiede jedoch längst nicht mehr in Betrieb. Derzeit bietet eine Gaststätte für Ausflügler und Wanderer willkommene Rast. Im Hintergrund das Nebenhaus, das Obergeschoß von einem geschnitzten Geländer umgeben. (285) Götzendorf 21 (286) Götzendorf 22 (287) Götzendorf 23 (alt) (287) Götzendorf 23 (neu) (288) Götzendorf 24 (288) [Abb.]: Christophorustafel. Spätgotisches Tafelbild, wohl bald nach 1500 entstanden, befand sich ursprünglich in der Schloßkapelle als Heiligenbild beim Hochaltar und wurde zu Beginn des 20. Jh. der Galerie des Stiftes Schlägl überschrieben. Möglicherweisee wurde sie anläßlich der Taufe des hanns Christoph von Oedt (um 1550) angeschafft. ([289]) Götzendorf 25 Götzendorf 26 (290) Götzendorf 27 Götzendorf 28 Götzendorf 29 (291) Götzendorf 30 Götzendorf 31 Götzendorf 32 Götzendorf 33 Götzendorf 34 Götzendorf 36 Götzendorf 37 (292) Götzendorf 39 Götzendorf 40 Götzendorf 41 Götzendorf 42 Götzendorf 43 Götzendorf 45 Götzendorf 50 Götzendorf 52 (293) [Abb.]: Johannes - Nepomuk - Statue. Dies wurde 1719 von Hanns Christoph von Oedt anläßlich seiner Übernahme von Schloß und Herrschaft Götzendorf und als Denkmal für seine 1719 verstorbene Ehefrau Charlotte von Geyersperg (Heirat 1707) errichtet. ([294]) [Abb.]: Dorfkapelle. Sie steht an der Straße zur Hammerschmiede und ist vielleicht identisch mit der Kapelle, über die Benedikt Pillwein 1830 geschrieben hat: 430 Schritte von der Schloßkapelle befindet sich eine dem Einsturz nahe Kapelle. Möglicherweise befand sich hier die Götzendorfer Madonna, bevor sie zum Schutz vor der Witterung und anderen Unbilden in ein Privathaus gebracht worden ist. ([296]) Götzendorf 56 Götzendorf 58 Götzendorf 59 (296a) [Abb.]: Die Götzendorfer Madonna kann stilistisch der Spätgotik zugerechnet werden und ist wohl kurz nach 1500 entstanden. Sie befand sich ursprünglich in der Schloßkapelle und ist derzeit in einem Privathaus (296b) Altenhofen. ([297]) [Abb.]: ([297]) [Karte]: Altenhofen ([298]) Häuserchronik Altenhofen (299) Altenhofen 1 (299) Altenhofen 2 (300) Altenhofen 3 (300) Altenhofen 4 (301) [2 Abb.]: Koblbauer. Der Stattliche Hof des Koblbauer (Altenhofen 5) mit dem restaurierten Türgericht vom Jahr 1810 ([302]) Altenhofen 5 (303) [2 Abb.]: Dorfkapelle gehört zum Haus Altenhofen 2 und ist bemerkenswert wegen ihrer zweiachsigen Anlage und der relativ qualitätsvollen Einrichtung: (1)Christus am Kreuz, in Holz geschnitzt, wohl 19. Jahrh., darunter ein Kästchen mit einem gewickelten Jesuskind, nach Art eines Reliquiars gestaltet. Früher befand sich bei der Kapelle noch ein Vorbau aus Holz mit Sitzbänken. (304) Arbesberg ([306]) [Karte]: Arbesberg ([306]) [Abb.]: Abb. Arbesberg 3 (307) Häuserchronik Arbesberg (308) Arbesberg 1 (308) Arbesberg 2 (309) [Abb.]: Dorfkapelle. Sie gehört zum Haus Nr. 3, dem Sonnleitner-Erbhof. Die Kapelle ist überdurchschnittlich gut gepflegt, mit frischen Blumen und grünen Sträuchern grschmückt, und enthält als große Seltenheit eine Madonna mit dem Jesuskind, beide mit Gewändern bekleidet, nach dem Vorbild des Hochaltares der Maria-Trost-Kirche am Berg bei Rohrbach. ([310]) Arbesberg 3 (311) Arbesberg 4 (312) Arbesberg 5 (312) Arbesberg 6 (313) Arbesberg 7 (314) Arbesberg 8 Arbesberg 9 Arbesberg 10 Arbesberg 11 Arbesberg 12 (315) Arbesberg 13 Arbesberg 14 Arbesberg 16 (316) Autengrub ([317]) [Abb.]: Autengrub wird urkundlich erstmals 1312 genannt: ([317]) [Karte]: Autengrub ([318]) Häuserchronik Autengrub (319) Autengrub 1 Doppelbauerngut (319) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oben rechts: Die frühere Dorfkapelle (2)Oben links: Die 1987 erbaute neue Dorfkapelle (3)Unten: Der Altar der neuen Kapelle ([320]) Autengrub 2 (321) Autengrub 3 Mitterbauerngut (322) Autengrub 4 (323) Autengrub 5 (324) Autengrub 6 (324) Autengrub 7.8 (325) Dobretshofen ([327]) [Abb.]: ([327]) [Karte]: ([328]) Häuserchronik Dobretshofen (329) Dobretshofen 1 (329) Dobretshofen 2 (329) Dobretshofen 3 (330) Dobretshofen 4 (331) Dobretshofen 5 (332) Dobretshofen 6 (333) [5 Abb.]: (1)Oben Dobtresthofen 5 wurde 1802 mit einer bemerkenswerten Stuckfassade versehen; Lorenz Windsteiger schmückte das Haus mit einem Fries, das Namen und Entstehungsjahr angibt; die Fenster des Obergeschoßes zierte er mit klassizistischen Elementen, dazwischen setzte er die Monogramme Jesu und Maria (ein absolut denkmalwürdiges Monument ländlicher Baukunst) Rechte Seite die Kapelle von Dobretshofen (2)Oben links: Kapelle beim Ruggerhof, mit einem schmucken modernen schmiedeeisernen Gitter versehen (3)oben rechts: Kreuzstein an der Landstraße, gußeiserner Kruzifixus mit versilbertem Schutzengel, auf Steinsockel montiert, datiert 1877 (4)unten links: Das Innere der Kapelle in Dobretshofen zeigt eine bäuerliche Malerei der Dreifaltigkeit, in den letzten Jahren aufgefrischt worden (5)unten rechts: Kapelle beim Grüblhof, 1971 neu erbaut anstelle einer baufälligen, die verkehrsmäßig ungünstig gelegen war ([334 - 335]) Dobretshofen 7 (336) Dobretshofen 8 (336) Dobretshofen 9.10 (337) Dobretshofen 11 (338) Dobretshofen 12 (339) Dobretshofen 13 (340) [Abb.]: Die Neumühle (Dobretshofen 12) an der kleinen Mühl, nach dem Türgericht 1829 von Jakob Koblmiller erbaut (340) Fraundorf ([341]) [Abb.]: ([341]) [Karte]: Fraundorf ([342]) Häuserchronik Fraundorf (343) Fraundorf 1 (343) Fraundorf 2 (344) Fraundorf 3 (344) Fraundorf 4 (345) Fraundorf 5 (346) Fraundorf 6 (347) Fraundorf 7 (347) Fraundorf 8 (348) Fraundorf 9 (349) Fraundorf 10 (350) [Abb.]: Kapelle des Hauses Fraundorf 1 erbaut 1856 von Johann Gahleitner renoviert circa 1980 (350) Frindorf ([351]) [Abb.]: ([351]) Die Gemeinde Frindorf (352) Die Bürgermeister von Frindorf [1854 - 1945] (353) [Karte]: Frindorf ([354]) Häuserchronik Frindorf (355) Frindorf 1 (355) Frindorf 2 (355) Frindorf 3 (356) Frindorf 4 (357) Frindorf 5 (358) [Abb.]: Kapelle. Anstelle der freistehenden Kapelle des Hauses Frindorf 5 wurde um 1980 eine Nische an der Außenmauer des Hauses gestaltet. Die Statue Maria mit dem Jesuskind stammt vom Bildhauer Ägidius Gamsjäger, Raffelding bei Eferding. Das Schmiedeeiserne Gitter machte Heinrich Grill, Kunstschmied in Rohrbach. (359) Frindorf 6 (360) Frindorf 7 (361) Frindorf 8 (361) Frindorf 9 (362) Frindorf 10 (363) Frindorf 11 (364) Frindorf 12 (364) Frindorf 13 (365) Frindorf 14 (366) Frindorf 15 (367) Frindorf 16.17 (367) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oben: Die Teufelsbruckmühle (Frindorf 16.17) (2)Rechts: Bildstock bei Frindorf vom Jahr 1670 ([368]) Frindorf 18 (369) Frindorf 19 Frindorf 20 (370) Fürling ([371]) [Abb.]: ([371]) [Karte]: Fürling ([372]) Häuserchronik Fürling (373) Fürling 1 (373) Fürling 2.19 (374) Fürling 3 (375) Fürling 4 (375) Fürling 5 Fürling 6 (377) Fürling 7 Fürling 8 (378) Fürling 9 (378) Fürling 10 Fürling 11 (alt) Fürling 11 (neu) (379) Fürling 12 Fürling 13 Fürling 14 Fürling 15 Fürling 16 (380) [2 Abb.]: (1)Breitpfeiler im Fürlingerholz an der Straße von Fürling nach Aigen-Schlägl datiert 1850 (2)Bildstock (sog. Hexensäule) an der Straße zwischen Berg (Molkerei) und Fürling (381) Fürling 17 Fürling 18 Fürling 19 Fürling 20 Fürling 21 Fürling 22 Fürling 23 Fürling 24 (382) Fürling 27 Fürling 28 Fürling 32 Fürling 33 Fürling 34 Fürling 35 Fürling 38 (383) [Abb.]: Kruzifix. Kreuzigungsdarstellung mit einem Blechschnitt-Christus beim Haus Fürling 1 (384) Gattergaßling ([385]) [Abb.]: ([385]) [Karte]: Gattergaßling ([386]) Häuserchronik Gattergaßling (387) Gattergaßling 1 (387) Gattergaßling 2 (388) Gattergaßling 3 Gattergaßling 4 (389) Gattergaßling 5 (389) [2 Abb.]: (1)Pfefferhof ist eines der traditionsreichsten Güter der Pfarre Rohrbach (Gattergaßling Nr. 5) (2)Grand des Pfefferhofes aus dem Jahr 1829; er war ursprünglich beim Asanger in Fraundorf 1 ([390]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bildstock bei Gattergaßling aus dem Jahr 1717 (2)Stuck in der Stube des Pfefferhofes (Gattergaßling 5 ) aus dem Jahr 1807 mit Christus- und Marien-Monogramm (391) Gattergaßling 6 Gattergaßling 7 (393) Gattergaßling 8 (393) Gattergaßling 9 (394) Gattergaßling 10 Gattergaßling 11 (395) [Abb.]: Kapelle beim Dorf Gattergaßling am Türgericht mit 1889 datiert doch vermutlich wesentlich älter (396) Gierling (397) [Abb.]: Gierling 2/3 ([398]) Häuserchronik Gierling (399) Gierling 1.2 (399) Gierling 3 (400) Gierling 4 (401) Gierling 5 (401) Gintersberg (403) [Karte]: Gintersberg ([404]) Gintersberg 1 (405) [Abb.]: Kapelle von Gintersberg (406) Gintersberg 2 ([407]) Gintersberg 3 ([407]) Gintersberg 4 (408) Gintersberg 5.6 (409) Gollner ([411]) [Abb.]: ([411]) [Karte]: ([412]) Häuserchronik Gollner (413) Gollner 1 (413) Gollner 2 (414) Gollner 3 (415) Gollner 4 (415) Gollner 5 (416) [2 Abb.]: Tür und Tor. Besonders gelungen gestaltetes Hoftor (durch geschmiedete Nägel das Sonnenrad angedeutet) und hübsche Haustüre (mit klassizistischen Elementen geschmückt) des Hauses Gollner 5 ([417]) [2 Abb.]: Abb. S. 418: (1)Links oben: Der stattliche Hof Gollner 5 (2)Links unten: Bäuerliche Pietà mit dem hl. Johannes Nep. und einem Pilger (Jakobus,? Felix?), Hauskapelle Gollner 7. ([418]) Gollner 6 (419) Gollner 7 (420) Gollner 8 (421) Gollner 9 (und 15) (422) Gollner 10 (423) Gollner 11.12 (424) Gollner 13 (425) Gollner 14 (426) Gollner 15 (426) Gollner 16 (427) Gollner 17 (428) Gollner 18 (428) Gollner 19 (429) Gollner 20 (429) Gollner 21 Gollner 22 (430 - [431]) [4 Abb.]: Zu den Abbildungen 431: (1)Oben links: Kapelle von Gollner mit Maria-Hilf-Bild, mit schmiedeeisernem Gitter versehen. (2)Oben rechts: Bildstock bei Gollner 5 aus dem Jahr 1690 (3)Unten links: Passionskreuz am Haus Gollner 18 (4)Unten rechts: Breitpfeiler bei Gollner 6 von 1852. Dieser Breitpfeiler wurde 1852 an der Straße zwischen Rohrbach und Gollner gesetzt zum Gedächtnis an den hier am 3. 1. 1852 am Schlagfluß verstorbenen Jakob Mandl aus Hintring; als an dieser Stelle ein Haus (Haslacherstr. 15) erbaut wurde, versetzte man den Bildstock zum Haus Gollner 6, weil hier eine Verwandte des Verstorbenen eingeheiratet hat (430 - [431]) Gollner 23 Gollner 24 Gollner 25 Gollner 26 Gollner 27 Gollner 28 Gollner 29 (432) Grub ([433]) [Karte]: Hauzenberg, Grub ([434]) Häuserchronik Grub (435) Grub 1 (435) Grub 2 (436) Grub 3 (437) Grub 4 Grub 5 Grub 6 (438) [Abb.]: Kapelle zwischen der Ortschaft Grub und dem Haus Grub Nr. 5 (439) Grub 7 Grub 8 Grub 9 (440) [Abb.]: Dreifaltigkeitsbild in der Kapelle zwischen Grub und dem Haus Grub 5. (441) Harau ([442]) [Karte]: Harrau ([442]) Häuserchronik von Harau (444) Harau 1.6 (444) Harau 2 (444) [Abb.]: Bildstock in Form einer Laterne mit Madonnenstatue, zur Erinnerung an Frau Maria Schauer, die ihren Hof (Harau 2) der Pfarrkirche Rohrbach vermacht hat, errichtet an der Stelle, wo die Kapelle ihres Hauses stand. Diesen Bildstock ließ die Pfarre Rohrbach vom Steinmetzmeister Karl Grünzweil, Helfenberg-Waldhäuser im Jahr 1976 anfertigen und aufstellen. ([445]) Harau 3.13 (446) Harau 4.5 (Inhäusel) (447) Harau 7 (448) Harau 8 Harau 9 Harau 10 Harau 11 (449) Harau 12 (Rohrbach 316) Harau 14 (450) Hauzenberg (451) Häuserchronik Hauzenberg (452) Hauzenberg 1 (452) Hauzenberg 2 (452) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kapelle des Hauses Hauzenberg 2 (2)Hauzenberg Blick auf Straße und Dorfanger (453) Hauzenberg3.6 (454) Hauzenberg 4 (455) [Abb.]: Kapelle an der Straßengabelung Hauzenberg/Grub, im Volksmund Wildin- (Witwen-) Kapelle bei Hauzenberg genannt; 1985 renoviert. (456) Hauzenberg 5 Hauzenberg 6 (457) Hauzenberg 7 (458) Hehenberg (459) [Karte]: Hehenberg (460) Häuserchronik Hehenberg (461) Hehenberg 1 (461) Hehenberg 2 (461) Hehenberg 3 (462) Hehenberg 4 (463) [2 Abb.]: Kreuzsäule an der Rohrbacher Bundesstraße vom Jahr 1663 gehört zum Rimpflergut (Hehenberg 5) (464) [Abb.]: Hehenberg. Blick auf die Streusiedlung, im Hintergrund der namenlose hohe Berg, von Kimerting aus ([465]) Schutzengel ([465]) Hehenberg 5 (466) Hehenberg 6 Hehenberg 7 (über Arbesberg) (467) Hehenberg 8 (über Arbesberg) (467) Hehenberg 9 (468) Hehenberg 10 (über Arbesberg) (468) Hehenberg 11 Hehenberg 12 (469) Hehenberg 13 Hehenberg 14 Hehenberg später Fürling 10 (470) Notiz zum Schutzengel von Hehenberg (470) Hintring (471) [Abb.]: Hintring 2 ([472]) [Karte]: Hintring ([472]) Häuserchronik Hintring (473) Hintring 1 (473) Hintring 2.3 (473) Hintring 4 (474) Hintring 5 (475) Hintring 6 (476) Hintring 7 (477) Hintring 8 (477) Hintring 9 Hintring 11 (478) Hundbrenning (479) Häuserchronik Hundbrenning (481) Hundbrenning 1 (481) [Karte]: Hundbrenning (482 - [483]) [4 Abb.]: Zu den Abbildungen der nächsten Seite: (1)Oben links: Bildstock bei Hundbrenning 18 neugotische, sorgfältige Formgebung (2)Oben rechts: Kreuzsäule zwischen Felberau und Hundbrenning (3)Unten links: Kapelle im Dorf Hundbrenning, von benachbarten Bäumen stark bedrängt (4)Unten rechts: Kapelle bei Hundbrenning 13 (Almesmühl, Krennschmiede) (482 - [483]) Hundbrenning 2.3 (484) Hundbrenning 4 (484) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hundbrenning, Dorfmitte (2) Hundbrenning 13 ([485]) Hundbrenning 5 (486) Hundbrenning 6 (alt) Hundbrenning 6 (neu) (487) Hundbrenning 7 Hofer (487) Hundbrenning 8 (488) Hundbrenning 9 (489) Hundbrenning 10 (490) Hundbrenning 11 (490) Hundbrenning 12 (491) Hundbrenning 13 (491) Hundbrenning 14 (492) Hundbrenning 15 (493) Hundbrenning 16 (alt) Hundbrenning 16 (neu) (494) Hundbrenning 17 (alt) Hundbrenning 17 (neu) Hundbrenning 18 (alt) Hundbrenning 18 (neu) Hundbrenning 19 (495) Hundbrenning 20 (495) Hundbrenning 21 Hundbrenning 22 Hundbrenning 23 (alt) Hundbrenning 23 (neu) (496) Katzing (497) [Karte]: Katzing (498) Häuserchronik von Katzing (499) Katzing 1 (499) Katzing 2.3 Katzing 3 (500) Katzing 4.5 (501) Katzing 6 (501) Katzing 7 (502) Katzing 8 (503) [Abb.]: Katzing ([504]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kapelle im Dorf Katzing (2)Kapelle bei Katzing 4/5 Schwalsed, Neumühl (505) Katzing 9 (506) Katzing 10 (506) Katzing 11 Katzing 12 Katzing 13 (507) Katzing 14 Katzing 15 Katzing 16 Katzing 17 Katzing 18 Katzing 19 (508) Keppling (509) [Karte]: Keppling (510) Häuserchronik Keppling (511) Keppling 1 (511) Keppling 2 (511) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kapelle im Dorfe Keppling (2)Unten: Inneres der Kapelle. Bäuerliche Malerei (512) Keppling 3.7 (513) Keppling 4 Ringsenberg (514) [2 Abb.]: (1)Keppling Ansicht von der Dorfstraße (2)Bildstock bei Ringsenberg ([515]) Keppling 5 (516) Keppling 6 (516) Keppling 9 Keppling 10 (517) Keppling 11 Keppling 12 Keppling 13 Keppling 15 Keppling 17 Keppling 18 Keppling 19 Keppling 20 (518) Krien (519) [Karte]: Krien (520) Häuserchronik Krien (521) Krien 1 (521) Krien 2 (521) Krien 3 (522) [2 Abb.]: (1)Krien Blick ins Dorf (2)Kapelle beim Haus Krien 5 ca. 1983 neu erbaut von der F. Feuerwehr ([523]) Krien 4 (524) Krien 5 (525) Krien 6 (525) Krien 7 (526) Krien 8 Krien 9 (527) Krien 10 Krien 11 Krien 13 (528) Lanzerstorf (529) Lanzerstorf (529) Häuserchronik Lanzerstorf (530) Lanzerstorf 1 (530) Lanzerstorf 2 (531) [Karte]: Lanzerstorf ( - ) Lanzerstorf 3 (532) Lanzerstorf 4 (533) [Abb.]: Lanzerstorf. Blick von Westen in die bäuerliche Siedlung (links Nr. 3 und 2, rechts Nr. 4 zu sehen) ( - ) Lanzerstorf 5 (534) Lanzerstorf 6 (535) Lanzerstorf 7 (alt) Lanzerstorf 7 (neu) (537) Lanzerstorf 8.9 (537) Lanzerstorf 10 (538) [Abb.]: Wolketsberg. Blick auf eines der modernisierten Häuser dieses Weilers ( - ) Lanzerstorf 11 (539) [Abb.]: Passionskreuz bei Wolketsberg, geschnitzt von Heinrich Vierlinger, Lanzerstorf 12, um das Jahr 1950 ([540]) Lanzerstorf 12.13 (541) Lanzerstorf 13 Lanzerstorf 14 (542) Lanzerstorf 15 Lanzerstorf 16 Lanzerstorf 17 Lanzerstorf 18 (543) Lanzerstorf 19 Lanzerstorf 20.29 Lanzerstorf 21 Lanzerstorf 22 Lanzerstorf 23 (544) Lanzerstorf 24 Lanzerstorf 25 Lanzerstorf 26 Lanzerstorf 27 Lanzerstorf 28 Lanzerstorf 29 (545) Lanzerstorf 30 Lanzerstorf 31 (546) Liebetsberg (547) [Abb.]: ([548]) [Karte]: Liebetsberg ([548]) Liebetsberg 1 (549) Liebetsberg 2 (549) Liebetsberg 3.9 (550) [Abb.]: Kapelle in Liebetsberg (551) Liebetsberg 4 (552) Liebetsberg 5 (552) Liebetsberg 6 (553) Liebetsberg 7 (553) Liebetsberg 8 (554) Märzing (555) [2 Karten]: (1)Obermärzing (2)Untermärzing (556) Märzing 1 (557) Märzing 2 (alt) (557) Märzing 2 (neu) (558) Märzing 3 (558) Märzing 4 (559) Märzing 5 (alt) Märzing 5 (neu) (560) Märzing 6 (561) Märzing 7 (561) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oben: Märzing 6 (2)Unten: Märzing 7 ([562]) Märzing 8.9 (563) Märzing 10 (564) Märzing 11 (= Hundbrenning 18) (565) [6 Abb.]: (1)Oben links: Breitpfeiler bei Untermärzing (2)Oben rechts: Passionskreuz am Haus Obermärzing 7 Abbildungen der rechten Seite: (3)Breitpfeiler in Obermärzing, eingemeißelter Text siehe Märzing 8.9 (4)Oben links: Madonna mit Jesuskind Rückseite des Breitpfeilers (5)Unten links: Kapelle in Untermärzing (Märzing 6). Wegen des Straßenbaues hierher versetzt (6)Unten rechts: madonna mit dem Jesuskind in moderner ansprechender Formgebung im Inneren der Kapelle von Märzing 6 (566 - 567) Märzing 12 (= Spielleiten 4) Märzing 13 Märzing 14 Märzing 15 (568) Mayrhof (569) [Abb.]: Troadkasten bei Mayhof (abgetragen) ([570]) [Karte]: Mayrhof ([570]) Mayrhof 1 (früher: Rohrbach 164) Mayrhof 3 (früher: Rohrbach 76 und 78) (571) Mayrhof 5 (früher Rohrbach 79) (572) Neundling (573) [Karte]: Neundling ([574]) Neundling 1 (575) Neundling 2 (575) Neundling 3 (576) Neundling 4 (577) Neundling 5 (577) Neundling 6.10 (578) Neundling 7 (579) Neundling 8 (580) Neundling 9 (580) Neundling 11 (581) Neundling 12 (582) Neundling 13 (beim "Kaiser) (583) Neundling 14 (583) Neundling 15 (584) Neundling 16 Neundling 17 Neundling 18 (585) Neundling 19 Neundling 20 Neundling 21 Neundling 22 Neundling 23 Neundling 24 Neundling 25 (586) Nößlbach (587) [Abb.]: ([588]) [Karte]: Nößlbach ([588]) Nößlbach 1.2 (589) Nößlbach 3 (590) Nößlbach 4.5 (591) Nößlbach 6.14 (592) Nößlbach 7 (592) Nößlbach 8 (593) [2 Abb.]: (1)Tannzepfenmühle (Nößlbach 9) (2)Holzhäusl bei der Tannzepfmühle (Nößlb. 10) Interessant hier die Holzbauweise auf einem gemauerten Sockel ([594]) Nößlbach 9 (595) Nößlbach 10 (596) Nößlbach 11.17 (596) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bildstock bei Nößlbach Kruzifix aus Gußeisen mit Maria, Johannes und Maria Magdalena (knieend Granitsockel mit Christusmonogramm IHS und Jahreszahl 1895 (2)Unten: Die Magerlmühle (Nößlbach 11) (597) Nößlbach 12 (alt) (598) Nößlbach 12 (neu) Nößlbach 13 Nößlbach 14 Nößlbach 15 (599) Nößlbach 16 Nößlbach 17 (von Nr. 11 abgetrennt 1986) Nößlbach Nößlbach 18 (600) Nößlbach 19 Nößlbach 20 Nößlbach 21 Nößlbach 22 Nößlbach 23 (601) Nößlbach 24 Nößlbach 25 Nößlbach 26 Nößlbach 27 Nößlbach 28 (602) Nößlbach 29 Nößlbach 30 Nößlbach 31 Nößlbach 32 Nößlbach 33 (603) Nößlbach 35 Nößlbach 36 Nößlbach 37 Nößlbach 38 (604) Oberfischbach (605) [Karte]: Oberfischbach (606) Oberfischbach 1 (607) Oberfischbach 2 (607) Oberfischbach 3 (alt) Oberfischbach 3 (neu) (608) Oberfischbach 4 (609) Oberfischbach 5 (609) [5 Abb.]: (1)Abbildung links: Schmiedeeisernes Kreuz zum Andenken an den 1885 zwischen Kimmerting und Oberfischbach im 19. Lebensjahr verunglückten Johannes Jell (Oberfischbach 7) (2)Abb. links unten: Ehrwürdiges Bauernhaus mit alten metallenen Fensterläden Abbildungen der rechten Seite (3)Obere Hälfte: Kapelle in Oberfischbach in den letzten Jahren sorgfältig renoviert (4),(5)Madonna mit dem Jesuskind, im Hintergrund 2 Engel mit den Symbolen des Leidens Christi, in der Kapelle in Oberfischbach. (610 - 611) Oberfischbach 6 (612) Oberfischbach 7 Oberfischbach 8 Oberfischbach 9 Oberfischbach 10 (613) Obergahleiten (614) [Abb.]: Hötzeneck (Obergahleiten 7) (614) [Karte]: Obergahleiten (616) Obergahleiten 1 (617) Obergahleiten 2 Gumpenberg (618) Obergahleiten 3 Ruetzhof (618) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abb. links: Kapelle beim Haus Obergahleiten 4 (2)Abb. unten: Obergahleiten Blick zur Dorfmitte (619) Obergahleiten 4 (620) Obergahleiten 5 (621) Obergahleiten 6 (622) Obergahleiten 7 Hötzeneck (622) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abb. links: Kapelle bei Pecketsberg (2)Abb. unten Pecketsberg (Obergahleiten 8) (623) Obergahleiten 8 Pecktesberg (624) Obergahleiten 9 (625) Obergahleiten 10 (626) Obergahleiten 11 (627) Obergahleiten 12 (627) Obergahleiten 13 (628) Obergahleiten 14 (629) Obergahleiten 15 Obergahleiten 16 Obergahleiten 17 Obergahleiten 19 (630) Peherstorf (631) [Karte]: Peherstorf (632) Peherstorf 1 (633) Peherstorf 2 (633) Peherstorf 3 (634) [2 Abb.]: (1)Peherstorf Nr. 1 (2)Oberöhlingerhof, Peherstorf 5 (635) Peherstorf 4 (636) Peherstorf 5 (637) Peherstorf 6 (638) Peherstorf 7 (639) Peherstorf 8 Peherstorf 9 (640) Perwolfing (641) [3 Karten]: (1)Rothberg (2)Perwolfing (3)Andexling (642) Perwolfing 1 (643) Perwolfing 2.8 (643) [2 Abb.]: Perwolfing (644) Perwolfing 3 (645) Perwolfing 4.16 (646) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abb. links: bei Perwolfing aus dem Jahr 1710 (2)Abb. rechts: Breitpfeiler beim Haus Perwolfing 3 (647) Perwolfing 5 Andexling (648) Perwolfing 6 (648) Perwolfing 7 (650) Perwolfing 8 (650) Perwolfing 9 Perwolfing 10 (651) Perwolfing 11.12 (651) Perwolfing 13 Perwolfing 14 Perwolfing 15 (652) Perwolfing 16 Perwolfing 17 Perwolfing 18 Perwolfing 19 Perwolfing 20 (653) Perwolfing 21 Perwolfing 22 Perwolfing 23 Perwolfing 24 (654) Pitretsberg (655) [Karte]: Pitretsberg (656) Pitretsberg 1 (657) Pitretsberg 2 (658) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abb. links: Kapelle beim Dorf Pitretsberg (2)Abb. unten Blick auf das Dorf Pitretsberg (659) Pitretsberg 3 (660) Pitretsberg 4.7 (660) Pitretsberg 5 (661) Pitretsberg 6 (662) Pitretsberg 7 Pitretsberg 8 (663) Pitretsberg 9 Pitretsberg 10 Pitretsberg 11 Pitretsberg 12 Pitretsberg 13 (664) Reith (665) [Karte]: Reith (666) Reith 1 (667) Reith 2.3 (667) Reith 3 (668) [Abb.]: Kapelle bei Reith bemerkenswert das aus Steinen gemauerte Dach (669) Reith 4 (670) Reith 5 (670) Reith 6 (671) Reith 7 Reith 8 (673) Reith 9 Reith 10 Reith 11 (674) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bildstock bei Kollonödt (Reith 13) (2)Detail dieses Bildstockes mit der Jahreszahl 1713. Die Initialen MFN sind derzeit nicht auflösbar (675) Reith 12 Grundbuch KG Steineck 57 Reith 13 Grundbuch KG Steineck 72 Reith 14 Grundbuch KG Steineck 58 (676) Reith 15 Grundbuch KG Steineck 59 Reith 16 Grundbuch KG Steineck 73 Reith 17 Grundbuch KG Steineck 162 Reith 18 Grundbuch KG Steineck 164 (677) Reith 19 Grundbuch KG Steineck 217 (678) [Abb.]: Grenzstein der Katastralgemeinde Steineck an der Straße bei Reith vom Jahr 1787 (678) Rumerstorf (679) [Karte]: Rumerstorf (680) Rumerstorf 1 (680) [2 Abb.]: (1)Links: Troadkasten in Rumerstorf (2)Unten: Blick auf Rumerstorf von der Kapelle zur Dorfmitte (682) Rumerstorf 2 Rumerstorf 3 (683) Rumerstorf 4 (684) Rumerstorf 5.9 (684) Rumerstorf 6 (685) Rumerstorf 7 (686) [2 Abb.]: (1)Links: Kapelle von Rumerstorf 8, erbaut im Jahr 1978 (2)Rechts: Bildstock bei Rumerstorf 8. Stand als Pestsäule ursprünglich im nahen Buchetwald, soll dort ein Pestgrab angezeigt haben; wurde im Jahr 1964/65 ins Dorf versetzt und 1985 renoviert, nachdem sie von einem Lastkraftwagen umgefahren worden war (687) Rumerstorf 8 Rumerstorf 9 Rumerstorf 10 (688) Rumerstorf 11 (früher 3) Rumerstorf 12 Rumerstorf 13 (689) [Abb.]: Eingangstür zum Troadkasten von Rumerstorf, das dargestellte Muster meint die Sonnenscheibe und gibt Zeugnis vom sicheren Formgefühl der ländlichen Zimmerer (690) Scheiblberg (691) [Karte]: Scheiblberg (692) Scheiblberg 1 (693) [2 Abb.]: Scheiblberg 1 (694) Scheiblberg 2 (695) Scheiblberg 3 (696) Scheiblberg 4 (696) [2 Abb.]: (1)Scheiblhof (Scheiblberg 4) (2)Ehrenreiter (Scheiblberg 7.8) (697) Die Herleinsberger. (699) Scheiblberg 5.6 (701) [2 Abb.]: Herleinsperg (Scheiblberg 5) (1)Links: Die "Oberntür", gestaltet in Renaissanceformen, vor 1600 entstanden (1973 abgetragen) (2)Unten: Der Grand des Johann Berger vom Jahr 1829 (702) Scheiblberg 6 (703) Scheiblberg 7.8 (703) Scheiblberg 7 (neu) (704) Scheiblberg 9 (704) Scheiblberg 10 (705) Scheiblberg 11 (705) Scheiblberg 12 Scheiblberg 13 Scheiblberg 14 Scheiblberg 15 (706) Scheiblberg 16 Scheiblberg 17 Scheiblberg 18 Scheiblberg 19 Scheiblberg 20 Scheiblberg 21 (707) Scheiblberg 22 Scheiblberg 23 Scheiblberg 25 Scheiblberg 26 (708 - 709) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oben links: Kreuzsäule beim Bruckhäusl, Scheiblberg 9 hier datiert mit dem Jahr 1850 (2)Oben rechts: Die Brücke über den Froschbach in einfacher, gefälliger Formgebung; am Gewölbe datiert 1857 (3)Unten links: Kapelle unterhalb des Scheiblhofs (4)Unten rechts: Kapelle oberhalb des Scheiblhofs, ursprünglich eine Christophoruskapelle (708 - 709) Scheiblberg 27 Scheiblberg 28 Scheiblberg 30 Scheiblberg 31 Scheiblberg 34 Scheiblberg 35 (710) Schönberg (711) [Karte]: Schönberg (712) Schönberg 1 (713) Schönberg 2 (713) Schönberg 3 (714) Schönberg 4 (715) Schönberg 5 (716) Schönberg 6 (717) Schönberg 7.8 (717) Schönberg 9 (718) Schönberg 10.11 (719) Schönberg 11 (neu) (720) [Abb.]: Schönberg 4, Kapelle (720) Sexling (721) [Karte]: Sexling ([722]) Sexling 1.10 (723) Sexling 2.3 (723) [2 Abb.]: Sexling (1)Links: Bildstock bei Sexling, Inschrift GK 1832 (GK kann Georg Kobler oder Georg Kitzmüller bedeuten, Nr. 1 od. 7.8) (2)Unten Blick ins Dorf Sexling (724) Sexling 2 (neu) (725) Sexling 4 (725) Sexling 5.6 (726) Sexling 7.8 (727) Sexling 8 (neu) (728) Sexling 9 (728) Sexling 10 (Eigentümer siehe Sexling 1) (729) Sexling 11.12 (729) [2 Abb.] Zizelbauer (sexling 11.12) (1)Links: Kapelle beim Zizelhof (2)Unten: Blick auf den Zizelhof von Maria Trost aus (730) Sexling 13 (731) Sexling 14 (731) Sexling 15 Grundbuch KG Berg 119 (732) Sexling 16 (732) Sexling 17 (alt) Klingreithhäusel Herrschaft Berg 3/843 Grundbuch KG Berg 121 (733) Sexling 17 (neu) Sexling 18 herrschaft Pürnstein 161/681 Grundbuch KG Berg 122 (734) Sexling 19 Grundbuch KG Berg 153 (734) Sexling 20 Von Nr. 7.8 abgeschieben Sexling 21 Grundbuch KG Berg 270 Sexling 22 Grundbuch KG Berg 388 Sexling 23 Grundbuch KG Berg 410 (735) Sexling 24 Grundbuch KG Berg 462 Sexling 25 Grundbuch KG Berg 487 Sexling 26 Grundbuch KG Berg 489 Sexling 27 Grundbuch KG Berg 514 Sexling 28 Grundbuch KG berg 529 Sexling 29 Grundbuch KG Berg 536 (736) Sexling 30 Grundbuch KG Berg 626 Sexling 32 Grundbuch KG Berg 661 Sexling 33 Grundbuch KG Berg 660 Sexling 35 Grundbuch KG Berg 669 Sexling 36 Grundbuch KG Berg 663 Sexling 40 Grundbuch KG Berg 637 (737) Sexling 44 Grundbuch KG Berg 662 Sexling 47 Grundbuch Haus Nr. 7 in Sexling: KG Berg 220 Sexling 34 Sexling 37 Sexling 42 Sexling 43 Sexling 48 Sexling 51 (738) Spielleiten (739) [Karte]: Spielleiten (740) Spielleiten 1 (741) [Abb.]: Spielleiten 1 (742) Spielleiten 2 Spielleiten 3 (743) Spielleiten 4 (alt) Spielleiten 4 (neu) (744) Sprinzenstein (745) Eigentümer des Schlosses und der herrschaft Sprinzenstein [1253 - 1972] (746) Sprinzenstein als politische Gemeinde (1850 - 1945) (747) [Karte]: Sprinzenstein ([748]) Sprinzenstein 1 (749) Sprinzenstein 2.13 (749) [5 Abb.]: (1)Kupferstich des Schlosses Sprinzenstein aus dem Jahr 1674 von Georg Matthäus Vischer in der Topographia Austriae Superioris Modernae, Blatt 171. (2)Oben links: Felix-Kapelle beim Dorf Sprinzenstein mit der Inschrift: Gestiftet zu Ehren des heiligen Felix im Jahre nach Christi Geburt MDCCLX (1760). (3)Oben rechts: Statue des hl. Felix, wahrscheinlich aus dem Jahr 1760 (4)Unten rechts: Johannes Nepomuk-Kapelle zwischen Sprinzenstein und Altenhofen an der Landstraße, von mächtigen Bäumen stark eingeengt (5)Unten links: Statue Johannes Nepomuk aus dieser Kapelle. (750 - 751) Sprinzenstein 3 Sprinzenstein 4 (752) Sprinzenstein 5 (752) [2 Abb.]: Sprinzenstein (1)Kreuzsäule beim Schloß Sprinzenstein aus dem Jahr 1598 (2)Das Schloß am Abhang zur Kleinen Mühl in natürlich geschützter Lage (753) Sprinzenstein 6 (alt) (754) Sprinzenstein 6 (neu) Sprinzenstein 7 (755) [2 Abb.]: Sprinzenstein (1)Das Wappen des Schlosses Sprinzenstein in einer Renaissance-Kartusche: Oben rechts gekrönter schwarzer Greif (vogel), unten links ein Sprinz auf Steinen (redendes Wappen); oben links und unten rechts fünf schräg geteilte Felder; im Herzschild wachsender silberner Auerochs (2)Die Taverne des Schlosses mit der Bauinschrift 1574, eines der ältesten gemauerten Häuser der Gegend (756) Sprinzenstein 8 Sprinzenstein 9 (757) Sprinzenstein 10 Sprinzenstein 11.14 (758) Sprinzenstein 12 (alt) (758) [2 Abb.]: Sprinzenstein (1)Das Schloß, am Abhang zur Kleinen Mühl, von gewaltigen Fundamentmauern getragen (2)Die Sprinzelmühle (Sprinzenstein 11.14) in der Nähe des Schlosses an der Kleinen Mühl war lange Zeit Mühle und Säge (759) Sprinzenstein 12 (neu) Sprinzenstein 13 (760) Sprinzenstein 14 Sprinzenstein 15 Sprinzenstein 17 (761) Literatur zur Geschichte Sprinzensteins (762) Steineck (763) [Karte]: Steineck (764) Steineck 1 (765) Steineck 2 (765) [2 Abb.]: Steineck Voitenhof (Steineck 9.10) (766) Steineck 3 (alt) (767) Steineck 3 (neu) (768) Steineck 4 (768) Steineck 5 (769) Steineck 6 (770) Steineck 7 Pfeffermühle (770) [2 Abb.]: Pfeffermühle (Steineck 7) (1)Blick auf die angestaute Große Mühl mit der Zuleitung zur Mühle (2)Blick auf die Pfeffermühle in Richtung Nordwesten (771) Steineck 8 (772) [2 Abb.]: Pfeffermühl-Kapelle (1)Links: Ansicht der Kapelle, die in den letzten Jahren renoviert worden ist. (2)Rechts: Bild mit folgender Inschrift: Erinnerung an Jakob Stegmüler, welcher den 10. Juli 1881 verunglückte. Es wird gebeten um einen Vater Unser. Die Darstellung (bäuerliche Malerei) zeigt den Kanal mit unterschlächtigen Wasserrädern, darüber ein Maria-Hilf-Bild nach Vorbild des Passauer Cranach-Bildes. (773) Steineck 9.10 (774) Steineck10 (774) Steineck 11 Steineck 12 (775) Steineck 13 (775) Steineck 14 Steineck 17 Steineck 18 Steineck 15 Steineck 16 (776) Unterfischbach (777) [Karte]: Unterfischbach ([778]) Unterfischbach 1 (779) Unterfischbach 2 (779) Unterfischbach 3 (780) Unterfischbach 4 (781) [2 Abb.]: Unterfischbach (1)Freiluftmalerei (Fresko?) am Haus Unterfischbach 3 mit dem Sinnspruch: Segle ruhig weiter, Gott ist dein Begleiter, Auch wenn der Mast bricht, Gott verläßt dich nicht. Signiert mit "List" und dattiert 19. 6. 1987. (2)Blick auf das Dorf Unterfischbach mit seinen teilweise modernisierten Häusern. (782) Unterfischbach 5 (783) Unterfischbach 6.7 (783) Unterfischbach 8 (784) [2 Abb.]: Kapellen von Unterfischbach (1)Links: Kapelle bei Unterfischbach 2, erbaut im Jahr 1949, signiert mit den Initialen L A Ar (Ludwig und Anna Anreiter) und der Inschrift "Gelobt sei Jesus Christus" mit Schablonenbuchstaben (2)rechts: Kapelle beim Ruetzhof (Unterfischbach 6.7), in den letzten Jahren vorbildlich renoviert worden; im Inneren Gedächtnisinschriften an die verstorbenen der Eigentümerfamilie (785) Wandschamel (787) [Karte]: Wandschaml (788) Wandschamel 1.3 (789) Wandschamel 2.7 (789) [Abb.]: Wandschamel - Dorfmitte (790) Wandschamel 4 (791) [2 Abb.]: Kapellen von Wandschamel (1)Links: Hötzendorferkapelle an der Rohrbacher Bundesstraße zwischen der Wimholzsiedlung und der Bahnüberquerung (2)Rechts: Wegerhof-Kapelle (Wandschamel 5.6) (792) Wandschamel 5.6 (793) [Abb.]: Wegerhof-Kapelle. Die Dreifaltigkeit als Gnadenthron, bäuerliche Malerei aus dem Jahr 1744, renoviert 1856 von HHHH, und 1967 von Hans Küblböck (794) Wandschamel 8 (Das Kellerhäusl) (795) Wandschamel 9 Wandschamel 10 Wandschamel 11 Wandschamel 12 Wandschamel 13 (796) Anhang Register der Personen- und Ortsnamen Photonachweis ([797]) Register der Personen- und Ortsnamen zusammengestellt von Isfried H. Pichler (798) A (799) B = P (800) C siehe K (805) D = T (805) E (807) F = V (808) G (811) H (814) I = J (819) K = C (819) L (823) M (826) N (828) O (829) P siehe B (830) R (830) S (833) SCH (833) SEB (836) SP (836) ST (837) U (839) W (839) Z (842) Photonachweis (843) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

