Metropolisation, the result of the shifting patterns of concentration and expansion in populations and activities which have been affecting large French cities over the last twenty years, has been accompanied by major developments in lifestyle as well as structural changes in people's daily travel needs. The individualisation of behaviours, the break-up of traditional forms of relationship, the spatial and temporal de-synchronization of rhythms have resulted in the dispersion of mobility flow over vast areas which tend to be globally appropriated by means of several public transport networks, or more often, the car. These developments have led to the exacerbation of traffic and parking problems in and towards the sectors of greatest density where the most efficient public transport networks are to be found. This is the socio-organisational background against which park and ride strategies, the aim of which is to organise the complementarity of public and individual means of transport, have been implemented in the agglomerations and regions of France. They represent three main types of challenge for their various potential developers between which a compromise with regard to their conception and management must be found: optimisation of profitability for the transport offer through an increase in users, the organisation of intermodality and modal transfers to cover a wider area, and the orientation of urban planning through the re-allocation of space and the development of the nodal points in the network. In actual fact, they function as maintenance instruments for centres of urban concentration to which they facilitate access, but on a wider scale, that of the functioning of urban regions, they establish a hierarchical model of network organisation within which a journey may be made using both public transport and the car, one after the other, each in the geographical area where its level of socio-economic efficiency is at its maximum. The comparison between the failures or mixed successes finally obtained in France and the experience both of countries with strong planning policies (Germany, Switzerland) and liberal countries (United States, United Kingdom), show us that technical, organisational and institutional innovations should be introduced at the location, design and operational stages of these pivots in the modal chain, which are also interfaces with the region. At the same time, they should be integrated into local transport policies which must be placed at the centre of overall thinking on the functioning and future of urban areas. ; La métropolisation, fruit des mouvements de concentration et d'étalement des populations et des activités qui depuis une vingtaine d'années affectent les grandes villes françaises, s'est accompagnée de bouleversements des modes de vie ainsi que de modifications structurelles des besoins de déplacement quotidien des personnes. Individualisation des comportements, éclatement des structures relationnelles, désynchronisation spatiale et temporelle des rythmes. ont débouché sur un éparpillement des flux de mobilité dans de vastes bassins de vie qui tendent à être investis de façon globale en recourant à plusieurs réseaux de transport collectif ou plus souvent à l'automobile. Ces évolutions ont conduit à l'aggravation des difficultés de circulation et de stationnement dans et vers les secteurs les plus denses où sont déployés les réseaux de transport en commun les plus performants. C'est dans ce contexte socio-organisationnel que des stratégies de parcs relais, visant à organiser la complémentarité des moyens de transport collectif et individuel, ont été mises en oeuvre dans les agglomérations et régions françaises. Ils peuvent concrétiser trois principaux types d'enjeux pour leurs différents promoteurs potentiels entre lesquels un compromis de réalisation et gestion doit être trouvé : optimisation de la rentabilité de l'offre de transport sur laquelle sont rabattus les flux diffus, organisation de l'intermodalité et de transferts modaux pour améliorer la desserte territoriale, orientation du développement urbain par réaffectation d'espaces ou territorialisation en des noeuds de réseaux. Ils fonctionnent dans les faits en instruments de maintien de noyaux urbains concentrés dont ils facilitent l'accessibilité ; mais plus largement, à l'échelle fonctionnelle des régions urbaines, ils instaurent un modèle d'organisation hiérarchisée des réseaux dans lequel un déplacement peut être réalisé en utilisant successivement transport collectif et automobile, chacun dans leur