Issue 61.3 of the Review for Religious, 2002. ; Review for Religious helps people respond and be fait~hful to God?s universal call to holiness by making available tO them the spiritual legacies~ that flow from the charisms of Catholic consecrated life, Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bimonthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393 Telephone: 314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: review@slu.edu ¯ Web site: www.reviewforreligious.org Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ° St. Louis, MO 63108-3393 Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP Mount St. Mary's Seminary; Emmitsburg, Maryland 21727 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©2002 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for persQnal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. vie w for religious LIVING OUR CATHOLIC LEGACIES Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Clare Boehmer ASC Philip C. Fischer SJ Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm Judy Sharp James and Joan Felling Adrian Gaudin SC Sr. Raymond Marie Gerard FSP Eugene Hensell OSB Ernest E. Larkin OCarm Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla sJ Miriam D. Ukeritis CSJ MAY JUNE 2002 VOLUME 61 NUMBER 3 contents 23O spiritual growth Transformative Aspects of Spirituality George A. Maloney SJ emphasizes the need for us to rediscover the personal, interrelational, triune creator God and thereby find a spiritual renewal in our Christian practices of prayer and asceticism. 242 St. Alphonsus and Today's Spiritual Direction Dennis J. Billy CSSR examines St. Alphonsus's relevance as a "spiritual master" and identifies elements that people can use in their own practice of spiritual direction. 252 265 dialogue Louise de Marillac and Elizabeth Seton: Women of Spirit Anne Higgins DC and Betty Ann McNeil DC allow Louise de Marillac and Elizabeth Seton to speak out how their lives as wives, mothers, widows, and spiritual leaders model the life of the Spirit for contemporary women in ministry. From Paschal Mystery to Reconciliation, from ASCs tO Adorers Regina Siegfried ASC traces the expansion and maturing of her own religious congregation's foundational charism, modeling for other congregations how to discover their still relevant and appropriate gift in contemporary society. Review for Religious 272 religious life culture Distinctiveness, Diversity, and Commoness in Consecrated Life Deborah M. Cerullo SSND proposes ways of dealing with diversity and externalizing our new reality so that we sustain the distinctiveness that is religious life. 281 The Culture of Religious Life within Asian Culture Nihal Abeyasingha CSSR outlines some considerations that Asian religious need to observe when adapting to Asian culture, not merely fitting in but challenging the culture to conversion. 299 reflections Why Only Three Evangelical Counsels? Brendan Kneale FSC offers some new reasons to the traditional ones for our having three defining vows for consecrated life. He echoes Pope John Paul's challenge to clarify the anthropological significance of the counsels. 3O8 Religious Life Revisited Lucy Fuchs reflects on some aspects of religious life, with her reflections occasioned .by a fifty-year reunion of those wh.o stayed as religious and those who left. departments 228 Prisms 313 Canonical Counsel: Voluntary Departure 320 Book Reviews May-June 2002 prisms In several ways, known to us all, Christianity is a scandalous religion. The GreeE word skandalon means a small stone that causes one to trip or fall. "To scandalize," then, is to be a stone that, deliberately or not, causes another to fall. In the Old Testament, God is sometimes a scandal. By his manner of acting or not acting, especially in their times of exile, the Israelites see God as a scandal. The prophet Isaiah identifies God as the stone of scan-dal and the rock that causes the two houses of Israel to fall (Is 8:14). In the New Testament, we find this text of Isaiah applied to Christ in the first letter of Peter (1 P 2:8). Jesus is a scandal, a sign of contradiction against which people's hearts become hardened. Paul bluntly proclaimed that our preaching Christ crucified is "a scandal for the Jews and folly for the gentiles" (1 Co 1:23). If we place ourselves within a Buddhist or Muslim culture, we begin to realize how much a scan-dal the mysteries of the incarnation, the crucifixion, and the resurrection remain for people. God becom-ing man?--why would God ever want to do that? God dying shamefully as a criminal?--that is no reason-able or respectable idea of God. God being raised from the dead and. keeping a human body for eternity?-- that is too much even for those who like science fic-tion. Jesus Christ truly is a scandal. Just like the ubiquitous stones that cause us to trip .and fall, so Jesus knows that scandals in human life Review for Religious are inevitable. When at our best, we Christians in our good-ness will sometimes appear and even be scandalous to others. Our belief in Christ can scandalize. Perhaps our sacramental worship--eating and drinking the Body and Blood of Christ-- gives scandal. Franciscan poverty was a scandal to burghers of the 13th century. To some in the 16th century, there was scan-dal in Jesuits claiming to be religious but not singing the Divine Office and not having distinctive religious garb. Maybe 2 lst-century religious women serving the poor and needy on all sides of a civil conflict are a scandal. Just as Jesus himself is a scandal to certain people of his time, so "goodness" can be a scandal even within Christ's church. Like Jesus, we do not want our goodness to be a scandal to others so that their faith in God is shaken or their charity is lessened. While trying to avoid scan-dal in our doing good, we know ourselves to be part of a scan-dalous Christianity. But there is the dark side of scandal in Christianity. Jesus speaks harshly about those who deliberately cause another to fall into sin and to lose faith in God. "It would be better for him to be thrown into the sea., than that he should trip up a single one of these little ones" (Lk 17:2). Jesus had a sharp word for Peter, accusing Peter of trying "to trip him up" by saying the crucifixion should never have to happen (see Mt 16:23). The church in the United States is being buffeted by scan-dals centering on priests sexually abusing young people and on bishops for their lack of oversight. The stumbling blocks have been experienced not only by the victims, but also by many parishioners whose trust of the church and faith in God are undermined. Our human scandal, causing others to fall into evil or distance themselves from God, is a sin. Sin demands repen-tance, seeks God's forgiveness and, if possible, our wronged neighbors' forgiveness too. The darkness of human scandal in all too many places is lightened only by the scandal of a God we call Savior and Redeemer, a God who is just, but also patient and merciful. Thank God we belong to a scandalous Christianity. David L. Fleming SJ May-3~une 2002 spiritua growth GEORGE A. MALONEY Transformative Aspects of Spirituality The human race has entered a new age. We are too close to the launching of it to know what is really happening or to see where it will lead us. We are like adolescents seeking meaningfulness in newfound powers emerging inside them and exploding confusedly around them. We feel a tension between pessimism, even fear, and optimistic dreams of a world of increasing richness. Through satellites we are in immediate contact not only with people and events all around planet Earth, but also with other planets as well. In a way our universe is shrinking, for distant parts of it are becoming more and more present to us. But we also stand in frightened isolation against the reality exploding before us into mysteries that we cannot handle with our limited human knowledge. One way to cope with such richness and apparent meaninglessness is to retreat into ourselves. We can build physical and psychological walls around us; George A. Maloney sJ has taught theology, edited the jour-nal Diakonia, conducted and directed many retreats, written articles (including four in this journal, 1965 to 1995), and published sixty-three books. His address is Contemplative Ministries; 13338 Del Monte Drive, #3-K; Seal Beach, California 90740. Review for Religious within the narrow confines of ~elf-centered consumerism, sports, cults, and new and old religious ideas that favor ghetto living, we can live in "splendid isolation" from the rest of the world. Traditional Western Christian views, based largely on Scholastic philosophy and theology and Newtonian physics, no longer seem adequate. An overemphasis on impersonal dogmas and structures and rituals is yielding to a search for revitalization. People seek transcendence and personal experience of God in their lives. Carl Jung has shown how some people use the institutional, dogmatic, and ritual aspects of their religion as a defense against subjective, inner religious experience. His writings strongly advocate that the quest for religious experience is an integral and necessary part of the search for our true self) The rationalistic framework that has been used to present Christianity to the West is in need of a complementary vision. Such a vision would not really be new. It is found in the Old and New Testaments. It is an openness to God as mystery, meeting the transcendent God in reverential awe and wonderment. It takes our eyes away from ourselves as the exploiting center of the universe and focuses on a humbly adoring response to God's invitation to share his divine life. Abraham J. Heschel, the great Jewish mystic and theologian, captures this contrast between a heavily accentuated, rational approach and one of perceptual intuition: "Most of our attention is given to the expedient, to that which is conducive to our advantage and which would enable us to exploit the resources of our planet . But there is more than one aspect of nature that commands our attention. We go out to meet the world, not only by way of expediency, ~ but also by way of wonder. In the first we accumulate information in order to dominate; in the second we deepen our appreciation in order to respond.''2 A Transcendent but Als0 Immanent God Most of us grew up with a Newtonian understanding of the universe, of God, and .of ourselves. In this paradigm God is "up there," a static observer of a .mechanical world. He directs the world through the laws of mechanics which are built into the cosmos. What moves through abs'olute space and time are May-June 2002 Maloney ¯ Tran~formative Aspects of Spirituality God is seen as energizing Love, acting on all of his creation from inside as well as outside. material particles called ,atoms: small, solid, indestructible things, the basic building blocks for all material creatures. In 1905 Albert Einstein published his special theory of relativity and "slew a beautiful theory with an ugly fact," in the words of T.H. Huxley. He proved that space and time form a four-dimensional continuum (space-time) and showed that all reality is relational. Norman Pittenger, a process theologian, describes this dynamic universe well: "We live in and we are confronted by a richly interconnected, interrelated, interpenetrative series of events, just as we ourselves are such a series of events."3 In such a view, all of us being part of God's creation, God is seen as energizing Love, acting on all of his creation from inside as well as outside. He is seen, not as a God up there or over there--as an object--but as a triune community of personal love, interacting with all his creatures, ordering all seeming chaos into loving unity. He leads all things in a dance of harmonious motion, stretching toward greater complexity hnd yet greater union. This God is truly, as St. Paul told the Athenians, not far from us, "for in him we live and move and have our being" (Ac 17:28). ~ Einstein describes how science and religion are in intimate relationships with each other~through the gift of mystical wonderment: "The most beautiful and most profound emotion we can experience is the sensation of the mystical. It is the sower of all true science. He to whom this emotion is a stranger, who can no longer wonder and stand rapt in awe, is as good as dead. To know that what is impenetrable to us really exists, manifesting itself as the highest wisdom and the most radiant beauty which our dull faculties can comprehend only in their most primitive forms--this knowledge, this feeling, is at the center of true religiousness.4 Such wisdom and beauty can come .only in the religious insight that all human beings and all of our material cosmos are interrelated and interdependent, through a sense of community, of belonging together and sharing the riches that God has given. It is through interior prayer, through humble and loving Review for Religious adoration, that we can encounter God as a personal, loving, infinite sphere whose center is everywhere and circumference nowhere, and who embraces each of his creatures in the unity of his dynamic, loving creativity. Only in such intimate oneness with God can we receive living knowledge that is also transforming love. Only such experienced love will allow us to see our unique place in the whole of creation. Transformed by such oneness with God, we can stretch out creatively to bring about a more loving universe. Before we can rediscover some Christian practices to help in our renewal in this young millennium, we need to rediscover the personal, interrelational, triune creator God. This brings up the perennial question asked by Eastern and Western Christianity: How does God, who in his true essence is unreachable and unknowable, come to us? If he is perfect and unchangeable, how can he relate to us? "No one has ever seen God" (1 Jn 4:12, Jn 1:18). We would have to be God in order to know him fully. Yet the good news Jesus brings us is that God so loves this world as to give us his Son so that we may share in God's own nature, even in this life and more fully in the life to come (2 P 1:4). This is why the early Eastern Fathers always insisted on the distinction between God's essence and his uncreated energies. It preserves the awesome transcendence of God that can never be totally possessed by finite creatures. God Is Primal Grace Of all God's material creatures, only we human beings are an unfinished nature that has been gifted by God with spiritual faculties to communicate with his knowledge and love. We are capable of freely receiving God's communications and responding to his call to become divinized children of so loving a Father (1 Jn 3:1). The redemptive work of the crucified and risen Jesus consists in giving us his Spirit of love, through whom we may know the Father and the fullness of the Son On 17:3). Thus we can become true children of God On 1:12, Rrn 8:15, Ga 4:6). This "going forth" of God, to use Pseudo-Dionysius's term, is simply grace in its primal sense. It is God in 'his hesed, covenantal love, pursuing his people by stretching out his "two hands-- Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit," in the words'of St. Irenaeus. May-~une 2002 Maloney * Transformative AspectsofSpirituality God is, therefore, grace as he goes out of himself in his uncreated energies to share with us his very own life. We can truly know God and experience him intimately. Mthough in his Godhead or essence he is totally incomprehensible, yet in his energies he can be experienced as perfect love giving itself to us. In this experience of God as free gift of love, we can know him in his personal love toward us and can cooperate with his loving energies toward others. God's energies are the loving relationships of the Persons of the Trinity with regard to ourselves. God's activities are not divided.into sacred and secular, the supernatural and the natural. These energies are not "created things." They are God himself in self-giving to us in one essence of love, yet in three distinct Persons. The energies are personal. They are the whole Trinity acting in loving self-giving to all creatures. In such a view, God is never inactive.regarding us and his created worlds~ Grace, then, is not a created "thing" that God heaps upon us when we pray ardently. God permeates all persons, all things, all events by his personal, loving, uncreated energies. Every thing, every event, in the universe is "graced" and penetrated by God at each moment. It is for us to find new eyes to see this presence. This is possible through Jesus' resurrection. He brings us this "new life" as a Person, fully God and fully human. We are branches of his life-giving vine; he is our bridge to the Father. Body-Soul Relationships The way we perceive ourselves as human beings is the way we relate to other human beings and to God. For centuries we have viewed human beings as entities existing all by themselves. We have failed to see ourselves as persons oriented toward others in body-soul-spirit relationships. Instead, through Platonism's way of expressing Western Christianity, the human being was seen as a cgmbination of a body and a separable rational soul. The body was seen as material and perishable, the soul as immortal by its nature: it could live forever after being separated from the body in death. In the 17th century, Descagtes did more than any other thinker to create the impression of the body and soul being two Review for Religious distinct, objective entities. Such an objectivization of the body and the soul left its heavy mark upon our Western Christian idea of how we relate to God, ourselves, others, and the world around us. Such a view of the human person does not fit well with the biblical vision of human beings' relationships with God, others, and the entire created world. St. Paul describes a human person as being in the process of becoming holy and blameless, "spirit, soul, and body, for the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ" (1 Th 5:23). The Bible does not present a human being as one who "possesses" a living soul, but rather as a living "ensouled" body-person. A human person does not have a body as a possession; the ensouled body is the whole person. This human person, accordingly, in his or her totality, exists in relationship with all of matter and with the trinitarian God, whose being pure spirit does not prevent the Son from being incarnate among us. God (as ruah) breathes into human beings and restores them to a new love relationship with God. If God, then, is so dynamically present to us, why do we not "see" him everywhere? Because, as we have said, our concept of ourselves as "possessing" several objects, a body and a soul, has led us to think of God as an object outside of ourselves, usually in a lofty region called heaven. We :have forgotten the immanence of the passionately loving Trinity, God dwelling within us. In our prayer we approach God "rationally,".as persons who see ourselves as the center of our own activity and who see God as the "object" out there to whom we pray. The philosopher Martin Heidegger can furnish us with insights for a new vision of God and ourselves. For him God is a dynamic, energetic force, never static, but always revealing himself to us in the events of each day. Truth is an event, not an abstract concept. It is an event of "nonconcealment," a "revelation," a stripping away of the veil so that the fullness of Being may shine forth,s The infinite God, of course, never becomes fully revealed to human beings. ~ The fullness of God's infinite Being, his Godhead, remains hidden, but is glimpsed as We have forgotten the immanence of the passionately loving Trinity, God dwelling within us. May-3~une 2002 Maloney ¯ Transformative Aspects of Spirituality the Ground of all created beings. To see God in his revelation is to love ourselves and all other creatures by a created participation in the uncreated and all-powerful love of God. Diaphanous Matter God is present in all things with his loving activity. In our contemplation, then, we should see God existing in all of his material creation and working in our very own bodies to bring them into the harmony of "spirit, soul, and body" that Paul speaks of'(1 Th 5:23). Jesus used his human body in communicating with his heavenly Father, finding his Father working in and through his human body. Jesus could enjoy the Father's love in being there, in his body. His body was also the place where the Father's energies were at work. If Paul could write, "Your body, you know, is the temple of the Holy Spirit" (1 Co 6:19), how much more must Jesus have known the sacredness of his body? He used his body as a gift to communicate God's Spirit in love to all whom he met. We too are to use our bodies integrally as part of ourselves: who we are as whole persons living lives as receivers and givers, as persons who are loved and love in return, growing into greater likenesses of Christ by God's presence within us. If God's energies touch us in our bodily relationships, then our bodies can experience the effects of God's loving activity. The idea that our bodies are basically evil, or at least not very sacred, must change to a more incarnational view. We should find God's goodness in the feeding and clothing of our bodies, in our sexuality, even in various postures of our body as We pray. Praying with Our Whole Being We find in the Old and New Testaments the command "You shall love Yahweh your God with all your heart, with all your soul, with all your strength" (Dr 6:5). In prayer we should use not only our mind and memory, but our whole being, body, soul, hnd spirit. We need in the West to learn how to use our body in praying before God. All mystical traditions of East and West agree that a certain amount of exterior silence, a certain amount of aloneness, is necessary for interior concentration. True silence Review for Religious is an integration of all the powers of body, psyche, and spirit for the hearing of God's word. We Westerners need inner silence in order to reach the still-pointedness that the mystics speak of. A way of becoming "one-pointed," suggested by the disciplines of yoga, is to look intently upon a flower, a painting, or some other beautiful object. In Eastern Orthodoxy worshipers focus or center on the Trinity, Christ, Mary the mother of God, or a saint by using icons to lift them into the presence of the one represented in the icon. Through such focused consciousness, they begin to lose their focus on themselves and become immersed in the presence of God, the Giver of all beauty. They find themselves transcending the limitations of place and time and the tyranny of their "conditioned" self, with its unruly desires. Through such concentration they not only begin to perceive a oneness with the world around them, but also a slowing down of their mental activities, with a feeling of peace and quiet as they enter the numinous presence of the Divine. Breathing properly is the first step toward finding ourselves as integrated persons. Rhythmic breathing tends to make us detached, relaxed, and hence more free to focus and reflect steadily, calmly, and effordessly upon the indwelling Trinity. A form of body-prayer almost lost to Westerners is prostration. Lying on the floor, face down, fosters a great awareness of our creaturehood before the awesome Allness of God. Our body is exposed and defenseless; we feel truth .and simplicity tangibly. The empirical ego disappears, and only the true self remains. Throughout the history of Christianity, many reform movements have sought to recall Christians to a simpler, more pristine vision of Christianity and away from an exaggerated attachment to religion's externals. !n the 16th and 17th centuries there rose up in Europe a puritan protest against Roman Catholicism. Material techniques that had been in use from Apostolic times--such as sacraments and sacramentals, pictures, statues, icons, incense, candles, water, oil--were removed from many Christian churches during and after the Reformation period. As we are "whole" persons whet/we enter into prayer, it is only natural that material aids can help us to move from one level to another in a fuller integration of our total human nature May-~une 2002 in our prayer. We can be helped by memories of specific human experiences and by symbols and pictures; they are likely to be filled with spiritual meaning, elevating our consciousness to greater awareness of God. We should not be afraid of such things if they truly do help us to pray better. In our relationships with God and neighbor in this world of ours, perhaps our greatest need is external and internal discipline, that is, asceticism. Important Principles We need to keep clearly in mind the distinction between God's freely bestowed grace and our free cooperation in using various techniques to dispose ourselves to receive God in his grace. First, we must remember that God wishes to give himself to us directly through an immediate experience. This communication is made to a human person, a whole being, not to a separated soul or a detached intellect. It is important, therefore, to prepare ourselves for prayer and worship through asceticism and. psychosomatic techniques to bring our whole being to a point of receptivity or single-mindedness to receive God's communication on the highest level we can attain. Second, we must recognize that all such preparatory acts are only conditions for prayerful union with God through grace. Our own best efforts, by themselves, leave us absolutely impotent to attain such union. Union with God is a free and gratuitous gift whose bestowal cannot be dictated by our human wills nor be assumed after long and careful preparation. Most importantly, if our uses of psychosomatic techniques are truly to help us receive God's life-giving grace, they must conform to the whole plan of salvation as revealed by Holy Scripture and church teaching and illustrated in the lives and writings of the saints. In our relationships with God and neighbor in this world of ours, perhaps our greatest need is external and internal Review for Religious discipline, that is, asceticism. The more exclusively rational our religion is, the less discipline of body, soul, and spirit do we find. In our lives, is there an habitual attitude of self-control and inner discipline? In all of our body, soul, and spirit relationships, do we exercise an alertness and a turning to God whereby we keep things in balance? St. Paul exhorted the new Christians of Corinth to bring every thought and flight of fancy of theirs into captivity and into obedience to Jesus Christ (2 Co 10:5). Jesus insisted that we first clean the inside of the vessel (our heart) and then the outside (Mr 23:26). A Means to Love God and Neighbor The end of our Christian life is to love God with our whole heart and to love our neighbors as ourselves (Mt 22:37-40). But there can be no new level of awareness in prayer that God is our all unless we courageously strive to put to death all affections and attachments to lesser loves that are obstacles to our full love of God and neighbor. Many Christians have heard distorted teachings on asceticism. The "worldliness" within human hearts has all too often been equated with the material world which God created and saw as "very good" (Gn 1:31). Is it any wonder that with a more holistic, biblical approach to theology and anthropology, informed by the behavioral sciences of psychology and sociology, we have turned from an old "traditional" view of asceticism? But have we replaced it with something better? Today, in our pleasure-oriented culture, our bodily appetites are more in need of discipline than ever. The way we approach this must be determined by the goal, namely, to love God and neighbor as perfectly as possible. Jesus had to go against his own desires in order to do at all times whatever most pleased his heavenly Father. His ascetical practice was always subordinated to the Father and had its full meaning insofar as it brought him into more intimate union with his Father (Lk 22:42). Ascetical principles include the following: (1) Any and all ascetical practices are means to attain the end of the spiritual life. (2) The whole person needs continual discipline of body, soul, and spirit in relationships with things, other people, and God. (3) Certain areas of our being are more important in determining ll/lay-~une 2002 Maloney ¯ Transformative Aspects of Spirituality our choices than others. Without neglecting any area of our being, we especially need control of our interior faculties of memory, understanding, and will, for it is through these faculties that our moral decisions to commit sin or practice virtue are made. (4) The areas needing discipline, then, include the body with its five exterior senses, the interior senses (the emotions, imagination, memories), the intellect, and the will. Exaggerated selfqove in the will is the root of all movement away from God. The great ascetics of the desert advise us to be guided in the spiritual life by a "soul-mate" or spiritual director, someone who is learned in the science of the spiritual life and is also holy. They advise us to reflect often, in the presence of the Trinity, and especially at the end of each day, on what we have done moment by moment in thought, word, and deed and so to discover the roots that prevent our cooperating with the Holy Spirit's gentle inspirations. The athletes of the desert, men and women "intoxicated with love of God," can also tei~ch us, in our world of sense pleasures and comforts, the value of fasting. Jesus in the Gospels teaches the necessity of fasting, almsgiving, and prayer and shows that they are intimately related. These things can be done quietly and humbly. "Your Father, who sees what is hidden, will repay you" (Mt 6:16-18). Fasting, to be truly Christian, must include turning to God ~metanoia) with a corresponding openness, to love and serve our neighbor. We experience a oneness with every human being, especially the poor and the hungry. Fasting perhaps once a week from our habitual eating habits can help us be inwardly attentive to God's loving presence in our daily life. ---24o Living the Transfiguration Feast We have presented some of the transformative elements of Christian spirituality that may help our daily living-out of the Feast of Transfiguration. This feast, celebrated on August 6, is a major feast among Eastern Christians. They bring to the church the first fruits of their harvest to be blessed and offered to God, but a deeper faith-vision penetrates this simple ritual, the mystery of the seed falling into the e~rth to bring forth fruit a hundredfold. We Christians in baptism each become a seed Review for Religious planted in the church. We are to grow to full maturity in Christ Jesus. A transfiguring process takes place over the spring, summer, and autumn years of our Christian lives. The seed grows from within, but also in the outer world. God's transfiguring power, his divinizing energies of love, work in us and in the world around us. The same loving God is the source both of our being and of all the beings around us. With this thought, this vision, we realize that the world has not changed, but we have changed. God's presence was always there as active love, but we took little notice of it. What we felt as darkness is now suffused with light. Seeing our uniqueness in God's love for us, we now see the uniqueness of all other beings in God's love for each of them. The true test of how Christian we are and to what degree we have been baptized in the Holy.Spirit is the degree of our involvement in bringing mercy and love to those suffering. "I was hungry and you gave me food . . ." (Mr 25:35-40). The presence of God within us becomes a swelling ocean wave that flows out to inundate the entire world with God's love. What was hidden now becomes revealed. Through our loving cooperation, what seemed absent now becomes present and transfiguring. As the Holy Spirit broods over us, baptizing us with his love and fire, we become a transfigured microcosmos in the incarnate Christ. We image the macrocosmos of the heavenly Jerusalem. Notes ~ See Carl Jung, Psychology and Religion (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972). 2 Abraham J. Heschel, Man Is Not Alone (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Young, 1951), p. 36. 3 Norman Pittenger, Process Thought and Christian Faith (New York: Macmillan, 1968), p. 13. 4 Quoted by Lincoln Barnett, The Universe and Dr. Einstein (New York: New American Library, 1962), p. 108. s See Martin Heidegger, "Plato's Doctrine of Truth," trans. John Barlow, in Philosophy in the Twentieth Century, ed. William Barrett and Henry D. Aiken (New York: Random House, 1962). May-yune 2002 DENNIS J. BILLY St. Alphonsus and Today's Spiritual Direction ~Lhigeuno drei a(l1i6n9g6 w-1it7h8 t7h)e, tlhifee daoncdt owr oorfk ps roafy eSrt .a Andlp thhoen psautsr odne saint of confessors and moral theologians, we cannot expect to find precise, ready-made advice about spiritual direction for today. But this is not to say he has nothing to offer our current understanding of this ministry. Although Alphonsus was lim-ited by the general spiritual outlook of his day, he also had a way of surpassing it, and he brought great benefit to the people he served. In understanding Alphonsus's relevance for spiritual direction today, much will depend on how we approach his thought and which aspect of it we emphasize. In this essay we will examine the basis of his reputation as a "spiritual master" and identify the elements that people can use in their own practice of spiritual direction. A Gospel Spirituality At the outset it is important to recognize Alphonsus's missionary fervor. The major projects of his life--his mission preaching, his writing, his founding the Redemptorist Congre- Dennis J. Billy CSSR, a frequent contributor to our pages, writes from Accademia Alfonsiana; C.P. 2458; 00100 Roma, Italy. Review for Religious gation, his prayer--were all motivated by his desire to bring the Good News of plentiful redemption to others, especially the poor and most abandoned. Alphonsian spirituality is first and foremost a gospel spirituality, one which takes seriously the person of Jesus and his injunction "to make disciples of all nations" (Mr 28:19). In 18th-century Naples, Alphonsus inter-preted this calling in a very personalized way. Rather than going to faraway lands, he looked to his own "backyard," where peo-ple did not have easy access to the church's ordinary means for spiritual growth. This option for the poor, this willingness to go where others were not interested in going, led Alphonsus and his small band of followers to small moun-tain villages on the back roads of the king-dom of Naples. Their evangelizing efforts for the poor, illiterate peasants they found in the forgotten hamlets of Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, and Calabria helped change the spiritual landscape of south-ern Italy. These early Redemptorist missioners reminded peo-ple that God had not forgotten them, but was very much with them in their desire and thirst for spiritual growth. To ensure that such growth would continue, Alphonsus and his followers set up various devotional structures (confraternities, Eucharistic devotions, evening chapels) that would foster prayer and devo-tion in these fledgling faith communities after they left. Alphonsus's gospel spirituality helps us appreciate the var-ious nuances in the old debate whether there is a single Christian spirituality or many2 Inasmuch as every expression, of it must be rooted in the person of Christ, Christian spirituality is one. At times, however, individuals and groups have followed Christ in various particular works, spiritual practices, or styles of living. The great number of religious congregations, secular institutes, and lay movements that have appeared in the church's history suggest the almost infinite number of ways of following Christ. In this sense there are many Christian spiritualities, and many still to come. For our present purposes, Alphonsus's own prac-tice of the love of Jesus Christ can be seen as both different from and united to all other authentic Christian spiritualities. Throughout his life Alphonsus's overriding purpose was to draw others closer to Christ. May-June 2002 Billy ¯ St. Alphonsus and Today's Spiritual Direction Because of its flexibility and popular diffusion, moreover, his particular brand of gospel spirituality reminds us thatlthe term spirituality itself allows for various nuances and can be treated on a number of levels.2 A Man of Prayer Throughout his life Alphonsus's overriding purpose was to draw others closer to Christ. He believed that everyone could share an intimate relationship with Jesus and that the key to such a relationship was to be dedicated and persistent in prayer: "He who prays is certainly saved. He who prays not is certainly damned.''3 These strong words show Mphonsus's emphasis on prayer in fostering a mature relationship with God. Prayer, for him, was "the great means of salvation.''4 Everyone, he believed, receives sufficient grace to pray. Meditatio or mental prayer is particularly important for turning one's whole heart and mind to the Lord.s Alphonsus developed a simple formula for mental prayer that could be easily taught to the rustics of the Italian hill country, thus introducing them to one of the great riches of the church's tradition. In doing so he was criticized by a number of "enlightened" Neapolitan clerics for "casting pearls to swine" and thereby desecrating the church's treasures by sharing them with people who could not appreciate them, let alone put them into practice. Alphonsus, however, had little time for such judgmental remarks or for those who made them. Throughout 'his life he popularized the church's teaching on prayer. He met people where they were and helped them little by little to pray to God as inti-mate friends .speak with one another. "Paradise for God . . . is the human heart," he liked to say.6 Prayer was for him the means par excellence for enabling this divine indwelling to occur. He never tired of emphasizing the centrality of prayer for the spir-itual life: "There may be some who, after the perusal of my spiritual works, will accuse me of tediousness in so often rec-ommending the importance and necessity of having, continual recourse to God in prayer. But I seem to myself to have said not too much, but far too little.''7 Not only did he emphasize prayer in his own writings, but he also encouraged others to do the same: "I say, and repeat, and will keep on repeating as long Review for Religious as I live, that our whole salvation depends on prayer; and, there-fore, that all writers in their books, all preachers in their sermons, all confessors in their instructions to their penitents, should not inculcate anything more strongly than continual prayer.''s It is no small coincidence that Alphonsus is often referred to as the "doctor of prayer.''9 For him, we can get nowhere in the spiritual life without it. With it we have access to the copious redemption made possible by Jesus' passion, death, and resurrection. Leading Others to God Leading others to Christ was what Alphonsus's missionary vocation was all about. This conviction helps explain his Marian piety. Mary's life and her role in the church center on this same calling. By staying close .to Mary, Alphonsus felt assured that his own life of leading others to her Son would intensify and bear much fruit. This explains why his writings are full of the-ological references, edifying stories, and heartfelt prayers to the Madonna. Mary, who pondered in her heart all that happened to her son, is the Christian disciple par excellence. In his own efforts to follow Christ and to contemplate the great events of the paschal mystery, Alphonsus relied on Mary's generous help and protection?° When taken under the heading of the "care and cure of souls," spiritual direction encompasses virtually every aspect of the church's pastoral ministry. Such an assessment would be dou-bly true for Alphonsus, who through his preaching, writing, direction of souls, and general pastoral care did all he could to lead people to a more intimate relationship with God. Everything that Alphonsus did can be considered a kind of spiritual direction. Even activities that did not directly touch the lives of others (his prayer, his spiritual reading, his own private devotions) had a missionary dimension. These activities had a Marian dimension as well. What is more, the subtle balance between contemplation and action that appears in Mary's joyfulfiat is characteristic of Alphonsus's missionary activity. For him, prayer and action are two sides of the same apostolic coin. To separate them or to give undue emphasis to one or the other could do grave damage to missionaries and the people they serve. May-~une 2002 Billy ¯ St. Alphonsus and Today's Spiritual Direction When taken as "a helping relationship focusing on a person's spiritual growth," Alphonsus's spiritual direction is "directive" in nature and closely tied to his confessional practice.~ This is not to say that he did not sometimes give spiritual direction through correspondence or in conversation outside the confes-sional.~ 2 In fact, his practical temperament and his eclectic use of the church's spiritual tradition led him to take circumstances into account in his pastoral praxis with individuals. In general, however, Alphonsus saw a close connection between spiritual direction and sacramental confession. While he was aware of the distinction between the two, he was firm in his insistence that the confessor be someone who not only forgives sins, but also leads penitents further along the path of sanctity.~3 Alphonsus's strong penchant for uniting the two appears most clearly in his Praxis confessarii, where he delineates in descending order the four offices of the confessor: father, doc-tor, teacher, and judge.'4 For Alphonsus, every confessor has the responsibility of guiding souls to sanctity. This is so because all the faithful (not just a select few) are called to the perfection of Christian living. The term "spiritual director," in other words, is not simply for those who guide people through the rarified states of mystical experience, but for all confessors helping peo-ple in all states of life to walk the path of holiness. Alphonsus thus went a long way in demystifying the role of spiritual director in the Christian tradition. His efforts brought nourishing spiritual sustenance to ordinary people. This "meat and potatoes" approach was a benchmark of Redemptorist practice and char-acterized the Alphonsian approach to direction for years to come. More specifically, the principal characteristics of the Alphonsian confessor-director are: (1) an attitude of being more of a father and doctor than a judge, an attitude of charity, good-ness, and mildness in welcoming and treating penitents and in disposing them to penitence (so that their absolution need not be deferred or denied); (2) an attitude of kindness in giving penance, seeking rather to heal the soul than exact punishment for faults; (3) a marked preference for the poorest and most ignorant of the social classes; (4) a concern for giving the pen-itent the means not only to avoid a relapse into sin, but also to advance along the way of holiness; (5) recognizing the rela-tionship between preaching and confession, with preaching Review for Relig4ous preparing the way for confession and continuing its work.15 These characteristics of the Alphonsian confessor-director demonstrate the practical orientation of Alphonsus's mission. He sought to preach the good news of plentiful redemption to as many people as possible. He saw the wisdom of treating the confessional not as a tribunal, but as a means for educating the faithful in the ways of holiness. The connection he saw between preaching and confession reveals that he understood spiritual direction as something that extends to the ordinary care of souls. Ecumenical and inter-religious dialogue was not a viable option in his day. There was still too much polemic and mutual antag-onism among the various Christian denominations for constructive dialogue to take place, and the church's stance toward non-Christian religions was characterized by out-right condemnation of their tenets and a call to conversion. In Western Christianity, moreover, the church had to struggle not only against proselytizing by Protestant reformers, but also against the secularization stem-ming from the Enlightenment. In dealing with these threats, the church adopted a "fortress mentality"; it tried to shelter the faithful from as many harmful influences as possible~ It should not be surprising that Alphonsus, a foyal son of the church, espoused similar views. He sought, on the other hand, to preserve a certain "com-munion" of the various spiritual traditions within the church. He displayed a remarkable openness to the various approaches he encountered. If they passed the critical test of orthodoxy, he felt free to borrow whatever might be useful in his mission to bring about a fundamental conversion in the hearts and lives of people, especially the poor and most abandoned. This prag- When taken as "a helping relationship focusing on a person's spiritual growth," Alphonsus's spiritual direction is "directive" in nature and closely tied to his confessional practice. May-June 2002 Billy ¯ St. Alpbonsus and Today's Spiritual Direction matic openness to other spiritual traditions stood in contrast to quarrelsome petty arguments among some religious orders of his day. Such unhealthy competitiveness focused on small points that separated their approaches to the spiritual life, rather than on what united them. Alphonsus much preferred to emphasize what bound them together. His rule of thumb was whether a particular spiritual practice draws people closer to Christ. A corollary was that it be beneficial to as many people as possible~. This practical eclecticism led him to a synthetic approach to direction that was peculiarly his own. To cite just one example, he valued highly the spiritual doctrine of Teresa of Avila on the interior mansions of infused contemplation and encouraged directors to follow it whenever they encountered someone with tendencies toward mysticism. Unlike some representatives of the Carmelite school of spirituality, however, he affirmed with the Jesuits that not everyone is called to infused contemplation in this life. Accordingly, in his direction of souls, he focused on meditation and acquired contemplation.~6 In the final analysis, Alphonsus was convinced, it is not a method or approach that leads people to metanoia or a "change of heart," but a personal encounter with Jesus Christ. To this end Alphonsus probed various spiritual traditions within the church and used whatever he thought would benefit the people he served. Doing so, for Alphonsus, was an exercise of Christian love. He would have agreed wholeheartedly with Bernard of Clairvaux's assessment of families of spirituality in the church: "I admire them all. I belong to one of them by observance, but to all of them by charity." ~7 Doctor of Prayer As mentioned earlier, Alphonsus's reputation as a spiritual master eventually earned him the title of the "doctor of prayer." 18 His renown as a spiritual director comes from his cre-ative, eclectic, and pragmatic use of the traditions that preceded him. As an interpreter of these traditions, he focused on the one thing which, in his judgment, ultimately mattered in life, to enter into an intimate relationship with Jesus, the Redeemer. Prayer, for Alphonsus, was the primary means given to us to accomplish this end. Spiritual direction, for him, was both gen- Review for Religious eral and particular. It could take place in many contexts, but primarily had to do with the confessor's task of helping people grow in holiness. While Alphonsus saw a distinction between confession and spiritual direction, his zeal for souls and his popularizing sen-sitivities brought him to the conclusion that he and other priests in his day and age could best serve the people of God by draw-ing a close bond between the two. Sacramental confession, after all, was an application of Christ's redemptive love to the life of the penitent. Since, for Alphonsus, redemption was "plentiful," it followed that people's experience of sacramental reconcili-ation should include not only for-giveness of sin, but also guidance to help penitents grow in holiness. He believed that spiritual direction was for the masses--not a select few-- and for people of all walks of life. The close bond that he saw between preaching and the confes-sion- spiritual direction experience also suggests an organic (even circular) relationship between the general and more personal elements of anyone's receiving spiritual direction. These considerations have great import with regard to the relevance of Alphonsus's spiritual doctrine for today. His walk-ing with the Lord was both like and unlike our own. Walking in his footsteps today cannot mean following his teachings to the letter. That would be to overlook the prudenc.e of Alphonsus's own pastoral decisions; it would mean neglecting to take into account the pressing concerns and very different pastoral needs of our own day. Following Alphonsus today must mean making creative, eclectic, and pragmatic use of the spiritual traditions that have come down to us as they first came to Alphonsus along with what he himself has handed down to us. Following him must mean sifting through what he considered beneficial for the peo-ple of his day and finding .practical applications for the people of today. It must mean a way of spiritual direction that helps people get word of Christ's plentiful redemption and fosters a Alphonsus's reputation as,a spiritual master eventually earned him the title of the "doctor of prayer." May-June 2002 Billy ¯ St. Alpbonsus and Today's Spiritual Direaion lifelong conversation with God deep in their hearts. Spiritual direction in the Redemptorist tradition today must neither pre-tend to be, nor try to be, nor be an exact replica of what it was during Alphonsus's day. It should resonate with his teaching, however, and glow with his missionary fire, his yearning to lead as many people as possible into a deep friendship with the Lord. Notes 1 For references to this debate, see Walter H. Principe CSB, "Toward Defining Spirituality," Studies in Religion / Sciences religieuses 12 (1983): 129, esp. n. 3. 2 For a discussion of levels of spirituality in relation to Alphonsus, see Dennis J. Billy, Plentiful Redemption: An Introduction to Alpbonsian Spirituality (Liguori, Missouri: Liguori Publications, 2001), pp. 98-101. 3 Alphonsus de Liguori, Prayer: The Great Means of Obtaining Salvation and All the Graces Which We Desire of God, in The Complete Works of Alphonsus de Liguori, ed. Eugene Grimm (New York: Redemptorist Fathers, 1886-1894; reprint, Brooklyn, St. Louis, and Toronto: Redemptorist Fathers, 1927), Vol. 3, p. 49. Hereafter, Complete Works, Vol. 1 or 2 or 3 or 4 or 6. 4 Complete Works, Vol. 3, pp. 19-22. 5 Alphonsus de Liguori, Mental Prayer and the Exercises of a Retreat, in Complete Works, Vol. 3, pp. 252-258. 6 Alphonsus de Liguori, The Way to Converse Always and Familiarly with God, in Complete Works, Vol. 2, p. 395. 7 Alphonsus de Liguori, The Practice of the Love of Jesus Christ, in Complete Works, Vol. 6, p. 456. 8 Alphonsus de Liguori, in Complete Works, Vol. 3, p. 240. 9 See Pope Pius XI, "Allocuzione del 20 Settembre 1934," in Annuarium Apostolatus Orationis (Rome, 1935), p. 73; also Dizionario di Mistica (Rome: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1998), s.v. "Alfonso Maria de Liguori (santo)," by G. Velocci. 10 For the theological and pastoral dimensions of Alphonsus's Marian devotion, see Hamish EG. Swanston, Celebrating Eternity Now: A Study of the Theology of St. Alphonsus de Liguori (Chawton Alton Hampshire: Redemptorist Publications, 1995), pp. 220-230. ,1 For various definitions of spiritual direction, see Dennis J. Billy, "The Relations of Spiritual Direction," Studia moralia 36 (1998): 67, n. 1. t2 For spiritual direction in Alphonsus's correspondence, see Sean Wales, "The Ministry of Spiritual Direction: Saint Alphonsus, the Review for Religious Spiritual Director as Seen though His Letters," in Reflections on the Spirit of Saint Alphonsus, ed. M. O'Shea (Monroe, Michigan: IHM Publications, 1987), pp. 93-107. ,3 Emilio Lage, "S. Alfonso e la direzione spirituale," Spicilegium historicum CSSR 48 (2000): 22-25. 14 Alphonsus de Liguori, Praxis confessarii ad bene excipiendas con~ fessiones, chap. 1, in Theologia moralis, Vol. 4 (Rome: Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, 1912; reprint 1953), p. 528. ,s Emilio Lage, "S. Alfonso," p. 14 (my translation). ,6 Joseph W. Oppitz, Alphonsian History and Spirituality: A Study of the Spirit of the Founder Saint Alphonsus M. Liguori and of the Missionary Institute, The Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer (Rome and Suffield, Conn.: privately published, 2nd printing, 1978), p. 30. 17 Bernard of Clairvaux, Apologia to William of Saint Thierry, IV.8 (PL 182.903), cited in Pope John Paul II, Vita consecrata (1996), §52. ~s See endnote 9 above. "erat lux vera" here shines that light soft and luminescent brilliant and incandescent firefly by night and sun by day ember and inferno manifold, multifarious, multifaceted variegated and diverse that light which mothers every honest light the stars and their stones incendiary and catoptric candlelight and firelight and the light which warms and dances tender glowing in the eyes of the one you love through every shuttered window bolted door and locked gate in every place which shows a space there shines that light which all the world illumines enkindles and enflames Se~n Kinsella May-June 2002 ANNE HIGGINS AND BETTY ANN McNEIL Louise de Marillac and Elizabeth Seton: Women of Spirit dialogue Although separated by a century and more, Louise de Marillac (1591-1660) and Elizabeth Seton (1774-1821) were bound together by the Holy Spirit in ways of charity and wisdom.~ Their lives mirror one another. As wives, mothers, widows, and spiritual leaders, they model the life of the Spirit for contemporary women in ministry, for all whom the Gospels inspire to tend the fire of divine love in their own hearts and in the lives of others. Elizabeth made the first English translation of the original (French) biography of Louise.2 With the support and guidance of the French Sulpicians in Maryland, Elizabeth founded the Sisters of Charity of St. Joseph's (31 July 1809) in Emmitsburg. For her sisterhood, the first to be founded in the United States, she adapted the Rule that Louise de Marillac and Vincent de Paul (1581-1660) had developed for the Anne Higgins DC, poet and English instructor, also does campus ministry at Mount St. Mary's College and Seminary, Emmitsburg, Maryland. Betty Ann McNeil DC is province archivist for the Daughters of Charity and a member of the Vincentian Studies Institute. They write from St. Joseph's Provincial House; 333 South Seton Avenue; Emmitsburg, Maryland 21727. Review for Religious Daughters of Charity, founded in Paris 29 November 1633. The Setonian legacy expresses their charism today. This article compares and contrasts the themes common to their lives, and notes how they saw themselves until devastating things happened to them, .changing their lives forever. Through devastation and change they remained faithful to God, and God created something new through them.3 In her new life Elizabeth found "peace"--"enjoying the liberty of solitude, country life, and plenty of every good." We invite you to enter into "Sabbath moments" as Louise and Elizabeth tell us about themselves in first-person vignettes, which include or are based on their own words. May the Spirit guide this reflection on roots and be a source of blessing for all who live or are listening in on the Vincentian and Setonian legacy.4 (At intervals, we invite you to pray and reflect on their story, which may also be yours.) Like the five modern women discussed in a 1990 book called Composing a Life, Louise and Elizabeth "were engaged in that act of cremation that engages us all--the composition of their lives." Like these women--and guided by the Holy Spirit and fueled by their faith--"they worked by°improvisation, discovering the shape of their creation along the way, rather than pursuing a vision already defined." And they "combined familiar and unfamiliar components in response to new situations. Their commitments were continually refocused and redefined." s LOUISE: I had been looking at my life in one way. I was born into an upper-class Parisian family, but I never knew my mother. And my father referred to me as "ma' fille, ma naturelle." From infancy I was raised in a convent and a boarding school. When I was four, my father remarried, and his new wife did not accept me. ELIZABETH: I had been looking at my life in one way. I was born into an upper-class New York family, but my mother died when I was three. When I was four, my father remarried, and his new wife did not accept me. LOUISE: "God, who has granted me so many graces, led me to understand that it was his holy will that I go to him by way of the cross. His goodness chose to mark me with it from my birth, and he has hardly ever left me, at any age, without some occasion of suffering." 6 ~lay-June 2002 Higgins and McNeil * Women of Spirit ELIZABETH: "Will not Jesus Christ be with me? Was I not signed with the cross of salvation in baptism?''7 "You and I must meet him - we must be crucified - it is in vain to start [recoil], or think of escaping." 8 "The thirst and longing of my soul is fixed on the cross alone.''9 "We are never strong enough to bear our cross; it is the cross which carries us, not so weak to be unable to bear it, since the weakest become strong by its virtue." 10 LOUISE: "O God, I have resolved to admit no love unless it be for you!" 11 Ihad been looking at my life in one way, and then things happened to change it. When I was nineteen, I had my heart set on joining a contemplative order of nuns, the Capuchins. I even made a private promise to join them. But my spiritual director, P~re de Champigny, who was the provincial of the Parisian Capuchins, said no. He said I was not physically strong enough, and he said, "I believe that God has other plans for you." 12 ELIZABETH: I had been looking at my life in one way, but then things happened to change it. When I was nineteen, I fell in love with William Magee Seton (1768-1803). I married him, and we moved into our house in lower Manhattan. Then the children came: Anna Maria, William, Richard, Catherine, and Rebecca.13 "Sitting on a litde bench before the fire - the head resting on the hand, the body perfecdy easy, the eyes closed, the mind serene contemplating, and tracing boundless Mercy and the source of all excellence and perfection - how pure the enjoyment and sweet the transitions of every thought - the soul expands . . . all earthly interests recede - and heavenly hopes become anxious wishes. "I can patiently, submissively, submit to thy holy will, adoring in sweet confidence of thy mercy - preserve me but this heavenly peace, continue to give me this privilege beyond all mortal computation of resting in thee, and adoring thee my father - friend - and never failing support - for this alone I implore, let all other concerns with their consequences be entirely and wholly submitted to thee." 14 LOUISE: So, at twenty-two, I was married to Antoine Le Gras (1581-162'5). He was a good man, conscientious, deeply religious, and charitable to the poor, and I grew to love him. We had one son: Michel-Antoine [1613-1696]. We lived in a town house on the right bank of the Seine. It was a pleasant life in those first years. Review for Religious I had been looking at my life in one way, and then things happened to destroy it. to change it. In 1617, when I was twenty-six, my kinsman the Marquis d'Attichy and his wife had both died, and we took charge of their seven children . . . Then, my own husband, Antoine, became ill. I remembered my old promise to God to enter religious life. I began a dark journey through doubt. Everything seemed to be filling apart for me. I entered into a great desolation of spirit which lasted until Pentecost, because of a doubt as to whether l should leave my husband, as I wished to do in order to repair my first vow and have freedom to serve God and neighbor . I feared further that the attachment I had for my director might prevent me from taking another, thinking myself obliged to quit him . . . I had great pain because of doubt concerning the immortality of the soul. These three uncertainties gripped my soul in agonies which now seem to me unimaginable. On the day of Pentecost, at Saint-Nicolas-des-Champs during holy Mass, all of a sudden my spirit was cleared of these doubts. I was made to understand that I must dwell with my husband and that the time would come when I would be in a position to make vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience and that I would be in a small community where others would do the same. I then understood that I would be in a place where I could help my neighbor [although] there would be much coming and going . , . I was also assured that God would give me another director, who was then, so it seems to me, shown me in a vision, and I felt a repugnance to accept him. I submitted, nevertheless, although it seemed to me that it would not be necessary to make this change yet. My third difficulty was banished, by the assurance I felt in my soul that it was God who revealed all this to me, and that, there being a God, I must not doubt the rest)s Reflect for a few minutes now on your Pentecost experience. "I believe that God has other plans for you." LOUISE: Some months after that, I met Vincent de Paul, who became my spiritual director. And I took care of Antoine, with great love, for four years, until he died in December 1625. I was thirty-four. I had been looking at my life in one way., and May-June 2002 Higgins and McNeil ¯ Women of Spirit then things happened to destroy it. to change it. and in the midst ofthe"destruction, in the midst of the changes, I remained faithful to God. I held on, and God created something new. ELIZABETH: I had been looking at my life in one way. and then things happened to change it. When I was twenty-three, pregnant with Richard, my father-in-law died, and we took charge of the seven young Seton children . . . and then things happened to destroy my life. William's health became a real worry for me. When I was twenty-seven, my father died . . . Around that time, too, the family business suffered terrible losses., and William was so ill that we decided to travel to Italy for his health. After thirty terrible days, quarantined in the Lazaretto near Livorno, we moved to a house in Pisa, rented for us by the Filicchis.~6 Will died there, with Anna Maria (Annina) and me at his side. I was twenty-nine. He was buried in Livorno. Each time I visited his grave, I wept over it for a long time with inexpressible tenderness and "unrestrained affection." It seemed that I loved him more than anyone could love on earth.17 I had been looking at my life in one way., and then things happened to destroy it. to change it. - "the sharp thorn in the heart."~s And in the midst of the destruction, in the midst of the changes, I remained faithful to God. I held on, and God created something new. It was in those months in Italy after William's death that I was exposed to the full radiance of the Catholic faith. You drew me to it, Jesus - you and your Mother. Through storms of tears and questions, of doubts and anguish, you drew me to the Catholic faith. @hrough fifty-six days on the ocean voyage home, with Annina, and in the company of Antonio Filicchi, through desires and temptations, I remained faithful to you, God, and you created something new. In New York, on Ash Wednesday 1805, I turned the corner of Barclay Street, where St. Peter's Catholic Church was, and said to myself: "Here, my God, I go, heart all to you!" ~9 Reflect for a few minutes now on your conversion experience. LOUISE: Ultimately I came to embrace the God of both light and darkness and proclaim, "God is my God.''2° "I gave -~2~5~6-] him my full consent to work in me by his power whatever he Review for Religious willed to see accomplished.''2~ In 1629 1 met a young woman of Suresnes named Marguerite Naseau [1594-1633], who had presented herself to Monsieur Vincent. She was the first to serve in the Charities.22 Vincent de Paul asked me to organize and form the growing group of country girls who had come to Paris to serve the poor. "God, my only hope, your love impels me." My urgency impels my sisters. "Continue, [my sisters,] to love His service by observing your Rules, especially by the cordiality and support you show one another. You can be certain that God is with you.''23 Give yourselves entirely to God in order to serve God in the poor24 "As for your conduct with the sick, may you never take the attitude of merely getting the task done. You must show them affection, serving them from the heart, inquiring of them what they might need, speaking to them gently and compassionately.''2s "Perfection is not to be found [in excessive introspection], but in the practice of true charity.''26 "Be very gentle and courteous toward your poor. You know that they are our masters and that we must love them tenderly and respect them deeply.''27 Our Savior has taught us charity in order to make up for our own powerlessness to render him any service,z8 "Oh, what a happiness it would be, provided God were in no way offended, were the Company to serve only the totally destitute.''29 I had been looking at my life in one way., and then things happened to destroy it. to change it. and in the midst of the destruction, in the midst of the changes, I remained faithful to God. I held on, and God created something new. Reflect now on what God has created new in your life. In the midst of the changes, I remained faithful to God. ELIZABETH: I had been looking at my life in one way., and then things happened to destroy it. to change it. and in the midst of the destruction, in the midst of the changes, I remained faithful to God. I held on, and God created something new. On Pentecost 1806 1 received the sacrament of confirmation May-June 2002 Higgins and McNeil ¯ Women of Spirit from Bishop John Carroll. Later I wrote to my spiritual advisors: Things are so bad in New York for me, and so financially tenuous--should I move to Canada? While I was waiting for some reply, I chanced to meet Father William Du Bourg, who invited me to Baltimore to open a school for girls. Bishop Carroll and all my priest friends supported me, and in June 1808 we began our journey to a new life, in Maryland. LOUISE: I put my trust in Providence. I said to my sisters: "If you completely entrust everything to the guidance of Divine Providence and love the most holy will of God, this will contribute greatly to your peace of mind and heart. In fact, this is one of the most essential practices I know of for growth in holiness.''3° "We can have no peace with God, with our neighbor, or with ourselves unless Jesus Christ gives it to us.''3~ "Vows have their origin in Love. in the cross." 32 "One of the principal graces God has given you, my sisters, is your call to this Company and your vocation of charity; I will tell you, then, what your thoughts about it should be - there may be both very highs and very lows and still without contradiction.,,33 ELIZABETH: I had been looking at my life in one way . . . and then things happened to destroy it. to change it. and in the midst of the destruction, in the midst of the changes, I remained faithful to God. I held on, and God created something new. While I was trying to figure out a way to teach poor little girls, God sent into my life Mr. Samuel Cooper, a convert, who was becoming a priest and was disposing of his wealth. He wished to fund education for Emmitsburg's poor, and also various services for the elderly and for needy families. "Our Lord will direct all, whatever you say or do I shall consider as his voice and will.''34 "I set out on a new career: peace and silence and submission the whole aim.''35 "Do we serve God in hope, looking to his promises, confiding in his love, seeking his kingdom, and leaving the rest to him?''36 "Providence has disposed for me a plan after my own heart.''~7 Reflect awhile on your eJcperience of Providence. ELIZABETH: Not only would I have a school there, but a new religious community. I wrote to a friend in New York: "Mr. Cooper has given a handsome property for the establishment of such females as may choose to lead a religious life. We are going Review for Religious to begin our novitiate in a beautiful country place in the mountains." 38 I rejoiced in my new home, communing with God amidst "woods, rocks, walks.''39 "Peace . enjoying the liberty of solitude, country life, and plenty of every good.''4° I wrote to my lifelong friend Julia Sitgreaves Scott: "It is true also that I shall be at the head of a community which will live under the strictest rules of order and regularity.-41 Even in Emmitsburg I remembered my last home in New York, on State Street. I wrote to my dear friend Eliza Craig Sadler: "Think of me when you pass it again. Can a heart swell so high and not burst? Yet would I change one shade or trial of it? That would be madness, and working in the dark.''42 The building and nurturing of my new religious community was my next challenge, for "one can't talk of making nuns like making bread.''43 I cautioned about the danger of being "lovers with our lips rather than our heart, while a true lover of Christ can never have enough of his cross.''44 I told my young sister-in-law Cecilia Seton: "Rejoice to bear your share in the cross, which is our passport and seal to the kingdom of the Redeemer.''4s At our council meeting we agreed that "no personal inconvenience should prevent Sisters of Charity from doing what duty and charity required.''46 From its inception I felt loved by my sisters. I told my New York friends that they should come and see my community's black gowns and demure faces, "which hid a set of as lively and merry hearts as ever met together.''47 As grateful as I was for the plenty of every good, the Real Presence in the Blessed Sacrament was for me the best of all God's gifts. It was the treasure of my soul.48 Sickness and death were never far from us in Emmitsburg. In 1810, when my sister-in-law, now Sister Cecilia Seton, died, I told Julia Scott: "I am sending my rosebuds to bloom in heaven." 49 On 12 March 1812 my beloved daughter Annina died. Through the stark days after her death, I found myself "begging, crying to Mary to behold her Son and plead for us, and to Jesus to behold his Mother - to pity a mother, [this] poor, poor mother." S° On 3 November 1816 my youngest, Rebecca, died. She was only fourteen. "I am sending my rosebuds to bloom in heaven." May-June 2002 Higgins and McNeil ¯ Women of Spirit "God is with us - and, if sufferings abound in us, his consolations also greatly abound, and far exceed all utterance. [I was] not only willing to take my cross, but kissed it too.''sl "My own troubles.will teach me, I hope, how to comfort others." s2 Reflect on troubles that taught you how to comfort others. --- 260-J ELIZABETH: In 1811 I met Father Simon Gabriel Brutfi, "a true cordial to my heart."" He was my soul's friend and guide. The Scriptures continued to be God's wellspring for me. "Nothing in our state of clouds and veils can I see so plainly as how the saints died of love and joy, since I, so wretched and truly miserable, can only read word after word of the blessed 83rd and 41st psalms in unutterable feelings - God - God - God - that the supreme delight, that he is God, and to open the mouth and heart wide that he may fill it." s~ "I long and wish to serve our Lord with every breath I draw."" "Oceans of LOVE to plunge in for eternity, every faculty of our soul dilated!!!!! - heavenly pure supernatural love undivided - God alone - ,,s6 Love love love, when will I love enough? "This world of separations must have its course. We must take its good and evil quietly as it passes - for my part I am now so accustomed to look only at our God in all that happens that it seems to me [that] the most painful things in the order of his providence can but increase our confidence and peace in him, since all will draw us but nearer to himself." ~7 "If it succeeds I bless God, if [it] does not succeed I bless God, because then it will be right that it should not succeed.''s8 LOUISE: In my prayer at Chartres, where I dedicated the Company to God through the prayers of the Blessed Virgin, I asked God to destroy the Company "rather than let it be established contrary to his holy will." s9 ELIZABETH: God, your love impelled me. and my urgency impelled my sisters. "Our God is God, and I know.all will turn out well at last., the ways of Providence are mysterious indeed as to the human nature, but most clearly we may distinguish in them the progress of the divine, pervading all.''6° "Be children of the church . be children of the church .,. May the most just, the most high, and the most amiable will of God be accomplished forever!''61 LOUISE: I had been looking at my life in one way., and Review for Religious then things happened to destroy it. to change it. and in the midst of the destruction, in the midst of the changes, I remained faithful to God. I held on, and God created something new. My life with the Company of Charity captured my heart, focused my mind, stabilized my soul for the single-minded search for the living reign of God, of God who was justice for the poor, healing for the sick, light for those in darkness. My story, like yours, is about bringing spiritual presence to a world lost in the mundane.62 ELIZABETH: "Let your chief study be to acquaint yourself with God because there is nothing greater than God." 63 "How grateful, then, should we be for our vocation, which is in itself a practice of the two principal commandments - obliging us to give every moment of life to charity, serving her [our vocation, charity] exteriorly in our care of the body, but principally in our care of souls, speaking to them of God, and helping them to know and love him eternally. Besides, how grateful we should be to God for choosing us for this manner of life.''6~ Notes ~ A version of this article was first presented at Seton Legacy III, a symposium on Elizabeth Seton and Incarnational Spirituality for a Contemporary World (Sisters of Charity Federation, 2001). 