domaine géographique d'efficacité socio-économique maximum. La confrontation des échecs ou succès mitigés, finalement obtenus en France, avec les expériences en la matière de pays tant planificateurs (Allemagne, Suisse) que libéraux (Etats-Unis, Royaume Uni), nous montre que des innovations techniques, organisationnelles et institutionnelles doivent être introduites aux étapes de localisation, conception et exploitation de ces pivots de chaînes modales, également interfaces avec le territoire. Elles devront assurer dans le même temps leur intégration dans des politiques locales de déplacement à resituer au sein de réflexions globales sur le fonctionnement et le devenir des aires urbaines.
Metropolisation, the result of the shifting patterns of concentration and expansion in populations and activities which have been affecting large French cities over the last twenty years, has been accompanied by major developments in lifestyle as well as structural changes in people's daily travel needs. The individualisation of behaviours, the break-up of traditional forms of relationship, the spatial and temporal de-synchronization of rhythms have resulted in the dispersion of mobility flow over vast areas which tend to be globally appropriated by means of several public transport networks, or more often, the car. These developments have led to the exacerbation of traffic and parking problems in and towards the sectors of greatest density where the most efficient public transport networks are to be found. This is the socio-organisational background against which park and ride strategies, the aim of which is to organise the complementarity of public and individual means of transport, have been implemented in the agglomerations and regions of France. They represent three main types of challenge for their various potential developers between which a compromise with regard to their conception and management must be found: optimisation of profitability for the transport offer through an increase in users, the organisation of intermodality and modal transfers to cover a wider area, and the orientation of urban planning through the re-allocation of space and the development of the nodal points in the network. In actual fact, they function as maintenance instruments for centres of urban concentration to which they facilitate access, but on a wider scale, that of the functioning of urban regions, they establish a hierarchical model of network organisation within which a journey may be made using both public transport and the car, one after the other, each in the geographical area where its level of socio-economic efficiency is at its maximum. The comparison between the failures or mixed successes finally obtained in France and the experience both of countries with strong planning policies (Germany, Switzerland) and liberal countries (United States, United Kingdom), show us that technical, organisational and institutional innovations should be introduced at the location, design and operational stages of these pivots in the modal chain, which are also interfaces with the region. At the same time, they should be integrated into local transport policies which must be placed at the centre of overall thinking on the functioning and future of urban areas. ; La métropolisation, fruit des mouvements de concentration et d'étalement des populations et des activités qui depuis une vingtaine d'années affectent les grandes villes françaises, s'est accompagnée de bouleversements des modes de vie ainsi que de modifications structurelles des besoins de déplacement quotidien des personnes. Individualisation des comportements, éclatement des structures relationnelles, désynchronisation spatiale et temporelle des rythmes. ont débouché sur un éparpillement des flux de mobilité dans de vastes bassins de vie qui tendent à être investis de façon globale en recourant à plusieurs réseaux de transport collectif ou plus souvent à l'automobile. Ces évolutions ont conduit à l'aggravation des difficultés de circulation et de stationnement dans et vers les secteurs les plus denses où sont déployés les réseaux de transport en commun les plus performants. C'est dans ce contexte socio-organisationnel que des stratégies de parcs relais, visant à organiser la complémentarité des moyens de transport collectif et individuel, ont été mises en oeuvre dans les agglomérations et régions françaises. Ils peuvent concrétiser trois principaux types d'enjeux pour leurs différents promoteurs potentiels entre lesquels un compromis de réalisation et gestion doit être trouvé : optimisation de la rentabilité de l'offre de transport sur laquelle sont rabattus les flux diffus, organisation de l'intermodalité et de transferts modaux pour améliorer la desserte territoriale, orientation du développement urbain par réaffectation d'espaces ou territorialisation en des noeuds de réseaux. Ils fonctionnent dans les faits en instruments de maintien de noyaux urbains concentrés dont ils facilitent l'accessibilité ; mais plus largement, à l'échelle fonctionnelle des régions urbaines, ils instaurent un modèle d'organisation hiérarchisée des réseaux dans lequel un déplacement peut être réalisé en utilisant successivement transport collectif et automobile, chacun dans leur domaine géographique d'efficacité socio-économique maximum. La confrontation des échecs ou succès mitigés, finalement obtenus en France, avec les expériences en la matière de pays tant planificateurs (Allemagne, Suisse) que libéraux (Etats-Unis, Royaume Uni), nous montre que des innovations techniques, organisationnelles et institutionnelles doivent être introduites aux étapes de localisation, conception et exploitation de ces pivots de chaînes modales, également interfaces avec le territoire. Elles devront assurer dans le même temps leur intégration dans des politiques locales de déplacement à resituer au sein de réflexions globales sur le fonctionnement et le devenir des aires urbaines.
학위논문(박사)--서울대학교 대학원 :농업생명과학대학 산림과학부(산림환경학전공),2020. 2. 김성일. ; Community-based tourism (CBT) has often been cited as an alternative to mass tourism that has caused negative economic (e.g., revenue leakage), social, cultural, and ecological impacts to tourism destinations. CBT can be used as a tool providing economic benefit to local communities while conserving natural and cultural resources of a destination. Evaluation of governance based on stakeholders' perspectives has been recognized as a key requirement for CBT sustainability. However, there is a lack of studies measuring CBT governance. As a response to this gap, this research developed a quantitative method to measure CBT governance based on stakeholders' perspectives. Using a set of 7 governance principles and 21 associated items that was developed based on a literature review, a survey was administered to 232 individuals composed of both CBT stakeholders and non-stakeholders in Korea. With the data collected from the survey, exploratory factor analysis was conducted. The analysis results suggested that 7 factors (principles) - 1) transparency, 2) inclusiveness, 3) fairness, 4) resilience, 5) legitimacy, 6) connectivity, and 7) accountability - and associated 11 items demonstrate high construct validity and reliability as measured by factor loadings, explained variance, and Cronbach's alpha. Using this tested set of CBT governance principles and items, this research measured CBT governance of two destinations in Korea from stakeholders' perspectives. Additionally, social network analysis was used to explain cooperative relationships among the stakeholders and to separate them into three distinct groups from network perspectives (e.g., a group composed of centered stakeholders, non-isolated stakeholders, or isolated stakeholders). Subsequently, perceptions on CBT governance among different stakeholder groups were compared using analysis of variance (ANOVA), and relationships between stakeholders' characteristics within a network (e.g., degree centralities) and their perceptions on CBT governance were identified. Interestingly, the result showed that the centered and the non-isolated stakeholders with relatively higher degree centrality had higher opinions on most of principles compared to the isolated stakeholders with relatively lower degree centrality. According to the result of ANOVA, both the centered stakeholders and the non-isolated stakeholders showed statistically significant differences on some of the items with the isolated stakeholders. Specifically, compared to both the centered and the non-isolated stakeholder groups, the isolated stakeholder group showed relatively lower scores on transparency and inclusiveness. Based on the findings of the study, theoretical and practical implications and directions of future studies were discussed. ; 지역기반관광은 관광지의 자연 및 문화 자원을 보전하면서 지역사회에 경제적 이익을 제공하는 도구로 사용될 수 있다. 성공적 인 지역기반관광을 위한 필수 요건으로 이해관계자의 관점에 기초 한 거버넌스 평가가 강조되어 왔으나 지역기반관광 거버넌스의 평 가와 관련된 연구는 부족한 실정이다. 따라서 이 연구는 문헌 검토 를 통해 도출된 7가지 거버넌스 원칙과 21개의 평가 문구를 활용하 여 지역기반관광 거버넌스를 측정하는 정량적 방법을 개발하였다. 구체적으로 국내 지역기반관광 거버넌스 이해관계자와 비이해관계 자 232명을 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하고, 탐색적 요인분석을 통 해 7가지의 지역기반관광 거버넌스 원칙 – 1) 투명성, 2) 포괄성, 3) 공정성, 4) 회복력 5) 합법성, 6) 연결성, 7) 책임성 – 및 11개의 평 가 문구의 타당성과 신뢰성을 통계적으로 입증하였다. 이 11개의 평가 문구를 활용하여 국내 지역기반관광지 두 곳을 대상으로 사례 조사를 실시하였다. 구체적으로 각 관광지의 지역협의체 구성원 세 부 집단 간의 지역기반관광 거버넌스에 대한 인식을 비교하였다. 이 때, 사회연결망분석을 활용하여 연결망 관점에서 협의체 구성원들 간의 협력관계를 파악하고 이해관계자 세부 집단을 구분하였다. 사 례조사 결과 연결정도 중심성이 비교적 높은 이해관계자 집단이 연 결정도 중심성이 낮은 이해관계자 집단보다 투명성과 포괄성에 대 해 긍정적으로 평가하는 것으로 확인되었다. 이 연구는 지역기반관 광 거버넌스의 양적 측정을 위한 거버넌스 원칙과 평가 문구를 개 발하고 이를 활용하여 서로 다른 이해관계자 집단 간 거버넌스에 대한 인식 차이를 밝힘으로써 지역기반관광 거버넌스 평가와 관련 된 이론적 실증적 근거를 제시하였다. 연구 결과는 지역기반관광 거버넌스와 이해관계자간 협력 증진을 위한 정책 마련에 활용될 수 있다. ; CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. Study background 1 1.2. Study purposes and objectives 7 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 9 2.1. Community-based tourism (CBT) 9 2.2. CBT stakeholders 13 2.3. CBT governance 17 2.4. CBT governance evaluation 19 2.4.1. Concept of good governance 19 2.4.2. Principles, criteria, and indicators 27 2.5. Social network analysis 29 2.5.1. Network approach in tourism research 29 2.5.2. Key indicators of social network analysis 32 2.6. CBT in Republic of Korea 34 CHAPTER 3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 40 3.1. Outline of research methodology 40 3.2. Definitions of concepts 42 3.3. Development of a quantitative tool for measuring CBT governance 44 3.3.1. Selection of CBT governance measurement items 44 3.3.2. Data collection 48 3.3.3. Validity and reliability test 50 3.4. Case studies: measuring CBT governance 52 3.4.1. Namhae Angangman 54 3.4.2. Jeju Hyodoncheon and Haryeri Village 57 CHAPTER 4. RESULTS 60 4.1. A quantitative tool for measuring CBT governance 60 4.1.1. Respondents 60 4.1.2. Validity of the measurement items 61 4.1.3. Principles and items 63 4.2. Case studies: measuring CBT governance in Namhae Angangman 66 4.2.1. Respondents 66 4.2.2. Quantitative characteristics of cooperative relationships 68 4.2.3. Different perceptions on CBT governance 76 4.3. Case studies: measuring CBT governance in Jeju Hyodoncheon and Haryeri Village 79 4.3.1. Respondents 79 4.3.2. Quantitative characteristics of cooperative relationships 81 4.3.3. Different perceptions on CBT governance 89 4.4. Relationship between centrality and perception on CBT governance 92 CHAPTER 5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 96 5.1. A quantitative tool for measuring CBT governance 96 5.2. Case studies 101 5.3. Stakeholder's centrality and perception on CBT governance 103 5.4. Theoretical implication 108 5.5. Practical and policy implication 110 5.6. Directions of future studies 113 BIBLIOGRAPHY 115 APPENDIX 128 초록 132 ; Doctor
Some socio cultural development phenomenon in Indonesia recently is very contrast with modernity dynamic. A numbers of Islamic group in Indonesia are not become more modern, progressive, tolerance and peaceful, but more become stodgy, conservative, intolerance and radical. The Islamic in Indonesia today, especially in some urban area filled advent with various extreme Islamic organizations that anti paced with religious minority, non-Muslim, other religious sect, others Islamic sect, and other local religious belief. Are those many social cultural phenomenons that very contrast in Muslim majority state shows that Islamic Society become more modern or euphoria to become classic even primitive community? Especially for those, who likes to acts barbarous and violence's. In this essay, I am eager to interpretation this phenomenon by observing community structure, where in the beginning religious community are built as an effort from community to support all individual remain intact and develop in the middle of cultural atmosphere. This community develop in to organization with religious cultural and inequality social aspiration background. And today have developed in to institution and intellectual group that related to educated Muslim middle economic class growth in Indonesia as a whole .I attempt to have dialogist approach on what is happen in the past and what is happen in the present, in to Islamic thought which more less may analyse why this violence phenomenon appears. I am attempt to rewind what is happen in the past, it is impossible that anything might happen without any causes. Taufik Abdullah, Geertz, Kuntowijoyo, Sumanto Al-Qurtuby, Kersten, Nurcholis Madjid, Nico Kaptein, and many others authors are very relevant in perceive this situation. I am also observing the role Islamic intellectual in international arena. I imagine this social phenomenon in form of sketch where Islamic idea still an