2 Nicolas Gobillon, La Vie de Mademoiselle/sic] Le Gras: Fondatrice et Premikre Superieure de la Compagnie des Filles de la Chariti, Servantes des Pauvres Malades (Paris: Andr~ Pralard, 1676). 3 This reflection may incorporate music and song into a multimedia presentation. The opening song could be "I Heard the Voice of Jesus" (Kingsfold). An entrance procession could be orchestrated with a solo flute, then flute and piano, then flute, piano, and guitar, then singing. As the song is sung, a processiofi could begin, with candle, incense, and LOUISE and ELIZABETH. Reflective interludes could be enhanced by sung verses of an arrangement of Elizabeth's favorite psalm, Psalm 23 (such as Marty Haugen's "Shepherd Me, O God"). The reflection could conclude with "Sing a New Church" (Nettleton). 4 See Ronald Rolheiser, The Holy Longing (New York: Doubleday, 1999), p. 165. 5 Mary Catherine Bateson, Composing a Life (New York: A Plume Book, 1990), pp. 1, 9. 6 "On Charity," in Spiritual Writings of Louise de Marillac, ed. Louise May-3~une 2002 Higgins and McNeil ¯ Women of Spirit Sullivan DC (New York: New City Press, 1991), p. 71 I. 7 "Mother Seton's Baptism," in Mother Seton Guild Bulletin 16 (November 1945), p. 3. 8 Elizabeth Seton to George Weis, 13 May 1810, quoted in Mother Seton Notes by Simon Gabriel Brute, ed. Loyola Law DC (Emmitsburg, 1884), p. 98. 9 To Philip Filicchi, 21 January 1809, in Elizabeth Seton: Selected Writings, ed. Ellin M. Kelly and Annabelle Melville (New York: Paulist Press, 1987), p. 244. ~0 "Exercise of the Presence of God," in Archives Saint Joseph's Provincial House, Daughters of Charity, Emmitsburg, Maryland (hereafter ASJPH), 1-3-3-23B, 58. Quoted in Joseph I. Dirvin CM, The Soul of Elizabeth Seton: A Spiritual Portrait (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1990), p. 103. ,l Ec. 848. ~2 Joseph I. Dirvin C2vl, Louise de Marillac (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1970), p. 22. ~3 Anna Maria 1795-1812, William 1796-1868, Richard 1798-1823, Catherine 1800-1891, and Rebecca Mary 1802-1816. ~4 31 December 1799, ASJPH 1-3-3-3:1. ,5 See "Light," in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 1. ,6 Antonio and Filippo Filicchi, devout Catholics who lived in Livorno (Leghorn), were longtime business associates of the Setons. Filippo married Mary Cowper in Boston; Antonio's wife was Amabilia Baragazzi. ,7 See letter to Rebecca Seton, 5 March 1804, in Elizabeth Barley Seton: Collected Writings, 3 vols. projected, ed. Regina Bechde SC and Judith Metz SC (New York: New City Press, 2000), Vol. 1, p. 294. ~8 To Julia Scott, 5 March 1805, in Bechde and Metz, Elizabeth Barley Seton, Vol. 1, p. 345. ~gJoumal for Amabilia Filicchi, 27 February 1805, Ash Wednesday, in Bechde and Metz, Elizabeth Bayley Seton, Vol. 1, p. 375. 20 To Vincent de Paul, 24 August before 1650, in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 341. 2~ "Renunciation of Self," in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 720. 22 Dirvin, Louise de Marillac, p. 87. See also "On the Love of Our Vocation and on Helping the Poor," 13 February 1646, in Conferences of Vincent de Paul to the Daughters of Charity, ed. and trans. Joseph Leonard CM (Westminster, Md.: Christian Classics, 1968), Vol. 1, p. 217. zs To Catherine Gesse, 4 May 1659, in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 639. 24 See "On the Love of Our Vocation," in Conferences of Vincent de Review for Religious Paul to the Daughters of Charity, Vol. 1, p. 223, and "On Serving the Sick and the Care of One's Health," 11 November 1657, also in Conferences, Vol. 3, p. 292. 2s "Instructions to the Sisters Who Were Sent to Montreuil," October 1646, in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 773. 26 To the Sisters of the H6tel-Dieu of Nantes, 13 July 1658, in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, pp. 600-601. 27 To Sister C~cile Agn~s, 4 May 1650, in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 320. 28 See "On the Spirit of the Company," 9 February 1653, in Conferences of Vincent de Paul, Vol. 2, p. 204; also Vincent de Paul to Anne Hardemont, 24 November 1658, in Vincent de Paul, Cor-respondence, Conferences, and Documents, ed. and trans. Marie Poole DC (New York: New City Press, 1997), Vol. 7, pp. 396-397. 29 Ec. 994. 3o To Mathurine Gu6rin, 23 December 1659, in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 662. 31 To Our Very Dear Sisters, the Daughters of Charity at Nantes, in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 197. ~2 Ec. 845. 33 "Thoughts of Mademoiselle Le Gras On [the] Vocation of [the] Sisters of Charity," trans. Elizabeth Ann Seton, in Reflections of Saint Louise, ASJPH 1-3-3-24B. This manuscript in Elizabeth Seton's own handwriting is the first English version of the final book of Nicolas Gobillon's/~e de Mademoiselle Le Gras. 34 To Philip Filicchi, Baltimore, 21 January 1809, in Kelly and Melville, Elizabeth Seton, p. 244. 3s To Rev. Simon Gabriel Brute, November n.d., ASJPH 1-3-3- 12:81. 36 "The Sisters of Charity meditate on the service of God," ASJPH 1-3-3-20E, 37. 37 To Julia Scott, 2 March 1809, ASJPH 1-3-3-6:76. 38 To Rose Stubbs, Baltimore, 20 February 1809, ASJPH 1-3-3- 2:103. 39 Dear Remembrances, ASJPH 1-3-3-26A, quoted in Kelly and Melville, Elizabeth Seton, p. 352. 40To Julia Scott, 20 July 1810, ASJPH 1-3-3-6:83. 41To Julia Scott, 23 March 1809, ASJPH 1-3-3-6:77. 42To Eliza Sadler, Baltimore, 20January 1809, ASJPH 1-3-3-7:35. 43To Julia Scott, 29 October 1812, ASJPH 1-3-3-6:95. ~ "Exercise of the Presence of God," ASJPH 1-3-3-23B, 57, quot'ed May-June 2002 Higgins and McNeil ¯ Women of Spirit in Dirvin, Soul of Elizabeth, .pp. 102-103. 45 To Cecilia Seton, 1 October 1803, Bechtle and Metz, Elizabeth Bayley Seton, Vol. 1, p. 224. 46 First Council Book," Sisters of Charity of St. Joseph's, 20 August 1814, ASJPH. 47 To Julia Scott, 20 September 1809, ASJPH 1-3-3-6:79. 48 See Dirvin, Soul of Elizabeth, p. 74. 49 To Julia Scott, 20 July 1810, ASJPH 1-3-3-6:83. 50 To Rev. Simon Gabriel Brute, 22 September 1812, ASJPH 1-3-3- 12:33, quoted in Dirvin, Soul of Elizabeth, p. 82. 5t To Rebecca Seton, 20th [November 1803]. Archives Mount St. Vincent, Sisters of Charity of Saint Vincent de Paul of New York, N/P 110: M, II, 12. 52 To Archbishop Carroll, 6 August 1809, Archives of the Archdiocese of Baltimore 7M4. 53 To Julia Scott, 20 May 1815, ASJPH 1-3-3-6:106. 54 ASJPH 1-3-3-12:44, n.d. Psalm 83 (Ps. 84 in present-day Catholic Bibles) and Psalm 41 (Ps. 42) are prayers of longing for God. 55 To Antonio Filicchi, 22 May 1810, quoted in Kelly and Melville, Elizabeth Seton, p. 280. s6 Kelly and Melville, Elizabeth Seton, p. 327. 57 To Mary FitchBayley Bunch, 26.June 1819, ASJPH 1-3-3-7:88. 58 To Antonio Filicchi, 6 May 1805, in Bechde and Metz, Elizabech Barley Seton, Vol. 1, p. 362. 59 "Account of the Pilgrimage to Chartres," October 1644, in Sullivan, Spiritual Writings, p. 122. 6o To Cecilia Seton, Friday, July [1806], ASJPH 1-3-3-8:92. 6, Law, Mother Seton Nobles by Simon Gabriel Bruti, p. 26. 6z See Joan Chittister OSB, Fire in These Ashes. 63 To Cecilia Seton, 19 November 1802, ASJPH 1-3-3-8:87. 64 "Thoughts of Mademoiselle Le Gras on [the] Vocation of [the] Sisters of Charity," trans. Elizabeth Ann Seton, in Reflections of Saint Louise. Review for Religious REGINA SIEGFRIED From Paschal Mystery to Reconciliation, from ASCs to Adorers ~thodate smcoritbivea tietss ca hcaornigsmreg? aWtiohna tto p ursoem dpiftfse trhenatt tsearmmein coolomgy-munity to find another name for itself, for use within the com-munity and for others' use too? The Adorers of the Blood of Christ have recently experienced these two developments. For a community of women religious whose charism is rooted in a cen-tral mystery of our redemption, the answers to those questions flow from a developing appreciation of our rich charism. Some excellent recent studies of religious life and charism provide the background for this article.~ But, rather than focus-ing on distinctions and nuances of charisms, this article takes note of one congregation's growing understanding of its charism and maintains that "history changed the expression of our charism," as Joe Nassal CPPS says in "Reclaiming Our Name.''2 While 19th-century terms often sound antiquated to 2 lst-cen-tury ears, the founding charism, now expressed in today's lan-guage, still resonates for our' congregation. In a letter to Biagio Valentini CPPS, dated 28 June 1841, Maria de Mattias, founder of the congregation, wrote: "The Regina Siegfried ASC, known to many of our readers, writes from the Department of Theological Studies; Saint Louis University; P.O. Box 56907; St. Louis, Missouri 63156. May-June 2002 SiegiCried * From Paschal Mystery to Reconciliation spirit of this holy work., is all charity., charity toward God and the dear neighbor." The preface to the 1857 constitution describes the charism in these words: Now this our lowly Congregation that lives and labors under the glorious title of the most precious Blood of Jesus Christ must be patterned and shaped into a living image of that divine charity with which this ¯ divine blood was shed and of which it was and is sign, expression, measure, and pledge. Maria de Mattias understood our sharing in the redemption in terms of our practice of "charity toward God and the dear neigh-bor." In violent 19th-century Italy, where political and social strife were the reality of life, Maria de Mattias knew that the "divine charity with which this divine blood was shed" spoke to the hearts of her "dear neighbors," especially the women and children, who needed education and longed to hear a word of peace. Recent Developments in the Founding Charism After Vatican Council II, the congregation, now worldwide, missionary, and ministering in truly needy places, rephrased the founding charism in its 1968 "Life Charter," and kept the same wording in the 1992 revision of the constitution: Our charism as Adorers of the Blood of Christ is deeply rooted in the death-resurrection mystery of Jesus. Ours is a paschal identity, signed in the blood of the Lamb. As a congregation we are to bear witness in hope and joy to the living presence in our world today of Christ's adoring, redeeming love, which gives meaning to human suffering and can render it power-fully liberating and life-giving. (§22, "Paschal Mystery in Our Charism") Although the title of our congregation has changed slightly over the years, "adorers" has always been a decisive part. The original document, written in Maria's own hand, has "Adorers of the Divine Blood." A later shift was to "Adorers of the Blood of Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ." In 1968 the congregation's name was changed from "Sisters Adorers of the Most Precious Blood" to "Adorers of the Blood of Christ" to reflect a more contemporary and holistic under- Review for Religious standing of the theology of the Blood of Christ. The United States expression of the charism moved from devotionalism to a concentration on the paschal mystery. We began to give more attention to life, death, and resurrection in the life of Jesus, in the life of the church, in the life of the congregation, and in its members' lives. Immersed in this mystery of our redemption through community education and personal prayer, we hoped to grow to be "more credible witness[es] of God's tender love, of which the blood of Jesus is vibrant sign and unending covenant pledge" (Life Charter, §2). Becoming credible witnesses meant (and still means) living lives of simplicity, involvement in social-justice issues, solidarity with the poor, and improving our community living through communication workshops, conflict resolution, and prayer. Reflecting on the intensely apostolic implications of the charism helped us understand more fully that ministry flows from prayer and prayer floods ministry, much as the classic "Gift of the Nile" provided thriving stands of wheat. "Adorers" in our tide is contemplative; "Blood of Christ" keeps us mindful of the work of redemption. The one title expresses the unity of con-templation and mission. Along with other communities, we researched our roots, wrote histories, and reclaimed a charism that had been in us from the beginning. We .were proud to be Adorers of the Blood of Christ, confident that our paschal-mystery charism continues to be a fiery and energizing spirit for the church and us. The United States expression of the charism moved from devotionalism to a concentration on the paschal mystery. From Paschal Mystery to Reconciliation In "Reclaiming Our Name," Joe Nassal CPpS writes: "The charism does not change . What changes is our response that is shaped by the currents of history." This is precisely what hap-pened to the Adorers of the Blood of Christ and to other May-June 2002 Siegfried ¯ From Paschal Mystery to Reconciliation Precious Blood congregations in the early 1990s. After our two decades of highlighting the paschal-mystery facet of the charism, historical events drew our attention, prayer, and reflection to another facet of our theologically complex charism. Our international congregation has a province in Bosnia and had United States missionaries in Liberia, West Africa. In the early 1990s war raged in both places. While we dreaded that sisters might be killed in Bosnia, it was the five United States Adorers shot and killed in Liberia in October 1992 that gave the Croatian sisters who ministered in Bosnia the courage to stay with the people, to witness to peace, and to attempt to bring reconciliation there. Matija Pavic, one of the Croatian Adorers who experienced the war and destruction of that country, wrote: Since their martyrdom I can say we feel greater close-ness among us, at the level of the province and of the congregation as well . We experienced the truth of the Word that we are called to witness Christ even to shedding of our own blood. We were overwhelmed by feelings of worry, compassion, and prayer; it was as if their suffering spilled over into us.3 Reconciliation is p.ossible only when we have embraced the paschal mystery. The violent shedding of blood in our lifetime--in South Africa, Central and South America, Croatia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Indonesia, in the crime and violence on U.S.A. streets, and in the terrorist attacks here, there, and there too--this bloodshed cries for reconciliation rather than revenge. As Adorers, we understand the seemingly impossible hope that the shedding of the Blood of Christ gives to Christianity. Christ's death was not the end, but the beginning of salvation and reconciliation. So, too, the bloodshed and suffering of our world today need not be just a sad series of endings; it can be the beginning of a new, though painful, reconciliation for this world of ours today. While bloody violence in South Africa and Central America and elsewhere horrified us, much of it was far away from our-selves, or so it seemed. Liberia and Bosnia, similarly far away, were made personal, close up, and full of grief for us Adorers because of the presence, suffering, and death of sisters of ours in those countries. We were now immediate sufferers, with raw Review for Religious and public sorrow. We knew, however, that our sisters gave their lives in the service of the Liberian people and that the Croatian sisters of our congregation willingly suffered along with their people. As Robert Schreiter CPPS has written, "repentance can orig-inate from the side of those who have perpetrated violence, but reconciliation and forgiveness must come from the side of those who have suffered violence.''4 Revenge is anger with an ugly face and the wielding of weapons. The retaliator is reduced to the level of the perpetrator; revenge continues the cycle of violence, spinning it out of control into more madness. Reconciliation is love tempered by suffering, immersing the wounded in the depths of the paschal mystery of our redemption. Reconcilers seek to restore wholeness, and not cause more fragmentation and division. Reconciliation and revenge are not mutually exclusive things separated by an unbridgeable chasm. Rather, they are participants in a con-versation earnestly seeking deeper understanding. For either partner to demonize the other destroys the communication. In a homily during a prayer service for peace shortly after 11 September 2001, Joan Range ASC told us "we must reflect on the cost of bringing peace through reconciliation." She prayed that Jesus would "heal our wounds and give us [his] Spirit so that we can be ambassadors of [his] reconciling presence in the world." Peace and peacemaking on many levels become the work of those who reconcile. Robert Schreiter describes three characteristics of the spir-ituality of reconciliation: an attitude of listening and waiting, attention and compassion, and a postexilic stance.5 As we tell our own stories of the violence done to us, we learn to listen to other sufferers, to wait with them as the pain becomes trans-formative. Reconciliation keeps us conscious of the suffering of others; we become compassionate in ways we never dreamed possible. We learn to live in a new place, beyond the circum-stances that abruptly or gradually exiled us from our former existence: "For those who are reconciled, reconciliation becomes Reconcilers seek to restore wholeness, and not cause more fragmentation and division. May-~une 2002 Sie~ffHed ¯ From Paschal Mystery to Reconciliation a calling. They move to a wholly new place, from which they call oppressors to repentance and serve in a prophetic way for the whole of society.''6 From ASCs to Adorers Why, in the last year or two, have we in the United States province of the Adorers of the Blood of Christ begun to refer to ourselves as "Adorers" instead of using the convenient acronym "ASCs"? (Our website is now even !) Is it merely a way to greater name-recognition, an attempt to dis-tance ourselves from the elaborate code of Catholic religious-congregation abbreviations? While Adorers seems easier to understand and to have better name recognition, I think there is more to it than that. The shift from ASCs to Adorers highlights the contemplative dimension of the charism and provides for the balance of prayer in the midst of activity. Helen Lindsey ASC believes that "Adorer is a statement of who we are; adoration is what establishes the uniqueness of our charism.''7 We have become comfortable with "Adorers" because we have contemplated the paschal mystery, we now realize and internalize more fully what reconciliation means and demands, and we wonder where next the vitality of our charism will lead us. Perhaps Maria de Mattias sensed the link between adoration and reconciliation when she wrote to her bishop on 13 November 1838 that our work is to "establish that beautiful order of things which the great Son of God came to establish in his blood." Contemplation and adoration urge us to reconcili-ation and restoration of right relationships. Theresa Wetta ASC succinctly describes the unfolding of the charism when she says: Reconciliation as a current expression of our charism was prompted, I believe, by the work the CPPS men were doing on spirituality coupled with the increasing need for reconciliation in our more violent and disturbed world. Love and unity have always been expressions of our charism. Now we see love and unity achieved through efforts at reconciliation--the same deep union that Jesus achieved for/with us through the shedding of his blood.8 Review for Religious While this article concentrates on one small community, I think it has implications beyond the Adorers of the Blood of Christ. If we believe that all religious congregation charisms are vibrant, flaming gifts and graces given to our founders and living in us, they do indeed grow, develop, and breathe in us for today's world. Communities can trace the expansion and maturing of their foundational charism to discover how that gift is still relevant, appropriate, and significant in contemporary society. Notes ~ See Marianne Stevens RSM, "Revitalizing Charisms Inspiring Religious Life," and Joseph Nassal CPPS, "Reclaiming Our Name," Review for Religious 53, no. 6 (November-December 1994): 847-859 and 840-846, respectively; Margaret Susan Thompson, "Charism or Deep Story? Towards Understand Better the 19th-Century Origins of American Women's Congregations," Review for Religious 58, no. 3 (May-June 1999): 230-250; Sandra M. Schneiders IHM, Finding the Treasure (Mahwah: Paulist Press, 2000): chaps. 9 and 10. z Review for Religious 53, no. 6 (November-December 1994): 843. 3 Email to author, July 2001; trans. Viktorija Tomic ASC. 4 Robert J. Schreiter CPPS, Reconciliation: Mission and Ministry in a Changing Social Order (Maryknoli: Orbis Books, 1992), p. 21. See also Joseph Nassal CPPS, Premeditated Mercy: A Spirituality of Reconciliation (Leavenworth: Forest of Peace Publishing, 2000), for another fine study of reconciliation. s See Schreiter, Reconciliation, pp. 70-73. 6 Schreiter, Reconciliation, p. 73. 7 Helen Lindsey ASC in email to author, 31 December 2001. 8 Therese Wetta ASC in email to author, 24 January 2002. May-June 2002 DEBORAH M. CERULLO Distinctiveness, Diversity, and Commonness in Consecrated Life religious life culture Much is being written these days concerning where we are currently situated in religious life. Some are calling it the dark night of the souU Others see it as a time for courageous waiting,2 comparing it to being inside a cocoon, developing as we are meant to develop, but at risk of being impatiently opened too soon? While these images are helpful, especially as they allay some of the fears that surround the uncer-taihty of our times, I wonder if there is more clarity about who we are becoming than we sometimes give ourselves credit for. We have spent many years devel-oping those aspects of our life of faith that we share with others' outside our communities, including spirituality, ministry, community, and even charism. We have deconstructed our boundaries and empha-sized an inclusiveness in keeping with Vatican Council II's renewal of the universal call to holiness. As our understanding of what we share with others continues to develop, we are now also beginning to hear the call Deborah M. Cerullo $$ND wrote "Charism and Membership" in our September-October 1999 issue. She is visiting associate clinical professor of law at Boston College Law School; 885 Centre Street; Newton, Massachusetts 02459. Review for Religious to discover our distinctiveness. We are being asked to explore what makes the lifestyle of religious life distinctive, not because it is better or holier, but simply because it is different. This article will explore questions about distinctiveness, diversity, and commonness as we continue our movement from the high-walled boundaries of the pre-Vatican II era to our cur-rent search for new boundaries. It will also propose one method that religious institutes might use to answer these questions. My bias in this project is a belief that we are in a criti-cal time. If we wish to sus-tain the distinctiveness that is religious life, we must deal with our diversity and externalize our new ~reality in a more common way. My thoughts are from the view-point of one who did not experience religious life before or during most of its Religious life is a lifestyle that inculcates and fosters interior and exterior habits that have proved helpful in following Jesus Christ closely. deconstruction, having entered in the mid 1980s. I do not claim that others who entered when I did necessarily have the same thoughts as I do, nor do I think that only those who entered after Vatican II have thoughts like mine, but I do think that we who never experienced religious life's preconciliar uniformity have a different perspective on "commonness" than those who did.4 From my perspective commonness is not the same as uni-formity. I take for granted that diversity is good and that respect for the needs of individuals is important for our future. Distinctiveness and Diversity The distinctiveness of religious life comes from its primary focus, which is God. It is a lifestyle that inculcates and fosters interior and exterior habits that have proved helpful in follow-ing Jesus Christ closely. The means that are most distinctive of the lifestyle of consecrated life are the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, shared governance and finances, and a perma-nent commitment to religious life. Except that unmarried lay life excludes sexual activity, no other Christian lifestyle requires May-June 2002 Cerullo ¯ Distinctive'hess, Diversity, and Commonness --- 294A people to renounce private property, sexual activity, marriage, and autonomy (sharing financial resources with other members and abiding by decisions made by other members), all on a permanent basis. As religious life does too, other Christian lifestyles, of course, call for ministry, community, prayer, and social justice. For some, these calls come from within the charism of a par-ticular religious family through various associate programs,s Although religious and others still ask whether those making only temporary commitments might be invited to full mem-bership or whether some dedicated people should be invited to make permanent but partial commitments that would, say, include participation in government but not the life of the vows, these are questions without present answers. Meanwhile, other questions about joining with others in ministry, promoting social justice, forming alternative communities, and praying and grow-ing spiritually have all been answered with a resounding yes, and the only questions left are whether there need be any limits to this sharing. There are diverse views in religious life today and diverse choices being made. I believe that exploring this diversity is crucial to understanding the distinctiveness of religious life.6 Because being nonjudgmental and tolerant is such a strong cul-tural value today, many have adopted a live-and-let-live attitude that can prevent dialogue from being meaningful. While this attitude reduces tension and conflict within our congrega-tions, there is danger of our not engaging one another at enough depth to keep our passion alive, the passion inside each of us that enlivens our commitments for shared mission. In discussing diversity we must ask whether there are essen-tials in the living o]: consecrated life beyond which we venture at our peril. If so, how do we decide what they are? For exam-ple, most would agree that an active sexual relationship is incon-sistent with the commitment to consecrated celibacy. The boundary is fairly well established, with little, though some, disagreement. Even the disagreement, however, is more in the-oretical terms thari in. open behavior. Can we identify similar boundaries for gospel poverty and apostolic obedience? Gospel poverty seems to be an area that permits a wide variance of opinion, but at the same time includes silent disapproval of the Review for Religious way some members' choices undermine community relation-ships. Apostolic obedience seems to enjoy wide support for the view that the distinctiveness of our living the vow of obedience is limited to who we invite into our discernments (that is, lead-ership instead of a spouse or friend), rather than something qualitatively different. Even here, however, there would be wide disagreement about how and when leadership is invited into our personal discernments. Although these issues are significant, the questions sur-rounding the areas that we share with nonmembers are, I believe, even more significant. In our age of respect for the individual and in our reaction against religious life's preconciliar unifor-mity, we are strongly supportive of a wid~ diversity of choices in ministry and in styles of community and prayer, including when and with whom we engage in these aspects of our life. This diversity is so great that many of us have difficulty finding members with whom to share our work, homes, and prayer, especially on a daily basis. For like-minded members to come together once or twice a month is seen as an acceptable alter-native to daily sharing, especially by those whose entered before Vatican II, the majority of our membership. This opinion is not shared by most members who entered after the council and is a growing source of difficulty.7 This issue is at the heart of our different belonging needs. For mem-bers who have a well-developed sense of belonging after decades of membership, living, working, or even praying with other members of the congregation does not appear to be a strong need so long as the intermittent connection is maintained. The same practice would also likely satisf3, those who do not have a strong sense of belonging within the congregation, but still desire some of the benefits of membership. The question that remains is whether our diverse choices about ministry, community, and shared prayer so detract from our distinctiveness that our current support for them will con-tribute more to the loss of our lifestyle than to its flourishing, or whether the values and social movement that generated this diversity are so important that diversity must be allowed to con-tinue unabated. VChile in theory the answer probably lies some-where between these extremes, that middle ground can be achieved only if enough members keep trying to achieve it. May-.~une 2002 Cerullo ¯ Distinctiveness, Diversity, and Commonness The area where we seem most united, with very little articulated diversity, is in our social-justice views. The area where we seem most united, with very little artic-ulated diversity, is in our social-justice views. Vghile tolerance of different perspectives on living the vows, prayer, community life, and ministry are, in my view, the norm, this is not true of our justice perspectives. In her recent book Finding the Treasure, Sandra Schneiders has gone so far as to suggest that this social-justice work on behalf of the poor and marginalized (which she calls the prophetic dimen-sion of religious life) isin fact a primary distinguishing characteristic of religious life.~ While Schneiders's work as a whole is a major contribution to any analysis of contemporary religious life, this assertion seems to me quite extraordinary, con-sidering the latitude she gives in all other categories. Her descrip-tion of our prophetic role as standing on the margins of church and society, lamenting the iniustices of our world, and offering hope to the oppressed seems appropriate for some of our mem-bership, for whom social justice is a passion. It seems all the more appropriate, then, for some congregations whose charism involves such social protest. But, though I believe that most of us would support and affirm the need for a social-justice dimen-sion in our lives and our congregations, I am not convinced that we would agree that this dimension is the distinguishing char-acteristic that all members must espouse with the fervor and ded-ication of a prophet. Rather, many would assert that our prophet role as witnesses of hope and love in a broken world is meant for everyone, and that service to others is legitimate in its own right, not simply as it affects the poor and marginalized. But, even if I am wrong and most religious would claim that social justice deserves a primacy in our lives, where does that leave us on the issue of diversity? Is there a place among us for those who do not experience social justice as the primary motivating or sus-taining aspect of our vocation? What about those with minority political views? These examples highlight the difficulties we are experienc-ing as we decide what areas of our lives to emphasize and what, Review for Religious if any, boundaries should be set or maintained. Is it ever appro-priate to claim that a practice or belief is normative, or would we too likely return to a conformity that has been rejected or a majority rule that is not sufficiently respectful of individual per-spectives? I believe that how we answer these questions together within our own individual institutes will determine whether we hold on to the distinctiveness that is religious life, at least in its North American manifestation. Externalizing Our Common Reality The renewal of Vatican II brought many changes to reli-gious life, deconstructing a world where the externals had become ends in themselves. Externals became suspect, and inter-nalizing new understandings of our lifestyle became the norm. Diversity and respect for individual choices became so highly valued that the value of commonness for the sake of shared mis-sion was overwhelmed. Our challenge now is to discover ways to integrate these values so that the common life may reemerge, not in its preconciliar form, but in a way that maintains dis-tinctiveness and provides religious with sufficient support. One way to do this, I believe, is to identify the parts of our new real-ity that we regard as common and to give them external expres-sion. Symbols, myths, public rituals, and expected standards of behavior are identity markers which we need in order to embody our commitment? We must do this in a way that respects legit-imate diversity and individual needs, but does not make diver-sity and individualism ends in themselves, valued at the expense of the common life. So how might religious, together, go about answering some of these questions? In my own community we have begun with a process of theological development, especially in the areas of Christology and ecclesiology as they relate to diverse world-views from the classical, modern, and postmodern eras. Other communities are doing the same~° or are engaging in ongoing dialogue on significant.theological issues, i1 Another step in this process could include corporate theological reflection on the various elements discussed above. A group would discuss these in relation to their lived experience and with a view toward tak-ing action. It would aim at practical action, not theory, working May-June 2002 Cerullo ¯ Distinctiveness, Diversity, and Commonness out of specific contexts rather than generic truths and drawing upon lived experience as much as classical texts. It would cor-relate this experience with the sources and texts of the religious tradition and then draw out practical implications for living.12 The action goal would be commitment to living these practical implications. This process could be used in local communities, geo-graphical areas, provinces, or even entire congregations. It could involve members, associates, coworkers, or guest contributors, but decision making would be left to those planning to live the commitment. Givefi the potential difficulty of this level of dia-logue, perhaps the use of certain rules for dialogue would be useful, such as those articulated in the Common Ground ini-tiative, where Catholics with differing viewpoints are encouraged to dialogue:13 ¯ We should recognize that no single group or view-point has a complete monopoly on the truth. ¯ We should test all proposals for their pastoral realism and potential impact on living individuals. ° We should presume that those with whom we differ are acting in good faith. ¯ We should put the best possible construction on differing positions, addressing their strongest points rather than seizing upon the most vul-nerable aspects. ¯ We should be cautious [about] ascribing motives. ¯ We should bring the church [or, in our case, religious life] to engage the realities of contemporary cul~re by acknowledging both our cul-ture's valid achievements and real dangers. ¯ It could be helpful to have a skilled facilitator who is not a member of the group. Such a person can help participants to hear all voices in the dialogue, not only those that are loudest or most articulate. Another way for the group as a whole to hear different voices might be to practice by bringing together smaller groups that have types of ministry in common or simi-lar ages or similar community lifestyle experience, and then dis-cussing differences that occur even among themselves. In all such efforts, what is important is the honesty and depth of our dialogue and a true commitment to its results, neither of which is quickly or easily achieved. Summing up, I believe that we are in a critical time in reli- Review for Religious gious life when we must deal with our diversity and externalize our new reality in a more common way if we wish to sustain consecrated life's distinctiveness--the very reason why we entered religious life. The development of new symbols, myths, public rituals, and expected standards of behavior--or perhaps reclaiming some of the old with a new understanding of their meaning in our lives--is essential if we are to survive as a dis-tinct lifestyle. If we identify, and perhaps create, more of what can hold us together in this life we share, it will lead to a deep-ening of our individual and community spiritual life and empower us for more effective ministry. I believe, too, that more will want to join us if we can tell them with greater clarity who we are and how our life is different from theirs. While this can never be the primary motivation for our choices, without new members it will not matter how much diversity, respect for indi-viduals, prophetic witness, or postmodern sensibility religious life fosters, except in the lives of its last generation. Notes ~ Sandra M. Schneiders II-hVl, Finding the Treasure: Locating Catholic Religious Life in a New Ecclesial Context, vol. 1 of Religious Life in a New Millennium (Mahwah: Paulist Press, 2000o), chap. 5. 