evolve process. This essay is not meant to prescribe truth to be reconstructed, but to embrace historical fairness that may disclosed. At least in this discourse become initiation to move forward. Like Kersten have suggested, Indonesia Islamic contemporary idea may calls in postmodern stages. He seen Indonesia as unique sites that being mark with struggled to unify norms and value that the sources are from Islam, local culture and international public life' John Bowen (2003),'transforming Indonesia as one major sites in earth to review social diversity, political idea and religious commitment. Meanwhile tradition institution in traditional view may formulate as channel in process of Islamic domestication and Islamic transition or traditions become indigenous channel. In my point of view, diversity will become complement in Indonesia full colour spectrum of community life. Tug, struggle and dispute in Indonesian Islamic idea will continue in the future. It may become good tradition if this dispute not based on prejudice and hostility, but conversely with mutual respect even though disagree with certain pattern of ideas. ; Beberapa fenomena perkembangan sosio budaya di Indonesia akhir-akhir ini sangat kontras dengan dinamika modernitas. Sejumlah kelompok Islam di Indonesia tidak menjadi lebih modern, progresif, toleransi dan damai, namun lebih menjadi kolot, konservatif, intoleransi dan radikal. Islam di Indonesia saat ini, terutama di beberapa daerah perkotaan dipenuhi dengan berbagai organisasi Islam ekstrem yang anti dengan agama minoritas, non-Muslim, sekte agama lainnya, sekte Islam lainnya, dan kepercayaan agama lokal lainnya. Apakah banyaknya fenomena sosial budaya yang sangat kontras di negara berpenduduk mayoritas Muslim menunjukkan bahwa Masyarakat Islam menjadi lebih modern atau euforia untuk menjadi komunitas klasik bahkan primitif? Terutama bagi mereka, yang gemar bertindak biadab dan kekerasan. Dalam esai ini, saya ingin menafsirkan fenomena ini dengan mengamati struktur masyarakat, dimana pada awalnya komunitas religius dibangun sebagai upaya masyarakat untuk mendukung semua individu tetap utuh dan berkembang di tengah suasana budaya. Komunitas ini berkembang menjadi organisasi dengan latar belakang aspirasi sosial budaya dan ketimpangan sosial. Dan saat ini telah berkembang menjadi institusi dan kelompok intelektual yang terkait dengan pertumbuhan kelas ekonomi menengah Muslim terpelajar di Indonesia secara keseluruhan. Saya mencoba untuk memiliki pendekatan dialogis tentang apa yang terjadi di masa lalu dan apa yang terjadi saat ini, dalam pemikiran Islam yang lebih sedikit dapat menganalisis mengapa fenomena kekerasan ini muncul. Saya mencoba untuk mundur apa yang terjadi di masa lalu, tidak mungkin sesuatu terjadi tanpa sebab apapun. Taufik Abdullah, Geertz, Kuntowijoyo, Sumanto Al-Qurtuby, Kersten, Nurcholis Madjid, Nico Kaptein, dan banyak penulis lainnya sangat relevan dalam memahami situasi ini. Saya juga mengamati peran intelektual Islam di kancah internasional. Saya membayangkan fenomena sosial ini berupa sketsa dimana ide Islam masih merupakan proses evolusi. Esai ini tidak dimaksudkan untuk meresepkan kebenaran untuk direkonstruksi, namun untuk merangkul keadilan historis yang mungkin diungkapkan. Paling tidak dalam wacana ini menjadi inisiasi untuk maju. Seperti yang dikemukakan Kersten, gagasan kontemporer Islam Indonesia mungkin akan diputar dalam tahap postmodern. Dia melihat Indonesia sebagai situs unik yang ditandai dengan berjuang untuk menyatukan norma dan nilai bahwa sumbernya berasal dari Islam, budaya lokal dan kehidupan publik internasional 'John Bowen (2003),' mengubah Indonesia sebagai satu lokasi utama di bumi untuk meninjau keragaman sosial, ide politik dan komitmen religius. Sementara itu lembaga tradisi dalam pandangan tradisional dapat merumuskan sebagai saluran dalam proses domestikasi Islam dan transisi atau tradisi Islam menjadi saluran adat. Dalam pandangan saya, keragaman akan menjadi pelengkap di Indonesia spektrum warna kehidupan masyarakat yang penuh. Tug, perjuangan dan perselisihan dalam gagasan Islam Indonesia akan terus berlanjut di masa depan. Ini mungkin menjadi tradisi yang baik jika perselisihan ini tidak didasarkan pada prasangka dan permusuhan, tapi sebaliknya dengan saling menghormati meski tidak setuju dengan pola ide tertentu.