2 Barbara Fiand SND, Wrestling with God: Religious Life in Search of Its Soul (New York: Crossroad Publishing Company, 1996). 31 could not locate the source of this image, but I remember read-ing it on more than one occasion. 4 See Patricia Wittberg SC, Pathways to Re-Creating Religious Communities (Mahwah: Paulist Press, 1996), p. 126. s See John Paul II, Vita consecrata, §54. 6 1 am indebted to Mary Maher SSND for first raising this point in a workshop titled "SSND: Living in Many Worlds," held in 1999 in Chattawa, Mississippi. 7 See Catherine Bertrand SSND, "Common Threads: Are We Weaving or Unraveling?" Review for Religious 57, no. 6 (November- December 1998): 566-577. 8 Schneiders, Finding the Treasure, pp. 137-149. 9 Nihal Abeyasingha CSSR, "Refounding by Honing the Purpose Concept," Review for Religious 57, no. 4 (July-August 1998): 417. ~0 Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary have been leaders in developing materials for this process and have been gener- May-June 2002 Cerullo ¯ Distinctiveness, Diversity, and Commonness ous in sharing them with others. And see Marie Chiodo DW and Mary Irving SSND, "An Itinerant Approach to Theological Updating," Review for Religious 57, no. 3 (May-June 1998): 247-259. n For example, the Congregation of Notre Dame, with whom I live, is engaged in such a dialogue on the topic of Eucharist. 12 See Robert L. Kinast, What Are They Saying about Theological Reflection? (Mahwah: Paulist Press, 2000). 13 National Pastoral Life Center, Called to Be Catholic: Church in a Time of Peril, Origins 26, no. 11 (29 August 1996), pp. 169-170 passim. Walking by St. Cecilia's Convent Still taking that side of the street And the convent's brick sidewalk For the memories that it had: Behind bricks" barred recesses, the lives Lived by bells that to children Seemed gladder than children's; what wrinkles Of feature or fate those wimples hid, stayed Hidden from us, singing gaily "St. C! St. C!" For the school team. Where is she now, Virginal martyr and mistress of musics, Who sheltered our years and sheltered Her servants, the habited girls? And if I knocked at her convent And said, "Take me back in" to my innocence, Sisters, to a life lived by bells, Would I find her and them? or myself only Behind bricks still quixotic as ever, Impossibiy dreaming the St. C Of me has yet to begin. Nancy G. Westerfield Review for Religious NIHAL ABEYASINGHA The Culture of Religious Life within Asian Culture Tqe battle cry of the Fr,e, nch Revolution was "Liberty, uality, and Fraternity. The revolution in France and other revolutions that followed in Europe are well known. Two hundred years later it is almost ironical that Neil Kinnoch, onetime transport commissioner for the European Union, would almost parody that battle cry, saying "A car, a pair of jeans, and a burger are the new evidence of liberty, fraternity, and equality." Innovations within a Culture Innovations almost always stem from individuals. Yet, as Max Weber has remarked, no intellectual has ever established a religion. What becomes of the innovations is what the many other individuals who constitute society make of them. Often the results have little to do with the intention of the innovator2 To have some idea, then, of the likely direction an innovation will take, one has to look at who constitute the society into which the innovation is introduced. People differ not in soundness of reasoning, but in the principles and modalities that govern its exercise. Human experience is shaped, molded, and in a sense constituted by cultural and linguistic forms. Nihal Abeyasingha CSSR wrote two articles for our pages in 1999. He may be addressed during his sabbatical year (till mid January 2003) at St. Hilary Parish; 5465 Citronell Avenue; Pico Rivera, California 90660. May-June 2002 Abeyasingba ¯ Religious Life within Asian Culture The vast majority of international religious institutes rose in the West, with its long Christian tradition. Only after the 16th century were numbers of them planted in Asia. Of these, many accepted local members for the first time only in the late 19th century. With few exceptions, the first Asian superiors were named only in the mid 20th century. Today there are very few foreign religious in Asia (except for some that have come to Asia to seek members to staff their establishments in the West). Hardly any foreigners are superiors. The organization and direction of religious life have been entrusted to local personnel. But the principles and modalities that govern the course of religious life as lived in Asia need to be reflected on more carefully. The fact that international religious institutes are well established in India in terms of numbers, buildings, and involvement in many forms of apostolate does not mean that these institutes have adapted themselves to the Asian context. The question that needs to be raised is: Do these religious institutes give indications of the innovative witness of their founders and foundresses according to the principles and modalities of the functioning of the Asian mind? Unfortunately, it would seem that many Asian branches of religious institutes seek direction from their general administrations for the resolution of their local problems. The general administrations are for the most part non-Asian, and so the question arises: On what principles and modalities of reason do they offer direction'to their units in Asia? That one must keep the institution going at all costs because most present-day vocations come from Asia and Africa? Or that what the local unit decides must be right? Or that what the local unit judges to be good is good also for the institute? These modalities of reasoning can be legitimate and valid in specific instances, but are they the correct general modalities for the Asian context? The numerical growth of religious life in Asia is evident. These numerous Asian members must certainly not function or seem to function like foreign implants within the Asian culture. On the other hand, they must not simply be part and parcel of the Asian culture. Religious life must always be a challenge to the existing culture. It must be an innovation, one that witnesses to the Source of its incarnate newness. The present article oudines some considerations, in the working out of this process of Review for Religious adaptation to Asian culture--not merely reflecting the culture, but challenging it to conversion. I shall do this in the form of theses for discussion (italicized below). They are not exhaustive treatments of the issues. The Movement of Adaptation The movement of adaptation #from the gospel to the culture and back to the gospel, which is then proclaimed in its originality in a cultural modality. In his address to the first meeting of the Pastoral Council for Culture, Pope John Paul 1I pointed out that the Vatican Council committed "the whole church to listen to modern man in order to understand him and to invent a new kind of dialogue which would permit the originality of the gospel to be carried to the heart of contemporary modalities." The human situation, however, is ambiguous. People have forces in their own hands: The operative question is: What is worth losing in a culture in favor of what is to be gained in life ? either they control them or they become enslaved by them. In every instance, then, the operative question is: What is worth losing in a culture in favor of what is to be gained in life? Life is not just a dimension of the human situation that involves the satisfaction of biological or aesthetic or other needs. It is, rather, the way revealed in Jesus Christ, and it is to this life that the Christian is committed. As Pope John Paul has said, "man is the way of the church." But "man" must be understood in terms of the man, Jesus Christ. It is the proclamation of Jesus Christ that is the mission of the church) It is through inculturation that the church becomes an intelligible sign of what it is and a more effective instrument of mission. Adaptation's Goal By their witness to escbatological values, religious are called to bring the Good News of conversion into the heart of the culture. May-d~ne 2002 Abeyasingba ¯ Religious Life within Asian Culture (Religious institutes began as innovations; they must continue innovating or slowly fade away.) Pope John Paul has said that mission is contemplative action and active contemplation. Sometimes silent witness is the only way.3 Before him Pope Paul vI pointed out that "the gospel, and therefore evangelization, are certainly not identical with culture, and they are independent in regard to all cultures. Nevertheless, the kingdom which the gospel proclaims is lived by men who are profoundly linked to a culture, and the building up of the kingdom cannot avoid borrowing the elements of human culture or cultures . Therefore, every effort must be made to ensure a full evangelization of culture or, more correcdy, of cultures. They have to be regenerated by an encounter with the gospel,"4 beginning (we could add) with an encounter resulting in regeneration/conversion in the lives of Asian religious themselves. How does this happen? Perhaps the message to youth issued at the end of Vatican II can suggest a path. Each generation has to receive from its elders what they have to offer, but each generation is committed to build a better world than their elders had. In fact, the youth of today, despite many negative assessments of them, can surprise their elders. In 2000 almost a million young people gathered in Rome for the World Youth Day. The organizers were amazed at their restraint and gen-erosity. Founded as innovations, religious institutes challenge the existing forces within their culture by proclaiming the gospel afresh, bringing the good news that is able to convert and transform the culture. Such results follow in the early years, but new problems arise when the founding insight needs to be . adapted to circumstances and cultures that are quite different. As institutes increase numerically and spread geographically, their original creativeness requires some adaptation in ascetical practices, forms of work, lifestyle, and so forth. If the adaptation is not done carefully, religious life is likely to be of the world, not merely in it (rather than in the world and not of it). It would reflect the culture uncritically, without challenging it at all. Social structures in Asia, even at the present time, are feudals (at least in aspiration, if not always in fact). So the temptation in adaptation and proclamation would be toward conforming to social aspirations and doing the things that are respected and Review for Religious likely to gain recognition in society. But there must be no letup in looking for ways that the gospel and the charism (innovations, both of them) can retain their relevant originality in the Asian context. Adaptation in Context Adaptation needs to take place, for the sake of being relevant within the Asian cultural traditions. Otherwise there is danger of the message being unintelligible or thoroughly misunderstood. As has been pointed out, the Gospels can be seen as reflecting the minds of the particular evangelists. Mark is factual; Matthew is holistic and gives the big picture; Luke follows a step-by-step approach and is systematic; John preaches love. Similarly, the historical books of the Bible are factual; the prophetic books view present situations within the big picture as God might see it; the wisdom literature attempts to be syste,natic; and the psalms and the Canticle of Canticles are odes to love. All the books are valuable, and no book is less the word of God than the others. Only the modalities are different, re

Issue 15.3 of the Review for Religious, 1956. ; A. M. D. G. Review for Religious MAY 15, 1956 Mofher Xavier Ross . Sister Julia Gilmore Sis÷ers' Retrea~s--III . Thomas Dubay Our Lady and ~he Apos÷ola~e . EIIwood E. Kieser Communffy C;rosses . Wlnfrld Herbst Devotion ÷o fhe Sacred Hear÷ . c:. A. Herbsf Book Reviews Questions and Answers Summer Schools VOLUME XV No. 3 RI:::VII:::W FOR RI:::LIGIOUS VOLUME XV MAY, 1956 NUMBER CONTENTS MOTHER XAVIER ROSS --- Sister Julia Gilmore, S.C.L . 113 SISTERS' RETREATS-~III Thomas Dubay, S.M . 128 SOME BOOKS RECEIVED . 134 OUR LADY AND THE APOSTOLATE--Ellwood E. Kieser, C.S.P. . 135 COMMUNITY CROSSES--Winfrid Herbst, S.D.S. : . 141 DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART--C. A. Herbst, S.J . 145 FOR YOUR INFORMATION . 152 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- 17. Quinquennial Report . . 0 . 156 18. Offering Holy Communion for Others . 157 19. Exempt Religious Obliged to Say Orationes Irnperatae . 158 20. Obligation of Religious to Make Will . ; . 159 21. Computation of Time for Profession . 160 22. Impediment for Renouncing the Catholic Faith . 161 23. Meaning of Patrimony . 162 REPRINT SERIES NOT AVAILABLE . 162 OUR CONTRIBUTORS . 162 BOOK REVIEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTSI Editor: Bernard A. Hausmann, S.J. West Baden College West Baden Springs, Indiana . 163 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, May, 1956. Vol. XV, No. 3. Published bi-monthly: January, March, May, July, September, and November, at the College Press, 606 Harrison Street, Topeka, Kansas, by- St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approb.ation. Entered as second class matter, January 15, 1942, at the Post Office, Topeka, Kansas, under the act of March 3, 1879. Editorial Board: Augustine G. Ellard, S.J., Geriild Kelly, S.J., Henry Willmering, S.3. Literary Editor: Edwin F. Falteisek, S.J. Publishing rights reserved by R-EVIEW FOR: RELIGIOUS. Permission is hereby granted for quotations of reasonable length, provided due credit be given this review and the author. Subscription price: 3 dollars a year; 50 cents a copy. Printed in U. S. A. Before writing to us, please consult notice on inside back cover. fl ot:her Xavier Ross Sister Julia Gilmore, S.C.L. [Editors' Note: This account of the foundress of the Sisters of Charity of Leaven-worth is adapted from Sister Julia's book, Come Northt.] TO the first call of the West, many of the Pennsylvania settlers responded, following the turnpike surfaced by the new bound-stone method inventedin England by John McAdam, driv-ing their Conestoga wagons on. through Indiana over its corduroy roads; others drifted their keelboats down the Ohio and Mississippi, breaking them up later and rebuilding them into settlers' cabins; others went no farther than Cincinnati, which was already calling itself "The Queen City of the West." Ann Ross was born there on November 17, 1813, the fourth of five children in the family of Richard Ross, a Methodist preacher, and his wife Elizabeth Taylor ROSS. Cincinnati at heart and in spirit was a frontier town built by pioneers, and Ann caught their spirit and courage early. Even in childhood she showed qualities of leadership as she decided the games for her playmates and captained every undertaking. Attractive, though never considered beautiful, she drew atten-tion unconsciously through her physical appearance as well as through her personality. Small, scarcely five feet, she was graceful in her movements, quick in perception and response, her dark wide-set eyes glowing with alertness. Her father's favorite always, he delighted in having her waiting for him after the evening meeting, when he came home with nerves so taut he had to let himself "run down" before he could attempt to sleep. His long discourses drilled his children in close listening and logical thinking--a boon to Ann all her life. Little is known of her early schooling or companionship; but, when she was about fifteen, she became acquainted with a convert, Victoria Robinson, a young girl of very decided character. As the friendship grew, Ann asked to accompany her on~ day to a church service. Although she knew nothing of Catholic devotion, at Bene-diction she knelt when Victoria knelt and stood when Victoria stood, yet for some unsurmised reason burst into tears during the service, but wisely said nothing about it when the girls left the church. The Rosses hearing of this visit made no effort to hide their displeasure, telling Ann that under no condition was she to repeat 113 SISTER JULIA GILMORE Reoieua for Religious the offense. However, this admonition seems to have made little impression upon Ann; for, in less than a year, she insisted upon at-tending Mass one Sunday with Victoria. During the Mass Ann felt coming over her the sweet sense of well-being until the Com-munion when she knew he'rself to be definitely outside the pale. She tried to conceal her tears while insisting after Mass that she be introduced to the priest who had said the Mass. Reluctantly, Victoria yielded to Ann's persuasion; and, when Father Mullin heard her expression of desire to be instructed in the Faith, he ac-quiesced and not too long after baptised her. As on previous occasions the Rosses were vociferous in their disapproval. Her approach to her father in his study tl~e afternoon of her baptism was direct and determined. The ensuing conversa-tion resulted in Richard Ross' mounting anger causing him to forbid Ann not only attendance at Catholic services but also the very men-tion of the name of Catholicism. His sneering abuse changed his house that evening from a haven of peace to a veritable cave of Aeolus full of storm. However, Ann showed her heritage of will power. Regretting as she did the breach in family relations, she, nevertheless, slipped out of the house regularly on Sundays to hear Mass. From her position as loved daughter of the house she soon became an outcast; even her picture was removed from the family group. This strained situation continued about a year; yet Ann seems to have been permitted (at least she continued) her friendship with Victoria. During the following summer Victoria told her she had learned about religious life as lived in communities and that she had decided upon such a life .as she felt a strong desire to turn all her efforts toward helping others. Ann knew nothing of sisterhoods, but in her quiet persevering way learned more of them after that conversation. The day she saw Victoria off at the wharf for her admission into a novitiate, Ann said in farewell, "But it won't be for long; I, too, have applied and have been accepted' for the convent at Nazareth." With her customary directness she approached her father when she returned home that morning and told him of her intention to become a Sister of Charity. His derision and rising temper did not deter her from following her set purpose. Hard as it was to separate herself from the family she loved so deeply, that very night she packed in her old-fashioned suitcase, called 114 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS~ a telescope, the few things she thought might be of use to her in a convent; and, in the early morning before anyone knew she was up, she slipped out of the house, heard Mass, then purcha, sed at the wharf her passage to Louisville from where she would go by stage the remainder of the journey to Nazareth, Kentucky. As she stepped over the threshold of the mother house of the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth that August 22, 1832, she felt neither sense of fear nor strange exaltation. She was being led a willing follower to some great untried destiny. What it was she did not know, but she was content to feel that she was cooperating in every way she could. The scene changes now. Up to this moment her life had been as simple, as free from adventures, as uneventful as a girl's life could be. If no.thing .had occurred to alter it, she might have con-tinued to be a rather lively versatile young person of uncatalogued tendencies. Her potentialities were unknown to others, whatever she felt ~ within herself. What she sought was a work or a calling in which life would yield its maximum possibilities, bringing into fullest play latent faculties. She had never complained about the loss of friends and com-panionship which her conversion to Catholicism had brought her. But it must have been very hard for her to leave the old environ-ment and come to live as she did among strangers. She accepted it all willingly, even joyfully, and certainly with tranquility. The evening of her arrival at Nazareth she was received into the novitiate: and, as was the custom at that time, she received a religious name as a postulant by drawing a slip of paper from among several held in the apron of the mother superior. As she looked at the paper her face expressed bewilderment. She had never seen the name Xavier before. (In various documents her name is spelled Xavia and in her own handwriting can be seen La Soeur Xavia written on the flyleaf of her old French reader.) Getting acquainted took little time; for the new postulant, Sister Xavier, adjusted readily. Nothing seemed strange to her. She rose at four-thirty with the others for the morning prayers said in common, followed through the prayers and work of the day, enjoying the routine of learning how to work on. the farm, in the dairy, the kitchen, the chapel. Under Bishop Flaget and Father David, her religious training and her secular studies progressed. Christmas of 1832 came and went: New Year's, 1833, was unmarked save by the cold and raw- 115 SISTER JULIA GILMORE Review [or Religious ness of winter. February held a great deal for the new postulant as the community council met and approved her for the habit which she received on the twenty-fourth of the month. With black curls gone, but with the same sparkling dark eyes flashing from under the white cap, Sister Xavier may have been less captivating in appearance; but she was nonetheless attractive. There was something compelling about her that obliged the casual observer to closer scrutiny. Her novitiate continued to be interesting to herl although it had its hard moments when the command "Possess your soul in peace and true humility" seemed to her an impossible counsel of perfection. Occasions had come, too, when the thought of home called so imperiously that it was all but impossible not to go back. Whether she heard from her parents during her first six months at Nazareth is not known. That she wrote at rather r~gfilar inter-vals may be presumed, for the custom of writing to parents seems always to have been part of the rule of the novitiate of the Sisters of Charity. She had not been a novice very long, however, when one day she was called to the parlor. Her joy was made poignant by the thought that at last her mother and father had forgiven her and had come to see her habited as a Sister of Charity. But the thought need never have formed; for as she stepped over the threshold of the parlor, her mother rushed toward her screa'ming in tears, "Oh, my poor disfigured child!" Taken aback Sister Xavier turned hope-fully to her father only to see his rude gesture and hear ugliness of tone as he said, "Take off that hideous cap!" at the same time removing it himself. With confidence gone, she stood bewildered for the moment. Then dashing from the room, she ran to Mother Frances' office where sobs had to subside' before her explanations took on coher-ence. Mother Frances' mind was made up' instantly and together they drove the three miles to Bardstown to consult with Bishop Flaget. He listened attentively and compassionately 6nly to say at the end, "You are under age, so you will have to return with your parents." So Ann put on the secular clothes brought by her parents; and the Rosses with their recovered treasure set out as soon as possible for Louisville by stage, only to be thwarted when they tried to purchase tickets there for the upriver trip to Cincinnati as the cap-tain at the wharf told them cholera was raging along the river. 116 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS, Frustrated, Mr. Ross took his family to the Galt House,. leaving them while he went about town on other business. A friend of Mrs. Ross', noting Ann's tears, said in the course of conversation, Ylsn't it a pity to pluck this young flower from the hand of God?" No reply was made, but Ann followed up her advantage; and, when they were alone in their room, she said to her mother, "How can you see me suffer so and make no effort to make me happy?" Her mother's reply was like blinding sunlight bursting through storm clouds, "Well, Ann, my dear child, if you can get away without your father seeing you, you may go with my blessing." In a flash Ann kissed her mother, ran down the stairs, across the lobby and up the street, fearful every moment of meeting her father. She went to the Infirmary of the Sisters of Charity, ex~ plained her being there, waited a few days, and, when her parents did not come for her, returned to Nazareth, resumed her novitiate and upon taking her vows the following February was sent to be a member of the staff of the Orphan Asylum in Louisville. She seemed particularly adapted to the routine of the orphanage and showed in many ways her enjoyment of working with the children. After several years she was appointed the sister servant of this same orphanage (the term then used to designate a sister superior). Whatever time she could afford away from the children, she spent in a little unheated dormitory alcove, planning lessons, doing mend-ing, making up accounts. During the winters, and these can be very severe in Kentucky, an actual poverty demanded heat be pro-vided only' in that part of the house occupied by the children. This took a toll of Sister Xavier, as one winter she contracted a heavy cold" that settled in her ears and resulted ultimately in her total deafness. But nothing deterred her from continuing her work., : Following the Louisville assignment came appointment as sister servant of the academy in Nashville, Tennessee. Her itiitial moiathd there began propitiously, but. in the springof 1848 cholera broke out:; the academy:dosed, and Sister Xavier,with the other teachers joined the si~ters at the.hospital caring for .qictims of the plague. Ofteri' she went about the streets of Nashville'~fom house"to house doing" everything possible for the sick and giv;ing whatever 'con-solation she could to the stricken, many ofwh6m hard made s~afit preparation .for death that was so imminent. A tardy f~ll followed a long,i.hdt surhmer"bef0re"the scourge abated ~and teaching.w~s:~resum~d: ?'(That yhar~.fini~fied," Si~te~ Xax;ier,. 1i7, SISTER JULIA GILMORE Reoiew for Religious .much weakened by :her experience, . was .reassigned as sister servant of the orphanage in Louisville. Some few letters still extant describe the times with their anxi-eties and reveal, as letters do, the characteristics of the writer. One of these in a significant way points up Sister Xavier's simplicity and loyalty at the same time that it makes a reader aware of her out-bursts of temper. The fact is that many who knew her, loved her, and admired her greatly never denied nor tried to conceal what ap-parently was a source of grief and embarrassment to her. Her tem-per, however, seems matched by her humility as she invariably sin-cerely and with simplicity asked pardon for her outbursts. The early and middle nineteenth century was an era of new modes. These were transitional years; changes came in ways un-expected; and customs of long years' standing were being laid aside to give place to the demands of a new and more progressive era. Among other things the administration of schools felt these modi-fications. Bishop Richard Pius Miles, O.P., of Nashville was not com-pletely satisfied with changes made in his staff by the mother house at Nazareth and a prohibition of the sisters' singing in the parish choir. Wishing to retain some as permanent members of his faculty and have a purely diocesan religious order, free from outside author-ity, he petitioned the mother house at Nazareth for a group of its sisters to establish such a community in Nashville. A tradition exists in the Nazareth community that the con-templation of this diocesan foundation in Nashville was generally known for quite some time. In the summer of 1851, Mother Cath-erine Spalding officially made Bishop Miles' request known to her entire community. Since this would mean the loss of some sisters to the still young Nazareth organization; and, as she knew well the countless dangers and hardships which confront communities in their initial stages, Mother Catherine wisely attempted to dis-suade from any precipitancy. She feared that courage might lead to peril. However, in due course, she gave full permission to any member who wished to form the nucleus of the new diocesan foun-dation. The very kindliest of feelings were distinctly manifest .as she made it clear that any sister wishing to remain in or go to Nashville was free to do so. The matter of this proposal was considered seriously, and none of those who accepted it arrived at her decision without thought and meditation. Many nights, lying awake hour after hour, Sister I'18 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS Xavier deliberated upon the proposition before she saw the step that she must take; and the grace came to take it. A new sphere of activity was opening; she was asked to fill it; she determined to lay personal considerations aside and follow the Master with im-plicit confidence in His providence. It was not, however, until the end of ,June that she was able to say t6 herself, "I will cleave to His command, 'Leave all and follow me.' " Not only for her, but also for each one in the group going to Nashville, there was a "giving Up," an "acting against self." Their sorrow was perceptible and deep. They were giving up forever their convent home and life-long friends in Kentucky. Such action brought grief of a nature fully understandable only to those who have had a like experience, but the urgent request they had received could not be lightly disregarded. For Sister Xavier and her five companions there was, along with other ties, the severance of companionship that had grown very close during nineteen years of religious life. She was endeared to the sisters of Nazareth and they were endeared to her. But now, in response to Bishop Miles' persistent request, they withdrew from the Nazareth community in the summer of 1851. Though the Sis-ters of Charity at Nazareth looked upon the separation in varied wa);s, in the years to come they would say of Sister Xavier with unanimous sincerity, "She was a heroine!" Others making the Nashville foundation were Sisters 3oanna Bruner, 3ane Francis 3ones and Ellen Davis (both of whom died in Nashville in 1854), Mary Vincent Kearney, and BaptistaCarney (who returned to Nazareth to be with her own sister in that com-munity). Two others, from Nazareth joined the Nashville group the next year: Sisters Pauline Gibson and Dorothy Villeneuve. All the members retained the religious names they had received upon their entrance into the Nazareth community. Not until 1895 were any alterations made in the habit they wore. Trials were not wanting to Sister Xavier and her valiant band; and, humanly speaking, it was hard for her to realize during these days the truth which she expressed so emphatically: "One finds God everywhere one seeks I~im; He alone is all one needs." But there were compensations, too. The number of sisters was not diminished but augmented, for several young girls sought da - m~sslon to.the new community as postulants as soon as the s~sters would receive them. The beginnings in Nashville were meager; the teaching sisters 1 19 SISTER JULIA GILMORE stayed at the hospital with the nursing sisters until an orphanage for boys was opened. This was followed in rapid succession by a school for girls and an orphanage for girls which also served as a boarding school. Within a year Sister Xavier had been elected the mother superior. Under her guidance the institutions grew, and work awaited the sisters on all sides. Mother Xavier apparently acted as mistress of novices as well as superior of the growing community. Some few 6f her instructions to members of the novitiate are still extant. Be-cause she knew the value of discipline and had learned God's ways with the soul, she could personally share such counsels as these: "Instead of reviewing in a too self-satisfied manner whatever you may have done well, cherish and improve every day the spirit of prayer and habitual recollection, obedience, humility, charity, sim-plicity, modesty, and fidelity. Then Christ will be with you and His presence is the only thing in which to take satisfaction . The conventions and courtesies of social intercouse should not be neglected nor disdained, as they are the natural aids to the promo-tion of God's work . Refinement of manner and virile spiritual life are close companions. They are essential to the keeping of the Rule . Every act of obedience is an act of faith, and the just man lives by faith .Divine love and humble prayer must animate you." Father Ivo Schacht (pronounced Scat), a zealous.Belgian priest, was appointed by Bishop Miles spiritual director of the community. He worked constantly toward the spiritual development of the sisters as well as the expansion of facilities in order to. care for more and more children.- .=. With this endin view, late in 1856, heobegan the construction of an academy and mother house on a part of farm grounds on which he had previously built an orphanage. To finance these buildings he used with the permissibn of his.bishop deposits re-ceived from members of the Nashville: congregation. The construc-tion was completed; the sisters, :no~cices, arid.postulants were living in the part to be used as a mother house; the academy had promise of a full enrollment. It would be but a short time before the debt on the building would be paid. Then, early in 1857, clouds began to appear on the horizon, small at first and not much noticed; but with the months they increased in size and proportion, throwing deep shadows upon the .young Nashville community. A misunderstanding .that had.lbeen brewing between Bishop 120 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS Miles and Father Schacht resulted in the latter's, withdrawal from the diocese. Whatever the difficulty between the two, certainly it should never have affected the sisters. But it did. Father Schacht deeply regretted the complicated situation in which he would be obliged to leave this group of Sisters of Charity, but he was power-less to assist them further. About July or August of 1858 when the depositors learned of Father Schacht's departure, they grew clamorous for their money. Had they but consented to wait, the debt in due time would have been liquidated; but they would not. Mother Xavier finding that the Bishop refused to assume the responsibility of payment took counsel with the sisters, and "the group resolved to sell everything they had in the world and pay those to whom money was due. Another Via Crucis had begun. All the institutions were flourish-ing; all would have to suffer. Mother Xavier was filled with so-licitude for the sisters, patients, orphans, and students. She had always regarded the bishop as a very pious man prompted by the best motives. Never, even in this trial, did an expression of bitterness or lack of reverence escape her in speaking of him. Invariably she said, "He means well." She understood how, without malice on either side, misunderstandings happen and cause very keen suffering to those whose aim is to make others happy. During this period of insecurity and anxiety, she made ac-quaintance with distress of mind, human weakness, misunderstand-ing-- all a part of the apostolate. The future appeared to her a maelstrom of black emptiness. As she said years later, it was this tribulation that taught her that "each loss is truest gain, if day by day Christ fills the place of all He took away." One consolation alone remained: the sisters were in agreement that whatever Mother Xavier undertook they would stand by her. Their one definite, expressed wish was to stay together as a com-munity. Previous to this, only flitting thoughts had come of ever leav-ing Nashville where they found themselves hemmed in on all sides by older communities; now the thoughts took deeper hold. As a metropolitan co.uncil would open early in September of that year, 1858, it was suggested that Mother Xavier make a trip to St. Louis to see if a new home could be found for the entire community. After much serious thought and 15efore reaching a decision, she urged the commu'nity, "Let us pray over the matter 121 SISTER ,JULIA GILMORE Reuiew for Religious first. Divine Providence has never failed us. It won't now. 13ut, Sisters, pray! We have come upon a crucial time; prayer alone will help us in this trial, and let your prayers brim over with faith!" Had she been made of less durable stuff, her interview with Archbishop Kenrick of St. Louis would have been most discourag-ing; for, although he gave close and sympathetic attention to her presentation of the situation, even asking an occasional question, his comment was terse: "I know of no bishop who wishes sisters." But Mother Xavier's faith and hope led her to ask, "Most Rev-erend Archbishop, if anyone of the bishops belonging to your prov-ince were willing to receive us into his diocese, would your Grace prevent him ?" A ring of admiration and honest sincerity shot tiarough his reply, "No, my child, I would not." When 13ishop 3ohn 13. Mieg~, S.3., from Indian Territory heard the facts the next day, he not only signified willingness to receive the community, but also radiated enthusiasm in his urgent "Come north as soon as possible!" The night Mother Xavier left Nashville for St. Louis, she and the sisters promised that should a home be found for them as a community, in gratitude to our Lady a novena in her honor would be said in perpetuity in all houses of l~he order daily. This novena begun in Nashville has continued down the years as the community made its foundation in Leavenworth and established houses in ten different states. With auctioning off re.al and movable properties, packing, find-ing homes for orphans, closing up houses, days passed rapidly: and by November, 1858, the first group of sisters left for Leaven-worth City, Indian Territory. In December the remainder of the community followed with the exception of Mother Xavier and Sister ,Joanna who remained behind to conclude all business trans-actions. This they accomplished by the end of 3anuary, 1859; and left the South with a balance of $9.00 to join the other members in Leavenworth City. Ability to endure hardship, coupled with foresight and perse-verance, had enabled the sisters to begin at once a day school and a boarding school. Cramped quarters constantly called for expan-sion; and with expansion came the work dearest of all to Mother Xavier--an orphanage. From the beginning of the new foundation, candidates joined the community; more could be accomplished as numbers increased, but with the increase other trials came. With 122 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIEI~ ROSS the opening of the orphanage, adverse opinions arose; criticism came from within--the kind hardest to bear. But Mother Xavier con-stantly kept the supernatural motive before her saying, "Let the joy be in the doing, not in the end. If the Work succeeds we will know it is God's will." The sisters realized, of course, that in the mighty drama of " human living there was nothing less than a supernatural goal to attain. Education was simply too broad a term for them; there was more to the formation of their students than that "their minds be instructed, their hearts and heads be cultivated" as the Leaven-worth reporters penned in grateful tribute at the end of the first school year in Indian Territory. There was, rather, an ideal to be embodied in their students' lives: the ideal of the Maid of Naz-areth. To make this ideal a vibrant reality in the hearts and minds of their charges, the sisters toiled consistently, unfolding behind the curtain of daily living the drama of true advancement. In all ways the community toiled. The regular routine of domestic work included the gathering of wild fruit and nuts, for the sisters needed every bit they could garner; they planted, har-vested, canned, preserved, fished in the streams along with the other townsfolk, made their candles and soap as 'all pioneer women did. Wherever the sisters worked, Mother Xavier worked with them. Manual labor was a part of her day the same as her teaching of French and English composition, literature, music and art, manag-ing the household and going into the homes to nurse the sick until a hospital could be established. ,Her participation~ in all community activity was a transparency through which can be seen her charity and deep concern for the sisters, and the joy it gave her to be with them. As acquaintance with the sisters grew so did applications for membership. Accommodations were so meager that the time came when prospective members had to be refused for lack of space. This led to the planning and construction of a building outside the city limits that would serve both students and sisters. But, before the place was finished, it had to be boarded up for lack of funds. Never a financial wizard,, Mother Xavier had been unable to .do more than care for running expenses at the same time that the community lived in real poverty. When a loan was suggested as a means of getting the new academy finished and ready for occupancy, she was appalled by the idea. Debt w, as the nemesis that had dogged her footsteps before; 123 :SISTER JULIA GILMORE Review [or Religious now ag~iiilit was to pursue her. Raffles were resorted to, and for at least-six years two sisters and sometimes four went from coast to coast begging for funds .to pay off the debt. When Mother Xavier sent them "on the road" to "Trust in God and beg for funds," she had no way of knowing the humiliations that would come to them through sus-picion of being imposters, having all their luggage stolen, and the .refusals of bishops and pastors to permit them to solicit. When she .heard of these trials, she suffered with the sisters through-their hard-ships and anxieties but never lost hope. In one of her letters she said, "We. must put our shoulders to the wheel, and pratt, too, without ceasing." Through the united efforts of all the sisters, two years after the boarding-up, the new building was finished and opened, filled to capacity. Every. waking minute was taken up for the sisters with routine duties and spiritual exercises. Much of the time out: side of class went.to "being with the girls," conversing while busy with sewing or other needlework; for the foundress felt that her ,responsibility was to teach Catholic girls to take their place in so-ciety and to be a part of the world they lived in. She believed that all the ends she proposed could be gained by showing interest and trust in the students, and this she wished all the members of the community to show. She maintained that the best opportunities for association came during the free time when classroom formality ceased. Much as the future looked glowing for the young community and their charges, respite from anguish was short-lived for them. ~Tbe new academy was not open six months when, one cold Janu-ary day, the contractor called upon Mother Xavier demanding im-mediate payment of notes with 12% interest. Both she and the treasurer, Sister Joanna, begged for tim~; the notes were not due; and not a cent of money was available. It took an amount of per- .suasion to induce the contractor, James McGonigle, to wait; he was reluctant even to leave the building, threatening to put the place up for auction if payment were not made immediately. Again the sisters .faced the possibility of being made homeless. Calling together the entire community, novices and postulants as well as professed, Mother Xavier laid before them the circum-stances saying, "We .have no recourse except God; I tell you we have. nothing earthly :to. depend upon. You will have to pray hard. God will not forsake us in this our hour of need." 124 May, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS It was then she asked the sisters to form bands of three and rotate hours of petition before the Blessed Sacrament. The greater part of the next three days and nights found her keeping the vigil of petition, kneeling upright, her eyes closed, her hands clasped. She was oblivious of time. Grhdually the hope faded that .Mr. Mc- Gonigle would relent and withdraw his demands. The community council met and authorized Sister 3oanna to try to negotiate a loan in St. Louis for the required $27,000: During her absence the most severe of fasts was observed at the mother house while the prayers of petition continued strong and unabated. Weeks passed; weeks of hope. and faith and peni-tential prayer on the part of each one in the community. Not until five months had elapsed, however; did the answer come in the form of a telegram from Sister 3oanna urging Mother Xavier to come to St. Louis immediately as a loan could be negotiated. This was but a part of the answer to the petition. When the sisters returned from St. Louis, they were hurrying in to Leaven-worth to pay Mr. McGonigle when a gentleman, a Mr. 3ohn F. Lee, who had met Mother Xavier previously in St. Louis called at the mother house to tell her he had already paid the contractor. There was no way, naturally speaking, to express adequate gratitude for such magnanimity. As long as Mother Xavier lived, she used to say to the sisters, "Pray for him, for it is the only way we can-show our appreciation to him. Had it not been for his kindness and indulgence, Mount St. Mary's would long since have gone under the hammer of the auctioneer." In spite of those years of trial, the community grew and ex-panded, opening schools, orphanages, hospitals, foundling homes, from Missouri west to Montana and New Mexico. Mother Xavier continued to govern the community, although handicapped by deafness that first caused her to use a trumpet, then a dentiphone, until finally no sound of a~y kind penetrated from the outside although within her head constant pain was accompanied by a noise that seemed like huge slabs of stone knocking against each other. She continued helping with all tasks, gave conferences, and visited the houses of the community showing interest in every-thing, done by the sisters, admonishing, praising as the need might be. Through dispensation she had guided the community since its inception as Bishop Midge had thought it wisdom for her to do so; 125 SISTER ,JULIA GILMORE Reuiew for Religious in 1877 she asked to be relieved of the responsibility of office. With hearing completely gone and ravages of age making inroads, she asked that someone else take up the burden. ~Election resulted 'in Mother 3osephine Cantwell being placed in office; immediately she asked Mother Xavier to assume the spir-itual training of the members of the novitiate. For this position she was apt, as she possessed a particular gift in character discernment. She could hold up a very unprepossessing person in a certain light. and immediately that person seemed to take on new and unseen qualities: When asked her secret, she insisted she had none. Ob-viously she had; obviously, too, she interested herself in each indi-vidual .m~mber, learned the names of her family, her likes and dis-likes-- these gave the clue to abilities that once developed could make fo~ ha~opy and satisfying placement. All this taken together helped make Mother Xavier a contemporary of everyone, and an absolute absence of partiality gained the novices' confidence. " Mother Xavier's instructions to the novices, which fortunately are extant in part, brimmed with practical application. In these conferences she often repeated that the poor were to be treated with the same courtesy and respect as those abundantly blessed with the comforts and luxuries of life: "Be respectful to strangers; treat them with courtesy and kindness in order to draw them to God through yourself . Meet guests in a quiet dignified manner and. with a quiet cheerfdl look. Never go before externs with a dark gloomy.expression or in a frivolous manner . The Lord loveth a cheerful giver--then give cheerfully!" Invariably her instruc-tions closed with" "And, Sisters, be kind to the orphan; be good to the" poor." Busy herself always, she decried idleness in anyone, a fact which probably gave voice to these admonitions: "Always do what is expected of you, and more, much more: Do .not wait to be asked or told to do something. If there is a task to be done, do' it---quickly, quietly. The feet will go to the place the heart "is. Do .not boast either about doing extra work. In fact, nothing" is extra. As long as it remains to be done, it is your work . If we.have confidence inGod, we will have'cbniidence in ourselves. ¯ . . Be able to do things alon~! It is pitiful.to see Sisters unable to. do chores; study, go to prayers without ~eeking companionship:' Remember-~crows and sparrows flock together; eagles fly alone i"" Filled as her life was with the serious purpose of religion, Mother Xavier .still found ~ime for' much ~fun.She loved .drama, 1'26 Ma~, 1956 MOTHER XAVIER ROSS charades, pantomimes, and wrote and .t~ugb~t more than'one script for the novices or professed. He hearty laugh, spontaneous response to enjoyment, led one novice to write to her "father, "If you want to learn to laugh, come to our novitiate and we'll show you how." Gloominess had no part in her. She often said, "The sovereign remedy for mental agitation is prayer; we carl be bothered only if we let ourselves be bothered.". Through the years, she lived what she taught. Her words were not without example when she cautioned, "If you love God 'you will be courteous to each other . Guard your tongues, when a hasty thought would express itself. And remember, a witty person must be most careful, for often wit stings, and we never know how a word said in jest might wound severely a sensitive nature . Warm yourselves at the tabernacle fires. Love the Blessed Sacra-ment! There is no need of books when we speak to our friends; neither is there any need of books when we speak to our Great Friend." On the occasion of a community jubile.e when asked about the seeming length of years and community growth, she answered, "During the years I have watched our community grow, I have thanked Godfor the increase, it is true; but mostly I thanked Him for the spirit that makes our members practice virtue. I have noted, too, the development of ingenuity and a certain practical philosophy. This we need together with faith in God and the propensity 'to pull on through.' " When death came she had definitely left an impress on the community she had established. Hers was a vast life; sixty-three years of it were spent in re-ligion. During those years Mother Xavier's companions consciously or unconsciously imbibed her spirit which has become the heritage of the order. Her place in the hearts of the sisters can be estimated through a tribute given by one member at the time of Mother Xavier's death and which seems representative: "She was always solicitous for. our welfare and gave less heed to her own comforts than to ours. She encouraged us in every undertaking, consoled us in our troubles, nursed us in our sickness and advised us on all occasions. " : ;'She was mother to the poor and suffering, for no one enter[ ing her door to ask for help ever was turned away. Her helping hand banished poverty from many a pioneer home and. s.ent re.any a traveler on his way.rejoicing. No small, numb.e.L.oJ: orpha.n chil-drei~ found shelter,.food, care, and love under h~rroof '~. 127 Sisters' Ret:rea!:s--III Thomas Dubay, $.M. IN this present article of our retreat study, we shall consider three disconnected problems: the meditation expose, the use of humor, and the private conference with the retreat master. MEDITATION EXPOSI~--TIME LENGTH The first question to which we shall turn our attention deals with the length of the ordinary meditation expos~ given by the retreat master. The item was worded as follows: What time length do you ordinarily prefer for a meditation expose? __15 min. __20 min. __30 min. __45 min. __60 min. Further com-ment: (space provided) Table I gives the distribution of the sisters' answers to this query. Table I Meditation Expose--Time Length 15 min . 17 (2.5%) 20 min . 64 (9.3%) 30 min . " . 380 (55.1%) 45 min . 208 (30,1%) 60 min . 21 (3.0%) As would be expected, the majority selected a middle course of thirty minutes~ while the two extremes of 15 and 60 minutes are rather sparsely represented. It may be surprising to some that so large a number of sisters prefer the somewhat long expos4 time of 45 minutes, while relatively few favor the 20-minute meditation outline. More interesting than mere figures are the sisters' reasons for their choices. These we will consider under the heading of each time bracket and apportion according to the number of votes in each category. 15 minutes: Leave some of the period, especially thefirst period, for meditating by the sisters. Short--concise. 20 minutes: It should give the sisters sufficient time to develop the ideas or points exposed. It is not up to the retreat master to make the retreat for the sisters. 128 SISTERS" RETREATS--III . If the expos~ is longer, it usually is due to poor organization or needless repetition. No matter how good the speaker, ~ long expos~ tends to make listeners restless, especially in summer. Retreat masters seem to lack faith in sisters' poweb to meditate and weary them with too much talk. No energy left for meditation. 30 minutes: This would vary depending on the subject matter. Some 15 minute conferences seem more like 60 minutes and sometimes the reverse is true. There is a limit as to the amount one can take at one time. This seems relative to the amoun't of time provided for meditation following the expose. Our retreat meditations average I~ hours. Were less time provided, I would want less than 30 minute expose. This gives us 30 minutes for reflection and, therefore, would give a good balance to the meditation. I think usually some of the meditation lectures are too long, thereby not providing enough time for reflection. I have indicated the maximum. We are not permitted to leave the chapel until the full hour is completed. We need time to do a little thinking and praying for ourselves. If sisters spend free time in sewing, orifice work, etc., then it would be better to have longer medi-tations. If the retreat master has well chosen material and really gives it even 45 minutes is short. But if he has to read--well--let's make it 15! 45 minutes: I'm generally too tired mentally to meditate long myself because of going directly to retreat from school. It depends on the speaker. If he is really saying something, all right; but if not, cut it short. It is too hard to fill in the time when the retreat master makes it so short. Some conferences and meditations are entirely too short and I'm not contemplative enough. During retreat there is always plenty of time to think over all that has been given during the periods between talks. If the retreat master devotes less time all angles are not attacked. 60 minutes: Sixty minutes if it's stimulating. I admit I'm one of those rare creatures who likes instructions. Perhaps some mental laziness is implied in the fact that the time taken by the retreat master does not have to be occupied in personal reflection. All of which, of course, leaves the poor retreat master in a quan- 129 THOMAS DUBAY Review for Religious dary. He cannot possibly satisfy everybody. On the bright side, however, he can cgnsole himself that somebody is likely to be pleased no matter how briefly or protractedly he speaks. . . In a practical vein we may conclude that the whole picture sug-gests that most sisters would be pleased and fewest displeased by a meditation expos~ in the neighborhood of 30 minutes. In view of the sisters' remarks it may often be wise for the retreat master to consider varying this figure accbrding to subject, temperature, and an honest estimate of his own ability. HUMOR We next take up the question of intentional humor, in a medi-tation expose. It is of set purpose that we mention intentional humor (usually in the form of jokes), for, while the sisters universally like a sense of humor in the retreat master, not all of them desire jokes in the meditation expos& T16e' present item was worded as follows : Do you like jokes in a meditation expose? __.I prefer none at all ___It depends on the subject --_I enjoy a few Further comment : In this survey sisters who prefer no jokes at all in the medita-tion expos4 formed a small minority of 49 (7.1%); those who enjoy a fewnumbered 285 (41.4%); and those who specified that joke-telling must depend on the subject of the meditation numbered 355 (51.5%). Several sisters pointed out that the answer would depend also on the fitness of the joke, the manner of telling;-etc. One mentioned that she always enjoys a joke, while only one stated that she likes many. ~., Excerpt,s from the sisters' written comments follow: Just enough to break the tension which ordinarily comes durin'g retreat. Maybe three or four, but at.retreat [ really want to make a retreat. If it is a real meditation exposd I prefer none; in a conference on.ly a few. Most sisters really serious about the business of sanctity do not come" to retreat to be entertained. .'. . 'Jokes for.the most'part are out of place. On the other, hand a greatness of faith brings with it a delicateness and. lighm~ss .of touch that/sees the'bt~.m~r ir~.'our seriousness, ¯ .'" ' ::.d ¯ " I never enjoy a joke during retreat if it is obviously told just to be clever. If it makes a'poinr it "is appreciated. " " , ¯ 130 May, 1956 SISTERS' RETREATS--III If they are real incidents or experiences, they are.good. Sisters are not so stupid as to enjoy stale old jokes. It depends on the fitness and the manner of telling as well as on the subject. Distinguish anecdot~tge and jokes from the wit and humor which flow out naturally and relax tension without distracting attention. Personal memoirs are rarely wel-come in quantity. These often bring home the point, and'it lessens the tension. Making a good retreat is hard work, and nerves get taut. Jokes help! There are some people--myself included--who can't really tell them. If one can't it is better to skip it. Be natural. I think most sisters are eager to hear more about our Lord and the spiritual life. In themselves these are serious subjects and do not call for joking as a rule. We don't have to make a retreat to hear jokes. There are sut~icient'magazines,'etc., that can supply us with jokes. Not standard jokes, but a real sense of humor that sees through things, to what makes them really, funny, or unimportant, or ridiculous, or sublimely delightfu.1. The "Jokers" usually "give the impression that they missed their calling. A stage might better be their proper place. What sister wants jokes brought into a" medi-tation on the Passion? Yet I have heard such. And some jokes are just a trifle risque--a serious, saintly priest doesn't need such "props." I do not like too rriuch joking and funny stories. Nor do I prefer someone who seems to lack a sense of humor. I like,.to !augh ,once in a while! Sometimes meditation exposds are awfully long and dr'y, or they.are deep. A joke helps and relaxes you so you can benefit from the rest of the meditation. Or maybe one is just tired before starting retreat. A'man.who knows and enjoys life and people cannot help being amused at the in-congruit. y he finds. I like to share his amusement, but I do not like "planted" jokes put in to get us in a good mood and least of all "corn." (T.V. comedian type of joke) I prefer a humorous aside when the occasion fits rather than formal jokes of the story type. To my mind, holy things should never be the subject of jokes: at times I have heard them lightly treated by priests who do not seem to. be sensitiv~e on this subject. I enjoy a f.ew jokes, .definitely yes, and I think they are ggod tension, breakers and interest revivers. And I want to put in a vote for well told anecdotes, pithy well-turned phrases, and apt short quotations. Not only do they make for interest and easier listening, but, even more important, they lodge in the memory, perhaps for years. From the above statistical breakdown and the. sisters', expressed opinions one conclusion towers above any othdr: while the sisters appre.ciate humor in gogd taste, they decidedly dislike jokes for the sake of jokes. Or to put.the matter in.othei.words, they want the jokes used ~O'fit the subject, to be well selected; .to have a worth-while purpbse,." and to be gomparatively few. in number. . THOMAS "]~UBAY Reoiew t~or Religious PRIVATE CONFERENCE The soul in its efforts to win the heights of holiness oftenfeels the need of. personalized counsel and guidance from a spiritual di-rector in some sort of situation or other. In our survey the sisters were asked ~vhether or not they thought a private conference with the retreat master and on the occasion of the annual retreat is a de-sirable answer to this need. The exact wording of the question is here given: Would you consider a private conference with the retreat master quite desirable? __.yes, sometimes __no Further comment" A majority, 436 (66.2 %), of the sisters favor the availabilit'y of a private conference: These religious do not think that such a cbnference need be frequent, but rather that it should be available for those who on occasion could benefit from it. A strong minority, 223 (33.8%), fed that the need and advisability of a private in-terview with the retreat master are either non-existent or almost so. These latter universally feel that the sister can and should get her prbblems settled in the confessional. The excerpts that follow give a representative picture of the views of the sisters who would find the private conference desir~ible. At times a private conference may be in order. During the whole year in some mis-sions there is no opportunity to get advice or help from a religious priest. Prob-lems do arise. For obvious reasons one does not wish to detain the retreat master in the confessional. Sometimes that is very beneficial. At one time I had a confessor when out on the missions who did not understand me. He got me all muddled. I was in agony. The retreat master straightened me out. Many times I would like to discuss some problems with the retreat master, but being a proud human being, I always find excuses for not doing, so and hence go on being bothered. It would be good if he were available without any red tape about getting to see him. One doesn't care to have many "women" know that one did so. What. they don't know does not create comment. It is impossible for every sister to talk with the retreat master, but sometimes it is essential to do so. In rare instances. Usually the retreat masters don't want them. They feel confes-sion is su$cient. Yet, I think here is a great lack of understanding. This, too. should be explained. When can a religious go with her problems to a priest? Why are higher superiors reluctant to see her do so? Why should the attitude be taken, that one will immediately degrade her community, etc.? If a religious doesn't 132 May, 1956 SISTERS' RETREATS~--III feel she has that freedom, she Will look for oth(r means to ~olve her problems, or just drop them and give up . . . I have been a superior . Sometimes the conferences, would have never cleared up my dit~cultieS, but a private conference where I can ask. questions did. I don't mean being a nuisahce. Let it be brief as possible and to the point. Let it not be of a nature which concerns your superior and yourself. Some do not seem to know how to draw the line between what should be discussed or what [not]. I have never had one so I do not know. It would be awfully nice to be able to ask questions sometimes. I have only taken the opportunity once, but it was a marvelous help and brought very lasting, peace and understanding of some questions. Not often, but some few times a conference would be definitely desirable. Again, private conferences are something else that some sisters have, perhaps, abused; but for the sister, say, with grave temptations against her vocation or perplexed by some moral problem, or the like, such a conference could be a golden opportunity. Per-haps, retreat masters do not realize how often sisters may be _extremely limited in their opportunities for such help during the year. It would have saved me worlds of worry in the past, but it is not the custom in our order, and so I've done without. There are some matters one simply can't get straight in the confessional. I have always been afraid to ask for one. It is much frowned upon. I feel it would be a great help. Not often, but it would be a big help if such an opportunity were provided. I know several sisters who actually need this help, and if it were offered to everyone, these would not feel embarrassed. In many cases it is necessary. The mission life presents many difficult problems. I know that I often long for a spiritual advisor and I am disappointed when I find that the retreat master has no time for me. Typical of those who oppose the private interview are these opinions: All the advice I need can be gotten in the confessional where ple.nty of time is given and personal satisfaction is not sought. There is such ,a thing as community loyalty and one way in which a disloyal member could prove herself so would be this. If a conferencd is needed, I think the confessional would be more suitable and proper. Nol because I have seen that they have brought discontent and envy among the religious themselves. if a retreat master is generous with his time and a competent advisor in confession, it so far has solv, ed all troubles. I can't see'how a retreat master in one private konferen~e c6uld possibly help one --~esp. when two or three hundred people are making the re.treat that usually lasts 5 or 8 days. I realize that there are exceptions, but my ow~ .feeling is that it is the "oddities" that usually ask private conferences. 133 THOMAS DUBAY ,.,'" I think you.can settle most questions in the confessional. You should go to your own superior for a privat~ conference. I think for a time this was overdone and it took time from retreat priest [sic] he should have spent.in preparation. The confessional at retreat'tim~ is a good place to settle problems. The Holy Spirit is more likely to be in on it too. One sister made an interestihg distinction: I think it depends on the individual. If she ii seeking attention"and sympathy, NO. If she is seeking higher heights of sanctity, YES. In accord with our expressed policy of not stating a p~eference for either opinion, we will allow the reader to evaluate the sisters' reasonings for himself. It seems compatible with this policy, how-ever, to point out that religious superiors and retreat masters should consider seriously the request of so many sisters for the availability of a private interview. Whether their decision be affirmative or nega-tive, the above discussion seems to demand a thoughtful examina-tion of the problem and a solution that will do the greatest'good to the greatest number. " SOME BOOKS RECEIVED " Only books sent directly to our book-review editor (see address on inside front cover or on p. 163) are included in our "Reviews and .AnnounCements." The fol-lowing books were sent to St. Marys: ~'., :. Index of The American Ecclesiastical Review, Volumes 10 i- 130 (July, 19392- dune, 1954). The Catholic University of America ",Press ~.620. Michigan Ave.,.N.E., Washington 17, D. C. $3.75. . ~ :.,, The Catholic Booklist, 1956. St. Cattiarind 2unior,~College,.St. Catharine, Ky. $.75. Salt It With Stories. By Cyprian Truss, O.F.M.Cap.JQseph F, Wagner., Inc., 33 Park Place, New York 7, N. Y. $3.95. There's More to Life than Living It. By Albert J. Nimeth. O.F.M. FranciScan Herald Press, 1434 W. 51st St., Chicago 9, II1. $.95. . ; , . The Eternal Shepherd-~4th Series. By.Thqmas H. Moore.S:4., Apostle.ship of Prayer, 515 East Fordham Road, New Ybrk 58, N. Y. $2.00. No Cross No C?'owfi." By Rev. Clement H. Ci'ock. Societ.y of St. patli, .2.1.8~ Victory Blvd., State~ Ikland 14, N. Y. $2'.50. " John Duns Scotus, A Teach& for~ Our T~rnes. B;/ ]3~ra'ud de Saint-Maurid~i Franciscan Institute,.St. Bonaventure; N.:¯.Y~-;,.~" -/." .~,: . : ¯ " Works of Saint Bonaventure: I. De Reductlone Artium ad Theologlarm "A° co'm-mentary with an introduction and translation by Sister Emma Therese Healy. ,Fr.an- ,Ciscan Instithte, St~ Bon~(,~iu're, N. Y. ' "" '" Maqt in the Franciscan Order. Proceedings of the Third Naticmal Meetin~ of Franciscan Teaching Sisterhoods. "Franciscan', Institute, St. Bonaventure," N. Y. "" M.aq¢ in Historg,i'n"~Fi~ith;, imd fn Devotiod. By Rev. "Anselm Burke, O. Carm: :Scapular Press, 329'E. 28thSt., New Y6rk',16,N. Y. $3.50. . (Continued bh "i~ge 162) " 134 Our Lady and t:he ,Apost:olat:e Ellwood E. Kieser, C.S.P. IN the year 747 of the city of Rome, a Jewish girl made a decision which completely changed the course of human history. She un-loosed a tidal wave which will forever break against the shores of time, washing with its current the souls, of all mankind. The girl in question: Mary of Nazareth. Her decision: to be the Mother of God, the first and greatest of all Christl~earers. Why her impact on history? Because the fate of mankind de-pended upon that decision. Mary spoke for humanity. Her consent was our consent. The consequences of her decision intimately effect our lives. 1-°op~ Plus puts it this way: "In the name of the whole human race, she gave her consent for a spiritual marriage between the Son of God" and human nature." Mankind, until this time separated from.God and condemne'd to frustration, Was rejoined to the divinity in the person of God's own Son. Infinite God was clad in finite flesh. Eternity entered time. Omnipotence became child. The source of all truth, goodness, and beauty dwelt among us in the womb of this girl. The drama of redemption has begun, and Mary con~ents to play the supporting role. Mary knew the implications of her rolel the price she would be required to pay,"its'effects upon millions of human lives. She faced her destiny. She adcepted it. She gave herself to its fulfillment with all the ardour and courage of her grace-filled soul. This destiny meant two thing's. She must possess Christ. She must give Christ. These are ihe two'poles of Mary's mentality to-w~ ird which all else converge. Without possession, without giving, Mary's life would have been incomplete. The~e two poles are found in every Christian who wants to give Christ to" others. He possesses and he gives. Both are absolutely necessary. He cannot give Christ to others if he does ~o~i. first possess Him by l~nciwledge and love. He cannot be a vehicle for Christ's grace if his soul has not been chiseled in Christ's likeness. This it is that makes the apdstle: possessing :Christ, he naturally tries to share his happiness. He tries to give Christ to others. In this, as in all else, Mary is both model and helper. Mary possessed Christ vcith an intimacy and completeness un-known to the greateit saints: .From her youth, she lives amid the highest reaches of'the transforming union. Christ identified Hirhself 135 ELLWOOD E. KIESER Reoieto for Religious with her so that she became for Him an alter ego. He made her another Christ. This caused her to project herself into God, who perfected and strengthened her as the vehicle of His love. She found the perfection of her thoughts in His thoughts; the satisfaction of her desires in His desires; her happiness in His happiness. It was God's thoughts that she thought; God's love that she loved; God's happiness that she shared. While retaining her own personality and freedom, she had become one spirit with God. She had put on the mind of Christ. She could say, even more truly than St. Paul, "I live, now not I, but Christ lives within me." This means that she drew God into her own soul, which be-came His temple and dwelling place. The depths of her soul were wrapped in His presence. Whenever her occupation permitted, she folded back within herself to commune with that Person who was closer to her than she was to herself. Her faculties were completely docile to His inspiration. She be-came a perfect instrument for His action. It was not she alone who thought, spoke, and worked. God did these things in and through her. This grace of indwelling is not specially reserved for Mary. Every Christian who is willing to pay the price, who allows the life of grace to flower in his soul, can.enjoy it. The degree of God's indwelling in our souls will never approach that of Mary. It may not become a matter of experience. We m~iy not feel His presence. But the fact of God's presence in the Christian soul remains. This is a matter of faith. God has promised it to us. There is, of course, a grace and a manner of possessing God which is reserved strictly for Mary. She is God's mother. It was in her body and through her cboperation that Jesus came into the world. He received His human nature from her. She gave Christ His human body, the hands to bless us, the tongue to teach us, the blood to redeem us. She is liter-ally, in the strict physical sense, a Christbearer. Their union could not have been more intimate. Their destinies were intertwined. His mission was her mission. He came to restore men to God's friendship, to take up mystical residence in their souls. She was to help him. She was to give Christ to the world. This ¯ is the second pole of Mary's mentality. She was not content with possessing Christ. Neither must any Christian be. Goodness naturally overflows. Sanctity diffuses itselL Christianity is essentially apostolic. Because she had identified her- 136 ,May, 1956 OUR LADY AND THE APOSTOLATE self with Christ and His mission, she bent all her efforts that others might possess Him also. Her love extended to the entire human race. She knew that 3esus was the first born of many children, that His Mystical Body was to reach out and embrace men of all ages. Because she loved Christ, she loved His adopted brothers, who were to continue His presence through history. This is why she tried to serve them. Love shows itself in gifts. Mary's gift was of infinite value-~her own Son. She could not have done us a greater service, for to give Christ is to give everything. He includes all else. Her gift of Christ took two distinct forms~ The one was in-visible and internal. The other was visible and external. Both are of great importance. The first of these is within the interior of Christ's Mystical Bod~. She is not the head of the Mystical Christ. But she is i~s mother. She cannot appeal to the divine justice. Only Christ can do that. But she can appeal to the divine mercy. What Christ mer-ited in justice, Mary merited in mercy. This is whq she is called the mediatrix of all grace, the aquaduct of divine life. It is through her that Christ's merits are applied to our souls. She merited for us through prayer and through sacrifice. Both of these activities are supremely fruitful in Mary, since she is so in-timately united to her divine Son. Her prayer is the prayer of Christ, simple, trustful, loving. She knocked and the door was opened. She asked and her prayer was answered. She sought and always found. The wedding feast of Cana is a good example. She asked 3esus to perform a miracle before His time had come. He seemed reluctant, but how could He refuse His mother? The miracle was worked, not that the hosts might be spared embarrassment, but that Mary's re-quest might be granted. Now she prays for us, that Christ may live in our souls: And she adds to this the merit of her sacrifice, which is that of her Son. He suffered as priest and victim. She suffered as mother. He offered the sufferings of His body and soul. She offered a heart pierced by seven swords. In their sacrifice, as in all else, the mother and Son were intimately united. Hers was the perfect sacrifice. She could have given no more. The victim who was sacrificed was more precious to her than life itself. Perhaps I should say that He was her life. In giving Him, she gave everything. Nothing could have been more pleasing to 137 ELLWOOD E. KIESER Reoiev3 for ReligioUs the Father, nothing more fruitful for our welfare. Her sacrifice was so complet~ely bound up with that of bet Son.that theologians call bet the coredemptix of the world. ¯ The modern apostle can merit as Mary merited. The degree dif-fers, but the fact remains the same. By prayer and sacrifice, we can bring Christ into the souls of men. kVe can earn for them the grace the)~ need so badly. Why is this? Because the Church is an organism, with many tnembers sharing a community of life. The good fortune of on~ member is the good fortune of all. My prayer and sacrifice make you holy, and your sanctity overflows and contributes to mine until we all attain the fullness of grace to which we have been called. In the spiritual economy, a single good act has reverberations through-out the entire universe. One act of charity performed today in Wash-ington, D; C., has immediate consequences for the entire world, for those in Canton and Moscow and Nexv Delhi as well as *those for whom I explicitly make that act. There seems to be a direct connection between the concentration camps of Siberia,. filled with witnesses for Christ, and the crowded seminaries "6f Catholic University', Menlo Park, and Maryknoll. I did not earn my own vocation. My cooperation was slow and halt-ing. Someone else earned that grace for me. Someone else brought Christ's merits down from heaven, that" they might be applied to my soul. Somewhere, todhy, a priest is cleaning a latrine: a Chinese peasant slips away from her neighbors to refresh herself.with the presence of God; an American girl slips an invoice into a. typewriter with the words, "For you, Lord." These are the people who are keeping the v~orld going, who are bringiflg down the grace which is life and strength. They hre Christbearers; they are apostles in the fullest and noblest sense. Th6s~ "whO" pray and make sacrifices giv~ power to the aposto-late, pr6v]de the fuel for those in the market place. They are'doers in the s'upreme' sense, for theirs is.the highest of activities. The world cannot be changed#ithout pr3ye~ and sacrifice. But with prayer and ~acrifice, the w6rld will be chang~d~ Grace will abound. Christ will be brought into the souls of /neff. This is Mary's promise at Fatima. "" But is this enough? Is this all' Mary did? No, this is not all. Contemplation overflows and expresses itseff in-activity. Both ale an int'egral part of the Christian life. i~Both are.flecessary for the 138 Mat!, 1956 OUR LADY AND. THE APOSTOLATE cont:inuadon of Christ in history. Mary prayed for others. Then she went to them, that they might learn to recognize and love ~her Son. This is the visible, external form of Mary's apostolate. She had no sooner pronounced those words, which, changed the ¯ world,, which brought eternity into time and the Infinite 'into finite flesh,' than she hurried off to Ain-Karem to share this joy with an-other. She alone possessed the good news, but she would not keep it to herself. Over the mountains she went and across the plain, that others might know. that the Messiah had come. To Elizabeth, she brought the presence of Christ. To tbe~infant John, still in his mother's womb, she brought the Holy Spirit. To both, she brought the joy of knowing that the kingdom .of God was at hand. To accomplish this, no price was too high, no inconvenience was too gr.eat. Material discomforts, heartaches, and disappoint-ments were all accepted in the spirit of her original, "Behold the handmaid of the Lord. Be it done unto me according to thy word~" Detached even from success, she had but one desire--to .do. the will of God. Nothing else. mattered. .~. :-,.We must- possess, the .same attitude. W.e. possess Chr.ist.The world .needs Christ. We must give Christ to,.the world. Beca.use we are Christians, we must not rest until society is Christian, .until all those who are looking for Christ have found Him. This will not be easy. World-changing is an expensive voca-tion. It demandstime, ~energy, and sacrifice. Often it means disap-pointment and fatigue, .But it is worth it. These things must.be accepted in Mary's spirit. She did not withdraw her commitment; retract her fiat. Neither must we. . . . The spirit of sacrifice which carried her,up. Calvary'sslopes is t.he same which ought to dominate our lives and make us always available when others are in need. The indifference to human recog-nition which carried Mary to Bethlehem and Egypt will .make us personable and kindly .even with those who .do not. seem to deserve such-treatment. The acceptance of God's will which filled her soul when she watched her neighbors reject Jesus will detach" us from suc~ cess, from" a craving for immediate results. "In ev.ery.way~ she is the model of tbose'.who desire to bear Christ to th~ world. - She possessed all the virtues of. the apostolic life in their fullness. The first of these is alertness--to the voice of God, to.the needs of others. The depths of Maryfs soul were ever wrapped in the divine presence, but the surface of her soul was keenly a.war_e of the desires and needs of those around her. At the marriage 139 ELLWOOD E. KIESER Reoieto for Religious least'of Cana, she quickly sensed the awkward position of her hosts. She felt their need and so went to Jesus that He might help them. She was always.in the right, place at the right time, on the spot when needed. On Calvary, at the crisis of His life, when His redemp-tive activity reached its fruition, Jesu~ wanted Mary nearby. She was there--to be proclaimed the mother of the Mystical Christ. The apostolic spirit is always marked by this alertness. The apostle has a great mission. He must look for opportunities to ful-fill it. This means tact and patience and instant response to the needs of others. It mean~ a constant search for those apostolic occasions --for the substitution of love for hatred, truth for error, decency for indecency. The apostle, like Mary, must be in the right place at the right time, with the needed word or deed. "Optimism is another apostolic virtue which Mary possessed in its plenitudi. Hers was not a superficial rose-tinting, but the pene-tration of reality to its depths, beneath its surface evil to its basic goodness. Mary knew that her mission would be fulfilled, that victory would be hers. God had told the serpent, "I will establish a feud.between thee'andthe woman, between thy offspring and hers; she is to crush thy heat1, while thou doth lie in wait at her heal." This optimism does not exclude suffering. But it does trans-form and give meaning to suffering. Mary's anguish on Calvary can hardly be exaggerated. And yet, amid it all," she knew that this death marked the beginning of a new life for her Son-~His mystical reign in the:souls of men. For~this reason, she could rejoice even on Calvary. The modern apostle should be permeated by the same spirit. His is a joyous life, for he possesses Christ. When met with trying situations, with seeming failure, he can say with that other apostle, "I can do all things in Him who strengthens me." Assured that the truth will out, that the gates of hell shall not prevail, he sings the magnificat with Mary. Victory will be his. But I('Iary has still another lesson to teach the modern apostle. She did not try to do extraordinary things. She took the ordinary; trivial duties of everyday life and made them the raw material for perfect sanctity. How did she do it? By performing these' little actions with great love, with a love which invested these insignificant things with momentous importance. This is the way she ~hanged the worldl. Her impact on history cannot be overestimated. Henry Adams calls her, "The. highest en-ergy ever known to man, the creator of four-fifths of his noblest art, 140 May, 1956 COMMUNITY CROSSES exercising vastly more attraction over the human mind than all the steam engines and dynamos ever dreamed of." He who is mighty has done great things through Mary. He will do the same for us. God does not want us to change our way of life. He wants us to sanctify it.He may not want us to take on additional duties. What He does want is the performance of those duties in the most Christlike way possible. There are plenty of op-portunities for Christbearing, for world-changing" in every walk of life, in every moment of the day and night. By seizing these occa-sions, by doing our job with great love for God and our fellow men, we will sanctify ourselves. We will change the world. It is trite to say that the world is in a frightful mess. But it is true. Men are unhappy as they have seldom been. Two billion peo-ple brood over atomic warfare. Children commit crimes shocking in adults. We grope for a solution, for a means of changing the world. And the solution, the means is given to us. When Christ's vicar on earth declared 1954 a Marian year, a year of special devotion to the Mother of God, he told ug to. go to her, that she might "bend tenderly over our aching wounds, convert the wicked, dry the tears of the afflicted and oppressed, comfort the poor and humble~ quench hatreds, .sweeten harshness, protect the holy Church, make all men feel the attraction of Christian goodness." Though the Marian year is over, Mary's influence has not come to an end. To the apostle, to all those who want to change the world for Christ, she offers strength, .guidance, and love. If we go to her, she~will-form Christ in our souls, that we might make Him incarnate in history. If we study her life, we will find the living blueprint which must become our own. She did what we are try-ing to do. We must walk in bet footsteps. Communit:y Crosses Winfrid Herbst, S.D.S. ONE of St. Bonaventure's helpful "Twenty-five Maxims" is as follows: "Bear all the persecutions of this world for the love of God, with great equanimity of mind; nay, more, accepting in desire all such persecutions were it possible, rejoice only in the sufferings of Christ. Refusing. the joys of this life, make merry in tribulations and be convinced that their purpose is to purify your soul from sin and to enrich it with merit." In this article I am not going to consider the big c~osses that a 141 WINFRID HERBST Reoieu; [or Religious community may have, those of which it seeks,, sometimes in vain, to rid itself because self:preservation is the first law of nature; for, according to the dictum of St. Thomas, every being resists as much as it can what tends to corrupt it. I am merely going to touch upon some of the numerous little crosses that are encountered in the religious life. They make up in number what they lack in size, and it is terrific how they can get on one's nerves. To make merry in these tribulations and to en-. dure them for the love of God, to be more like Christ in His suffer-ings, is indeed an endless source of merit. "Their purpose is to purify your soul from sin and to enrich it with merit," says St. Bonaventure. The crosses I have in mind have their roots in diversities of character. I might call them peculiarities, certain characteristics that one has and another has not.-Generally they are in themselves trifles, little things like the flies of the fourth plague, that finally began to breakthe v~ill of Pharao, as we read in the eighth ch~ipter of Exodus: "And there came a very grievous swarm of flies into the houses of Pharao and of his servants, and into all the land of Egypt: and the land was corrupted by this kind of flies.'" .These bothersome' little things certainly do put one's patience to the test in community life. Often enough one would be justified in, losing his equanimity in the midst of them. As one religious confided to another: "Yes; he is a saint and everybody, admits it; but he is getting to be such a strain on my nerves, that I. cannot stand it much longer!" If one has the saving sense of humor, it is amusingto recall how one aspirant left the religious life because a table companion was so utterly lacking in good manners; another, could hardly endure, it any longer because there was such a slamming of doors all over the pla.ce; and a third became all excited because doors and windows were left 9pen everywhere. One prays in a tone that is much too high; another, in a tone that is much too low. One prays too fast; another, too slow. One talks too much;.anqther,.too little. One laughs too much, too long, and too loud; another is. grim and morose and apparently sunk in the slough of despon.dengy. One is sensitive to a degree tQ ev.erytbing around him; another is so.hardened that be.hardly knows wheat is going on around him,but unconcernedly pursues his way. But let this indication suffice.A complete enumer~. ation, were it possi'ble,: would take too long. Each rFader will have little difficulty in adding to this list peculiarities that he finds in 142 May, 1956 COMMUNITY. CROSSES himself and in others. How should one react to this situation? In the expressive phrase of the day, so what? Well, to all such complaints the answer could be given that these are things from which no man can be entirely free. This is not saying that nothing can be done about it. In the first place e~eryone should honestly examine himself. Those who may or should do so might call the matter to the attention of the thotightless one. But this is not an easy thing to do. For some reason or other, it is easier to call another's attention to a big blunder than to get oneself tocall his attention to some little fault of his. One hesitates to do so; and, meanwhile, the community will have to bear the cross. The best thing is for the educators to take the young people in hand, while they are still pliable and can take it, and get them onto the beaten path. This is. not saying, however, that the educators are always to blame when some of the.ir onetime students give evidence of a lack of. consideration for others. It seems that even stainless steel will rust if for a long time no atten-tion is given to it. So what? Quid ergo? 3ust be patient! Not much consolation, to be sure, but actually the only thing to do. Take the divine Savior Himself; see how He had to bear with the imperfections of those around Him. "What are you arguing about .among your-selves? . . . How long shall I put up with you?" (Mark~ 9:15, 18.) We simply must ,accustom ourselves to bear with equanimity the manifold imperfections of others, to tolerate their ways, even when they are diametrically opposed to our own views and wishes. Cer-tainly no one would venture to look upon himself as a model in these things, for the simple reason that no one is absolutely perfect. In Psalm 90 we read: "You shall tread upon the asp and the viper, you shall trample under foot the lion and the dragon," and we stumble over pebbles and get all excited over little peccadilloes! In this connection a "good resolution might be: to tread manfully upon the asp of peculiarities, the viper of abnormalities, the lion of idio-syncrasies, and the dragon of eccentricities. Plenty of them can be found in religious communities. St[ Paul tells us what to do: "Bear one another's burdens, and so you will fulfill the law of Christ. For if anyone thinks himself to be something, whereas he is noth-ing, he deceives himself. But let everyone test his own work, and so he will. have glory in himself only, and not in comparison with another. For each one will bear his own burden" (Gal[ 6:2-5). There are some zealous souls who think that the superior can 143 WINFRID HERBST without more ado, and as a matter of duty must, eliminate all the things that I am calling community crosses. But that is not at all as easy as one might think; moreover, it is often difficult to say who is r!ght. All of us are Wont glibly to say: "'Virtus star in medio.'" But just where is virtue's golden mean to be found~ab, there's the rub! How often we are taken in, cunningly deceived, by our own self-love and our own big or little weaknesses; and we complain about our brethren, and about our surroundings, and almost about Almighty God Himself, when in all truth we should be complain-ing about our own sensitiveness. Quite in place, then, is the ad-monition of the Imitation of Christ: "Try to bear patiently with the defects and infimities of others, whatever they may be, because you also have many a fault which others must endure. If you can-not make yourself what you would wish to be, how can you bend others to your will? We want others to be perfect, yet we do not correct our own faults. We wish them to be severely corrected, yet we will not correct ourselves. Their great liberty displeases us, yet we would not be denied what we ask. We would have them bound by laws, yet we will allow ourselves to be restrained in nothing. Hence, it is clear how seldom we think of others as we do of our-selves. If all were perfect, what should we have to suffer from others for God's sake?" (Bk. I, Ch. 16.) I think it sometimes happens that a religious runs to the superior to complain about these community crosses and, while doing so, mentions apologetically that, of course, they are just little things. If they are just little things, why not practice mortification by en-during them! And if the superior would rebuke for his own faults the complainant and measure the reprimand as he is asked to measure it out to others, what an uproar there would be! Here I cannot help thinking of these words which the ordaining bishop addresses to the clergy and the people with reference to the deacons about to be or-dained to the priesthood: "If anyone has anything against them, before God and for the sake of God let him confidently come for-ward and speak. However, let him be mindful of his condition." Many a complaint we would never make, were we mindful of our own pitiable failings and more concerned about what we our-selves ought to do in order not to lose face in that tremendous day of dread and day of judgment, when we stand before that all-just 3udge who once, as the all-merciful Savior, spokethe words: "Let him who is without sin among you be the first to cast a stone at her" (3obn 8:7). 144 Devot:ion t:o t:he Sac ;ed I-lead: C. A. Herbst, S.J. DEVOTION to the Sacred Heart is one of the great devotions in the Church. It is most characteristic of Christianity, be-cause it is devotion to Christ, to the whole Christ, represented by the most important organ of His humanity, His heart, which symbolizes His greatest virtue, His love. One can hardly conceive a devotion more proper to.religious whose very purpose is to make their lives as conformed as possible to Christ's through the practice of charity. That it is most fitting for religious to practice the devo-tion appears also from the fact that .our Lord complained expressly and specifically that it is religious who treat Him in shabby fashion, "hearts consecrated to me that treat me thus," that is, with ir-reverence and contempt. 'God became man, the Second Person of the Blessed Trinity as-sumed a human nature, so that "we may be made partakers of His divinity, who vouchsafed to become partaker of our humanity," as we pray every day at the Offertory of the Mass. He wanted to be-come one of our human family so that we might with confidence draw close to Him. So in the many devotions to the sacred humanity of Christ which have naturally grown up as a result of the Incarnation there is a certain familiarity, though it be tempered with reverence. "There is a certain boldness of approach, a certain freedom of human lan-guage, a certain deeply reverential familiarity, yet still familiarity,, which distinguishes devotions to the Sacred Humanity. We have a distinct picture of the object of our worship in our minds which affects both our language and our feeling. Our Lord's assumption of our nature is a peculiar approach to us, to which we on our side have to correspond, and we correspond by this familiarity." (Faber, Bethlehem, ch. 4.) Since Christ is God, we offer His sacred humanity hypostatically united to the Word the same kind of worship we offer the Word Himself. This is divine worship, but of a kind "of which neither angels nor men could ever have dreamed without revelation, but which has been invented by God Himself." It has a character of its own, because based on created images and historical facts, and for this reason imprints on the soul a peculiar spiritual character with special force. The chief reason for which we worship Christ 145 C. A. HERBST Review for Religious in His mysteries "is the amount of the living spirit of Jesus which they both contain and communicate, contain in an inexhaustible measure and communicate according to the degree of our purity and fervor: and all holiness is but a transformation of us into the sub-stantial likeness of our Lord" (ibid.). We practice devotion to the various mysteries of Christ's life in order that we may come to know Him better arid love Him more. For the same reason we practice devotion to His sacred wounds, which place before our eyes His external sufferings, and to the Sac-red Heart, which manifests to us His internal sufferings. Such prac-tices are very valuable and help us imbibe the spirit of Christ, put on His virtues, and become inflamed with His affections. When enshrined in the sacred liturgy of the Church they have "no other object than that of acquiring this [true Christian] spirit from its foremost and indispensable fount, which is the active participation in the most holy mysteries and in the public and solemn prayer of the Cbu'r~h" (St. Pius'X, Motu Proprio, Nov. 22, 1903). Devotion to the Sacred Heart is one Of the last and most power-ful means God has given to save and sanctify men. "This devotion is a last effort df His love to save men in these latter days of His loving redemption" (St. Margaret Mary, Letter 133). In one of His apparitions to St. Margaret Mary, Christ said: "My divine Heart is so~ififlamed with love of men . . . that, being unable any longer to contain within Itself the flames of Its burning charity, It must.needs spread-them abroad . and manifest Itself to them [man-kind] in order to enrich them. with the precious treasures . . . which contain graces of sanctification and salvation necessary to withdraw them from the abyss of perdition" (Autobiography, no. 53). "He showed me that the ardent desire He bad of being loved by men and of drawing them from the path of perdition into which Satan was hurrying them in crowds, had caused Him to fix upon this plan of manifesting His Heart to men, together with all Its treasures of love, mercy, grace, sanctification and salvation. This He did in order that those who were willing to do all in their pov~er to render and procure for Him honor, love, and glory might be enriched abund-antly, even profusely, with these divine treasur'es of the Heart of God. It is the source of them all., It must 'be honored under the symbol of this Heart of flesh." (Herbst, The Letters of St. Mar-garet Mar~I Alacoque, 133.) "It must be honored under the symbol of this Heart of flesh." The heart of the God-Man, the ,heart formed by' His mother; the 146 May,. 19.56 DEVOTION TO THE sAcRED HEART "Heart of God," is the. material object of devotion to the Sacred Heart. ""Behold this Heart," our Lord said in the l~ist greag revela-tion He made to St. Margaret Mary. It is a physical heart, wounded and suffering. "After that I saw this divine Heart as on a throne of flames, more brilliant than the sun and transparent as crystal. It had its adorable wound and was encircled with a crown of thorns, which signified the pricks our sins caused Him. It .was sur-mounted by a-cross which signified that, from the first moment of His Incarnation, that is, from the time this Sacred Heart was formed, the cross was planted in It" (Letter ,133). He asked her for her heart "and placed it in His own adorable Heart" (Autobt'ography. no. 53). Of course we do not honor and adore the Sacred Heart of Christ as separated from His divine person. It is an essential part, the center, of the .life of the God-Man. '.'Jesus Christ, my sweet Master, presented Himself to me, all, resplendent with glory; .His five Wounds shining like so many suns. Flames issue from ever~r pair" of His Sacred Humanity, especially from His adorable Bosom, which re-sembled an open furnace and disclosed to me His most loving and most amiable Heart, which was the living source of these-flames" (ibid., no. 55). On December 2-7,. 1673, feast,of St. John, whom pious tradition assumes to have rested his head on our Lord,'s~breast at the Last Supper, "He made me repose for a long time.upon His Sacred Breast, where He disclosed to me the marvels.,.of His love and-the .inexplicable secrets of His .Sacred Heart, which so, .far He had concealed from., me. Then it was that, for the first time,. He opened to me His Divine Heart" (ibid:, no. 53). "~. .: The formal object of this devotion .is the love, of the Sadred Heart for men. "Behold this Heart, which, has loved, men so much, that It has spared, nothing, even to :exhausting and consuming Itself, in order to testify to them Its love'.' (ibid., no. 92): The heart is the natural symbol of love. -TO' it is attributed our love, our affections, Our interior dispositions. We are .said to love One with all our heart:, People are called, good-hearted or kind-hearted or great-hearted.'-We express tenderest affection when we.say: "I give you my heart." "My divine Heart," our. Lord said,. ".is so inflamed with lo.vef0r.men that it is.unable any longer to contain within Itself the flariaes of Its burning,charity.': He."disclosed to me His m6st loving and most ~miable Heart, which was the living source of these flames.It was-then, that He made~known to me the ineffable, marvels of his pure [love] and showed reel.to ,what-an 147 C. A. HERBST Reoiew [or Religious excess He had loved men" (ibid.; no. 55). This heart.is, presented to us as a heart that is wounded and bleed-ing and broken, a love that is unrequited, disregarded, spurned, re-ceived with ingratitude, and that even by religious. "And in return I receive from the greater number nothing but ingratitude by reason of their irreverence and sacrileges, and by the coldness and contempt which they show Me. in this Sacrament of Love. But what I feel the most keenly is that it is hearts which are consecrated to Me that treat Me thus" (ibid., no. 92). His heart, wounded, bleedir~g, encircled with thorns, surmounted with a cross, "was filled, from the'.very first moment, with all the bitterness, humiliation, poverty, sorrow, and contempt His sacred humanity would have to suffer during the whole course~of His life and during His holy Passion" (Letter 133). The natural appeal of a heart that is wounded and of a love that is unrequited is that we love it in return and make reparation to it. To this natural appeal our Lord adds an explicit request. He "showed me to what an excess He had loved men, from whom He received only ingratitude and contempt. 'I feel this more,' He said, 'than all that I suffered in My Passion. If only they would make-me some return for My love, I should think but little of all I have done for them and would wish, were it possible, to suffer still more. But the sole return they make for my eagerness to do them good is to reject Me and treat Me with coldness. Do thou at least console Me by supplying for their ingratitude, as far as thou are able" (Autobiography, no. 55). He asks that on a day espe-' cially set aside we honor His heart "by communicating on that day and making reparati6n to It by a solemn act, in order to make amends for the indignities which It has received during the time It has been exposed on the altars" (ibid., no. 92). Reparation is one of the most outstanding features in devotion to the Sacred Heart. St. Margaret Mary writes: "I think He will be very generous in granting you these [graces] if, by following the lights He gives you, you make reparation for the insults offered His adorable Heart" (Letter 14). Our Lord asks'for someone "who will most humbly ask pardon of God for all the offenses committed against Him in the Holy Sacrament of the altar" (Letter 50). The idea of reparation runs all through the new Mass and Office of the Sa~red Heart; and the Holy Father Pius XI, in.hisletter issued with them, says that "if this same Uncreated Love has either been passed over through forgetfulness or saddened by reason of our sins, then 148 May, 1956 DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART we should repair such outrages, no matter in what manner they have occurred . We are held to the duty of making reparation by ,the most powerful motives of justice and of love; of justice, in order to expiate the injury done God by our sins and to rfiestablish, by means of penance, the divine order which has been violated; and of love, in order to suffer together .with Christ, patient and covered ¯ with opprobrium, so that we may bring to Him, in so far as our human weakness permit~, some comfort in His sufferings." (Miser-antissimus Rederoptor, 1928). For this reason we have the feast of the Sacred Heart, the Communion Of reparation, the First Friday, the Holy Hour, even the Morning Offering. In the Act of Repar-ation prescribed for the feast of the Sacred Heart, we are "~eeking ¯ With special tribute ~f honor to atone for the sinful indifference of men and for the outrages heaped from every side upon Thy most Loving Heart." Consecration is important, too. In it "the intention to ex- Change for the love of the Creator the love of us creatures stands out most prominently" (Pius XI). The Holy Father Leo XIII ordered that an act of consecration especially written for the occa-sion be read in all the churches in the world on June I1, 1899. The substance of this consecration, ordered again by Pius XI in 1925 to be recited by all on the feast of Christ the King each year, is contained in the words: "We are Thine, and Thine we wish to be; but, to be more surely united with Thee, behold each one of us freely consecrates himself today to Why most Sacred Heart." This is an ot~icial expression of St. Margaret Mary's "I give and consecrate to the Sacred Heart of Our Lord Jesus Christ my per-son and my life, my actions, trials and sufferings," and of Blessed Claude Colombiere's "I give myself entirely to Thee, and henceforth I protest .most sincerely that I desire to forget myself and all that re-lates to me." All the elements of devotion to the Sacred Heart are wonder-fully' summed up in the prayer of the feast in June. "O God, Who dost deign mercifully to bestow upon us infinite treasures of love in the Heart of Thy Son, which was wounded for our sins; grant, we beseech Thee, that we who pay Him the devout homage of our piety, may in like manner show unto Thee our due of worthy satis-faction." It is to the looe for us of the human heart of Jesus wounded for sin that we want to render homage by consecration and make reparation. 149 C. A. HERBST : .': "Re~eu~ for Religious BIBLIOGRAPHY . Note. Thig'is a short, simple bibliography giving a few books written in English from which one can get a g6od, authentic knowledge of de;cot;on to the Sacred Heart. A brief description and app?eciation of each book is given. Autobiogr'alJh~ . Life of Saint Margaret Mar~ Alacoque. Trans-lation of the Authentic French Text by the Sisters of the Visitation. Roselands, Waimer, Kent. Visitation Library. 1952. Hei'der Co., St. Louis. This is an account of her own interior life ~ri~.ten by St. Margaret Mary under obedience about five years before her deash. It contains the great revelations the Sacred Heart made to' her. It is a small book of about 125 pag~ and the most authentic source of the devotion to the Sacred Hear~. He~bst, Clarence A., S.J. (Ed.) The Letters of Saint Margaret MaGI Alacoque. Translated from the French. With an Introduc-tory Essa~ by J. J. Doyle, S.J. Henry Regnery Company, Chicago. 1954. Next to the Autobiograph~t, this is a most authentic source of devotion t6 the Sacred Heart and supplements the Autobfographt.t. There are 142 letters, the most predominant ideas in them being fervent devotedness" to the Sacred Heart and an enthusiastic love of suffering for Him. Letters 130-139 were written to Father Croiset and form the basis for the book bt~ published on devotion to the Sacred Heart immediately after her death. C~oiset, John, S.J. The Deootion to the Sacred Heart of Our Lord Jesus Christ. The Newman Press, Westminster, Md. 1948. This work is based on the letters mentioned above. F~lther Croiset deliberately waited until after the death of St. Margaret Mary to publish his book s0"that h~ could preface it with.a life of her. This life covers some forty pages. After that are explained the disposi-tions and means necessary to acquire the devotion and the obstacles and means to overcome them. Then come motives, and practices for every yeaL month, week, day, and even hour.: The intimate connection betweefi devotion to the Sacred He~l~t"iafid th.e)Hol~r Eucbakist is~ brought out by explaining how to visitS:the Blessed Sacrain~nt,.he'ar M'~iss, and receive Holy Commuhion. MeditatiiJns for Friday "are given. In an appendix are given the complete prayers of St. Margaret Mary and others prayers to the Sacred Hefirt: Gall;fief; .3oseph d~, S.J; The 7~dor~ble Heart of Jesus. "With Preface and'Iiii~roduc'tion by.:Father Richard" Clarke; S.f." Burns and Oates, London. 1887. Father Gall;fret was a spiritual son of 150 May, 1956 DEVOTION TO THE SACRED I-IEART Blessed Claude de la Colombiere, the director of St. Margaret Mary. He wrote this book only thirty-six years after her death and spent his life in promoting devotion to" the Sacred Heart and working for the establishment of a feast in its honor. He explai'ns the origin, progress, and nature of the devotion ~and the excellence of its object and end. He goes on to the interior and exterior workshop of the Sa.cred Heart and to the devotion, feasts, office, and pictures of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary together. He is a theologian of the Sacred Heart. Bainvel, J. V., S.J.Devotion to the Sacred Heart. The Doctrine and Its History. Translated from the Fifth French Edition by E. Leahy. Edited by Reverend George O'Neill, S.J., M.A. Burns Oates and Washbourne, Ltd., London. 1924. This is a classi-cal exposition of the devotion to the Sacred Heart, written by a learned scholar and theologian. He ~first )resentg the devotion as revealed by the Sacred Heart in the great apparitidn.s to St. Margaret Mary, then explains the practices, spirit, and promises: There fol-low. doctrinal explanations on the meaning and object of the de-votion, its historical, dogmatic, and philosophical foundations, and on love as its speciaI act. Its historical development from the be-ginnings through the middle ages to early modern times is given, and the new impetus given by St. Margaret Mary. For the most recent and crowning glory given the devotion by the Holy Father Pius XI we go to a more recent book. McGratty. Arthur R., S.J. The Sacred Heart Yesterday and Today. Benziger. Chicago. 1951. This is the more receht book, written by the national director of the Apostleship of Prayer. It gives the nature of the dbvotion and its bistory tbrou~b tbe Re-formation. After a chapter on St. John Eudes; it explains the de-votion as given to St. Margaret 'Mary in the great app.aritions, Blessed Claude de la Colombiere's connection with it, and the Sac-red Heart Badge. After the defeat of Jansenism and the nineteenth-century advance, we come to the times of Leo XIII and Plus X[ when the whole world is consecrated to the Sacred Hoart and de- ;;;Orion to ti4e Sacred He'art has become the world'~ d'~votidn. At the. end of the book is a select bibliography which wiilriehly sup-plement the meager one given here. 151 For Your Informal:ion Shadowbrook Fire Three priests and a lay brother died in a fire which destroyed Shadowbrook, the 3esuit novitiate and juniorate at Lenox, Mass., in the early morning of March i0. The victims were Fathers Stephen A. Mulcahy, Henry B. Muollo, Arthur B. Tribble, and Brother Henry A. Perry. Among six who were hospitalized with burns and other injuries was Father 3ohn R. Post, master of novices and one of our consistent contributors. The more than one hundred novices and juniors have since been "adopted" temporarily by the Jesuit novitiates in neighboring provinces. Plans for a new Shadowbrook are already under way. Revised Hospital Directives A second, and revised, edition of Ethical and Religious Directioes for Catholic Hospitals was recently published by the Catholic Hos-pital Association of the United States and Canada. The revision in-cludes not only clarification of a few somewhat obscure provisions of the first edition but also new matter concerning professional sec-recy, experimentation, ghost surgery, psychotherapy, shock-therapy, unnecessary procedures, and the spiritual care of non-Catholics. An appendix contains abundant reference material, with apt references to recent statements of the Holy See. There is also a detailed alpha-betical index. An especially useful aspect of the revised edition is that the individual directives are numbered consecutively, thus fa-cilitating reference to the booklet. The price per copy is 25 cents; quantity prices are available. A set of six booklets, including the Directioes and five small volumes of Medico-Moral Problems by Gerald Kelly, S.J., can be obtained for $2.50. Order from: The Catholic Hospital Association, 1438 South Grand Blvd., St. Louis 4, ¯ Missouri. Franciscan Poems The Franciscan Institute, St. Bonaventure, N. Y., has just pub-lished Where Caius Is, a small book of poems by Sister Mary Francis, P.C., who wrote the article on St. Thomas Aquinas, "The Silence and the Song," published in REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, March, 1955. Sister Mary Francis has also published two plays, Counted as Mine and Candle in Umbria, and a smaller book of poems entitled Whom I Have Loved. The new book (Where Caius Is) may be obtained From the Franciscan Institute or from: Rev. Mother M. Immaculata, P.C., Poor Clare Monastery of O.L. of Guadalupe, Route 1, Box 152 FOR YOUR INFORMATION 285-C, Roswell, New Mexico. Price: $1.75. Vocation Insfifutes The tenth annual Vocation Institute will be held at the Uni-versity of Notre Dame, July 12-15. For information, write .to: Rev. John J. Doherty, C.S.C., the Vocation Instituge, Notre Dame, Indiana. On July 25-26, the sixth annual Institute on Religious and Sacerdotal Vocations will be held on the campus of Fordham Uni-versity. Priests, religious, and laity are invited to attend. A special week-long workshop for mistresses of novices is also planned. Ad-dress all communications to: Rev. John F. Gilson, S.J., Fordham University, New York 58, N. Y. Summer Sessions Special courses in the sacred sciences will be offered for religious this summer at St. Bonaventure University. These courses (includ-ing dogma, moral theology, liturgy, ascetics, Sacred Scripture, etc.) will be designed to assist the teacher of religion on the college, high-school, and grade-school level. A course in canon law for religious superiors and directors of religious vocations will include the teach-ing of the Church regarding the reception and profession of religious, the government of religious communities, privileges and obligations of religious. Sisters of Franciscan communities will have the oppor-tunity of taking classes in Franciscan theology and spirituality. Registration will be on June 30. All graduate courses lead to the master's degree. Those who are not qualified for degrees may ob-tain a certificate in theolbgy provided they fulfill the other require-ments. For additional information, write to: Director of Summer School of Theology, St. Bonaventure, N. Y. In its summer session of June 18-July 27, St. Louis University will pioneer in the United States in presenting Kerygmatic Theology as academic courses. Father J. Hofinger, S.J., a noted lecturer in this "new" theology, will teach tWO classes (both 3 credit-hour courses), one on basic doctrine, the other on method and discussion. Other standard religion courses will also be offered. For further informa-tion on this and other summer sessions, write to: Director of the Summer Sessions, St. Louis Uniyersity, St. Louis 3, Missouri. The Creighton University continues with its cycle of graduate-level courses in theology for religious. The offerings this summer include courses on the Incarnation and Redemption, on the New Testament and St. Paul, on principles of moral guidance, and on 153 FOR YOUR INFORMATION Review for Religious fundamental theology. Six h6urs of advanced nursing will be available. Besides these and the standard summer-session courses, there will be many workshops. For the workshop on liturgical music in conjunction with Boys Town, see below. Creight6n'~s summer faculty includes several religious as guest lecturers: from the Bene-dictines, Dominicans, Franciscans, Sisters of Charity of the B.V.M., Sisters of the Humility of Mary, and the Servants of Mary. For a complete list of the workshops and for other information, write to: Director of the Summer Session, Creighton University, Omaha 2, Nebraska. Boys Town will hold its fourth annual workshop in liturgical music, under the director of inusic, Father Francis P. Schmitt. The dates are August 20-31, inclusive. This two-week workshop will include a survey of liturgy and liturgical music, reading and per-formance of materials and chant, polyphonic and modern liturgical music. Rich library facilities and extensive consultant service will be provided. Boys Town conducts this workshop in conjunction with the Creighton University, thus offering an opportunity to quali-fied persons to earn three college credits. Address all inquiries to: Rev. Francis P. Schmitt, Director of Music, Boys Town, Nebraska. A summer school in theology for religious will be;held at the University of Ottawa, July 2--August 7. Courses this year will be on the Triune God, the sacraments, creation and providence, and the Christian virtues. For detailed information, write to: Director of the Summer Scho61, University of Ottawa, Ottawa 2, Canada. The Institute of Theology for Religious Wc~men, offered in co-operation with the. Dominican Fathers, will be held in Immaculata College, Iha~actilata, Pennsylvania, June 27--TAugust 8. A pro-gram of four summer sessions" leads to a certificate in Thomistic Theology, Sacred Scripture, and Canon Law. The presqribed courses in the realm 6f'sacred sciences furnish an excellent background for religious teache~[ " Summer of 1956--the first and ~econd year pro-grams will beoffered.Residence facilities will be available. For further information address: The Director of Summ~'r Session, Im-macfilata Col.lege, Immaculata, Pennsylvania. MidnigM" Mass on Christmas in Religious and P!ous. Houses Can. 821, § 3, ~eads: "But in all religious houses and pious homes,"if "they have an oratory with the right of ~habitual reserva-tion. of the Most Blessed~Eucharist, on Christmas.night one priest may celebrate"the:three Masses of the liturgy.or,, observing the usual 154 Ma~!, 1956 FOR YOUR .|NFORMATION regulations, a single Mass, at which all present can satisfy their obligation of hearing .Mass, and at which the priest may distribute Holy Communion to those who request it." 1. Admitted interpretation in the past. The privilegeof having such Masses is granted by the Code of Canon Law, and no further permission of ecclesiastical authority is required for its use; The privilege extends to all religious houses, formal or non-formal, of any religious institute, whether an order or a congregation, exempt or non-exempt, clerical or lay, pontifical or diocesan, of men or women, and likewise to all houses of societies living in common without public vows and to those of secular institutes. The privi-lege applies equally to all piou~ homes. These areinstitutions de-voted to pious works, especially of mercy and charity, e.g., hospitals, orphanages, homes for the aged, schools, seminaries. Prisons are also included, since the chaplain devotes himself to ~he reform and rehabilitation of the inmates. It is not necessary that these insti-tutions be directed by or depend strictly on ecclesiastical authority nor that they be in the care of religious. The oratory of habitual reservation of the Blessed Sacrament may be semipublic or public. One, two, or three Masses may be celebrated, but by the one priest. Mass may be begun at any time after, but not before, midnight. 2. PractiCal poir~t that was doubtful in the past. On Novem-o bet 26, 1908, the Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office declared that it was not permitted to celebrate such Masses "with the doors of the oratory open." This restriction was not included in can. 821~ ~ 3, and both canonists and moralists have disagreed as to whether the restridtion remained in force after the Code of Canon Law became effective on May 19, 1918. The restriction forbade the admission (;f .tb.e general public but not of a small number of externs nor of invited guests. :.:. 3. Autboritatit~e solution of the doubt. An. apostolic nuncio submitted, the.following q.uestion-to the Pontifical Commission for. the Interpretation of the Code of Canon Law: "After the promul-gation of the CodeofCanon Law, does the declaration .of the Holy OffiCe ~f November. 26, -1908, " .oncerning the first question [cele-. brating with,the doors, open] remain .always .valid with regard to. the use of the faculty authorized by can. 821, § 3;. and if in the. ~ffirmative~ does this imply, the exclusion, of externs from,assistance at: the midnight .Mass bn Christmas?.': His. Eminerice~. th~:;late.Car-. 155 QUESTIONS AND'ANSWERS Review for Religious dinal Massimo Massimi, then president of the Commission, gave the following interpretation on March 5, 1954, Prot. N. 1/54: "One cannot see how it can be maintained that in the sacred func-" tions of which the aforesaid canon speaks externs may not be ad-mitted and still less that the doors may not be kept open, since there is no trace of such a prohibition in this same canon which regulates the matter." This reply, although not as yet officially promulgated, is to be considered as authentic, general, and merely declarative of the sense of the canon, as is obvious from the words of the reply. There-fore, it is now certain that canon law places no restriction whatever on the admission of externs to the Masses in question. Cf. Ochoa, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 33 ( 1954), 329-52 ; Bergh, Nouvelle Reoue Tb~ologique, 77 (1955), 188-90; Revue des Communaut~s Religieuses, 27 (1955), 111-13; La Vie des Communaut~s Re-ligieuses, 13 (1955), 263-64. ( ues ions and Answers ml7-- Is the quinquennial Repod" fo the Holy See due in 19567 Father Ellis explained this report in the REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 8 (1949), 234-40; 10 (1951), 20-24. The following is a sum-mary of his articles. 1. Who must make this report in 19567 All congregations of brothers; all superiors general of religious institutes of women in all the countries of North, Central, and South America; and the higher superioresses of independent monasteries or houses of the same countries. The superioresses general of societies of common life, sec-ular institutes, and confederations throughout the world will dis-charge this obligatibn in 1957. 2.Lan. guage in which the report is to be ~vritten. Brothers and religious women may use the vernacular, that is, English, French, German, Italian, or Spanish. 3. May it be typed? The report should be typed if at all pos-sible. If written by hand, the handwriting must be clear and good ink used. Good bond paper, not too heavy, and not translucent should be used. 4. Merely number question. Merely put the number of the question before the answer; db not repeat the question before the 156 Maq, 1956 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS answer. 5.Method of a~swering. Answer the questions with a complete sentence, not with a mere "yes" or "no." . 6. Time of handing in. The report may be handed in any time .during 1956, but it should cover the five-year period from ! 9.51-55, inclusive. 7. Signing the report. The superior general and all the general councilors must sign the report. 8. To wbbm t's report sent? After it has been authenticated b~r the signature of the local ordinary of the mother house, the rep0rt is sent by pontifical institutes directly-to the Rev. Segretario, S.Con: gregazione dei Religiosi, Palazzo delIe Congregazioni, Piazza S. Cal-listo, Roma, Italia. All diocesan institutes and independent monas-terles and houses.are to send their report to the local ordinary of their motlqer house. When he has read it, he will add his comments and S~fid the report to the S. Congregation of Religious. If the diocesan congregation has houses in other dioceses, the local ordinary of the mother house must send copies of the report to these, local-ordinaries and, after receiving their comments, add them to his own before se.nding the report to the S. Congregation. " 9. Where ma~. copies of tbb"report be obtained? Copies may be o~Dined fo, r $1.50 from the Rev. Ar.chlvlsta, S. Congregazmne Rel!giosi, e.tc., as above in n. 8. The questions for pontifical insti-i: utds' are obtainable from this source in Latin, English, French, Ger-man, Italian, and Spanis.h; those for diocesan in'stitu'tes and inde-p~ endent monasteries' and houses only in Latin. 10. In what other sources can.the, r~;vort be found? T'he report for pontifical institutes is found in English in the REVIEW FOR RE-LIGIOUS, 9 (.1950), 52-56: 108-12; 166-68; 209-24; 269-79, and also in'B0uscaren, Canon Law Digest, III, 162-203. The re-port for diocesan institutes in English is found in Creusen, Religious Men and Women in the Code, 5th ed., 278-316, and in French in "La Vie des Communaut& Religieuses, .8. (1950), 257-88. The re-port for .independent monasteries.and houses in E.nglish is found in {he REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 13 (1954), 251-269, and in French in Revue des Communaut~s Retigieuses, 24 (1952), 3-16. --18- ,,We offer two Holy Communions for any deceased member of our In-stitute. However, Ihave been instructed more than once that no one can offer a Communion for ~no+her. Holy Communion as a suffrage for the. dead is a common and 157 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Re~iew ~or Religious ancient practice in religious institutes and also among the faithful in general. A Communion received for another does not effect grace in the other person ex opere operato. The intention in a Communion received as a suffrage for the dead is to obtain the deliverance of a soul from the pains of purgatory. The influence of Communion to this effect is ex opere operantis, by way of merit de congruo, im-petration,. and satisfaction, and also by the application of any in-dulgences attached to the Communion and applicable to the souls in purgatory. The fervor of prayer and its impetrhtory value are usually greater because of the reception of the Eucharist. The satisfactory value arises from the increase of divine charity effected by Communion and also because Communion contains the note of something diffi-cult and contrary to the inclination of nature. Since the union with God in Holy Communion is highly conducive to the increase of these values, it is evident that Holy Communion as a suffrage for the dead is a most commendable practice. Cf. Van Noort, De Sacra-mentis, I, n. 397; Doronzo, De Sacramentis, I, 733-35: Beraza, De Novissimis, n. 1268. Are exempf religious ob]iged ÷o say 7o Mass collecfs prescribed (ora-flones imperatae) by fhe local ordinary? All priests, diocesan or religious, even if exempt (S. R. C., 2613, ad 1; 3036, ad 5: can. 612), also if they are visiting priests and do not reside in the diocese, are obliged to say the orationes imperatae in any church or oratory, even private,, within the diocese in which it is prescribed. (Cf. J. O'Connell, The Celebration of Mass, 189; Hecht, Rubricae Generales Missalis, 48; Hebert, Lecons de Liturgie, II, 203.) The local ordinary may establish that the irnperata is to be omitted on more days than those stated in the rubrics. (S. R. C. Lauretana, December 14, 1927.) A pad he may also exempt places that are not exempted by the rubrics. If he has not expressly done either, these prayers are to be said according to the norms of the rubrics, which are given above with regard to person and place. While the obligation is clear, it is also a fact that at least very many priests find the orationes imperatae of prolonged duration highly monotonous, annoying, and a complicating factor in Mass. It is frequently stated by commentators that in the spirit o~ the General Decree on the Simplification of the Rubrics of March 23, 1955, orationes imperatae should now be prescribed less frequently and for lesser periods of time. A quick analysis of the general de-cree will reveal that a prolonged imperata is not in keeping With the 158 Ma~ , 1956 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS evident purposes of the decree of decreasing ~omplications, reducing the number of prayers, of lessening monotony, and eliminating ex-traneous elements in both the Mass and the Divine Office. A prolonged oratio imperata pro re gravi also loses its nature of a special petition. 20 In our concjrecjafion no one makes a will. Aren't we oblicjed by canon law to make wills? This is a case of disturbed and even disturbing ignorance of canon law. A will is a disposition in whole or in part of the property that one will own at death by an act that is revocable until death and effective only at death. All novices in all congregations and also in monasteries of nuns of only simp.le vows, whether they actually own property or not, before their first profession and consequently in the last weeks (about the last month) of the noviceship, must make a will for all property that they then actually own and that they may own in the future. If for any reason the will was not made during the noviceship, it is to be made after first profession and as soon as possible. Those who made profession before the Code of Canon Law (May 19, 1918) are not obliged to make a will. At least .if they actually own property, they are to be most strongly urged to do so. The subject is perfectly free in the determination of the dis-positions of the will. Novices in orders (institutes of solemn vows) are not obliged to make a will, but they may do so. They also are to be strongly urged to make a will, at least if they actually own property and especially if the interval between the noviceship and solemn pro-fession is very long. A novice destined for only simple perpetual vows in an order should make a will. The will of novices destined for the solemn or an equivalent simple vow of poverty will be ef-fective only if they die before taking such a vow, since the solemn profession takes away all property rights. The will is to be made even if the novice does not actually own property, i. e., he is then to make the will only for property that he may acquire in the future. Even if they are under age and their wills are invalid by civil law, the novices are to make a will, which will oblige by canon law and in conscience. When they reach the requisite age, they are to make ,the will in a form that is civilly valid: but they are not to change the dispositions without the necessary permission. It is illicit but not invalid to change the dispositions of a will without the permission ordinarily of. the Holy See; but, if the case 159 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Review for Religious is urgent and" there is no time for recourse to the Holy See, without the permission of a higher superior; and, if recourse cannot be made to a higher superior, without that.ofthe local superior. A novice made his temporary profession on August 18, 1953. May he make his perpetual profession on August IS, 19S6, when all the others of his group will be making their perpetual vows.'? If .he does, his perpetual profession, whether solemn or simple, will be .certainly and evidently invalid. Canon law demands three ,full years of temporary vows for the validity of any perpetual pro-fession.~ The time in this case expirep on the anniversary day (August 18, 1953-August 18,¯ 1956). The time in this and all of the fol-lowing cases is computed physically, mathematically, not morally. Therefore, if the perpetual profession in the preceding case is made on August 17 and only an hour or only a minute is lacking to August 18, the perpetual profession is certainly and evidently invalid. ¯ The. time is completed on the day" following in these cases, in all of which the duration is required for validity: the complete year required for the validity of the noviceship (August 1~4, 1955-August 15, 1956) ; 'the fifteen complete years of age required for the validity of the canonical year of no,ciceship (~August 14, 1941-August 15, 1956); the sixteen required for any temporary profession (August 14, 1940-August 15, 1956); the twenty-one for perpetual profes-sion, whether solemn or simple (August 14, 1935-August 15, 19~6) ; the forty required for a superior or superioress general and for a superioress of a monastery of nuns (August 14, 1916-August 15, 1956) ; the thirty for other higher superiors (August 14, 1926- August 15, 1956); the ten complete years from first profession re-quired for any higher superior (August 14, 1946-August 15, 1956). The following are computed in the same way as in the preced-ing paragraph but are required only for liceity: the postulancy (Feb-ruary 14, 1956-August 15, 1956) ; the thirty-five years of age usu-ally required by the constitutions for general officials and" demanded by the Code for'the master or mistress of novices (August 14, 1921- August 15, 1956); the thirty years commonly required by the con-stitutions for local superiors and demanded by the Code for the as-sistant master or mistress of novices (August 14, 1926- August 15., 1956); the ten years from first profession required by the Code for the master or mistress of novices (August 14, 1946-August 15, t956) and the five years also demanded by the Code for the assistant master or mistress of novices (August 14, 1951-August 15, 1956). 160 Mar , 195~ QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Unless the particular law of the institute states otherwise, a noviceship of two years is completed on the second anniversary (August 15, 1954-August. 15, 1956). The'same principle is true ofa noviceship of eighteen months. When the constitutions demand a greater duration than that required by the Code for validity, this added duration is prescribed only for liceity unless the constitutions certainly state that it is necessary for validity. This principle is true of a noviceship of eighteen months or two years, of temporary vows prescribed for four, five, or six years, of a greater age for the profes-sions, for the office of higher superior, or of added years of profession demanded for this same office~ For example, can. 504 requires that the provincial have completed his thirtieth year for the validity of his appointment or election. If the constitutions demand thirty-five years of age, the added five years are required only for liceity. Time is especially to be .watched with regard to the noviceship and temporary profession. The first canonical maxim of the novice-ship is that an invalid noviceship renders any subsequent profession invalid. The first canonical maxim of temporary profession is that a temporary profession of less than three full years renders the per-petual profession invalid. The first canonical maxim of all these cases of time is that time is computed physically, mathematically, not morally. A candidate appl!ed for our institute who had been born of a mixed marriacje and baptized a Catholic in'infancy. The Catholic parent died durincj his infancy, and he was then broucjht up ,~s an Episcopalian. lie was converted to the Catholic Church'at tfi~ ~.cje of fifteen. Is he af-~ fected by the impediment of, "those who have renounced the C;atholio faith and joined a non-C:atholie sect (c. 542; '1 o)?. An impediment is to be strictly interpreted, i. e., its extension is to be confined to the narrowest sense possible within the proper meaning of the wording of the law (c 19).'Therefore, those bap-tized as Catholics, whether their parents were Catholics or non- Catholics, but brought up from irlfar~cy in heresy, schism, infidelity, or without any religion and who were later converted to the Cath-olic Church are not included in this impediment of can. 542, 1", which demands that the subject have. knowi.~gt~ pro~fessed the Cath-