The article analyzes the approaches to psychological understanding of concepts "responsibility" and "citizenship", substantiates the content and structure of the civil responsibility in unity, determinism and complementarity of cognitive, emotional-motivational, behavioral-volitional, moral-spiritual components. The aforementioned structural components reflect the functional-dynamic expression of phenomenology of civil responsibility of personality. At the same time, cognitive, activates the flow of intellectual-search activity, the second describes the readiness to act in specific situations and promotes awareness of the actual public needs, the third ensures the functioning of specific practical activity, system of attitudes to perform the duties, the fourth produces self-awareness of oneself as a human who is guided, make decisions to realization and is ready to distribute public values against the background of own inner freedom not only as the subject of these values but also as a person and individuality of separate worldview models of behavior and activity. Also determined that the important features of expression of civil responsibility as an integral trait-property of personality are such as active life position, conscious attitude to perform somebody's civil duty, independence and persistence, self-analysis, self-control, self-organization, honesty, readiness to be responsible for own acts etc. High civil responsibility appears as an active, full of meaning and sense of life which is subject directs to the constant improvement himself as a citizen of the country, reveals social self-realization through erudition, social orientation and public position. Besides singled out preconditions that influence the formation of civil responsibility of personality(civil society, civil society consciousness and self-awareness). Overall proved that there is a direct dependence between the forms and organizations of civil society and the level of people's responsibility for what is happening in the country. The deeper expression of citizenship has the people, the more effective civil responsibility of each. Civil consciousness is formed in civil society, represents by itself inherent to human way of relating to objective reality and at the same time is a form of reflection of the reality with help of objectivated in the word socially produced knowledge, regulates the activity of the human and enables to predict the result of its action as a conscious goal. Civil self-consciousness of the personality is focused around the processes of awareness of itself as the carrier of civil values and attitudes to itself as to the subject of these values. The process of self-awareness mainly is carried out on a personal level of implementation civil tasks and social actions and also during interacting with others, as a result there is a conscious attitude of the person to own needs and abilities, appetences and motives of behavior, worrying and thoughts, actions and deeds. With what domestic, economic, social and political instruction mature generation appears in the eyes of young people, with the same descendants will come to their children.Key words: responsibility, citizenship, personality, civic consciousness and self-consciousness, civic responsibility and its psychological structure, civil society.Доктор психологічних наук, старший науковий співробітник, доцент, Фурман О.Є. Психологічне обґрунтування громадянської відповідальності особистості / Тернопільський національний економічний університет, Україна, ТернопільУ статті проаналізовано підходи до психологічного розуміння понять "відповідальність" та "громадянськість", обґрунтовуються зміст та структура громадянської відповідальності у єдності, взаємоспричиненні та взаємодоповненні когнітивного, емоційно-мотиваційного, поведінково-вольового, морально-духовного компонентів. Вищезазначені структурні компоненти відображають функціонально-динамічний вияв феноменології громадянської відповідальності особистості. Водночас перший – когнітивний – активізує перебіг інтелектуально-пошукової активності, другий характеризує готовність діяти у конкретній ситуації та сприяє усвідомленню актуальних громадянських потреб, третій забезпечує функціонування конкретної практичної активності, системи ставлень до виконання обов'язків, четвертий продукує самоусвідомлення себе як людини, котра керується, приймає до зреалізування та готова розповсюджувати громадянські цінності на фоні власної внутрішньої свободи не лише як суб'єкт цих вартостей, а й як особистість та індивідуальність окремих світоглядних моделей поведінки і діяльності. Також визначено, що важливими ознаками вияву громадянської відповідальності як інтегральної риси-властивості особистості є такі, як активна життєва позиція, усвідомлене ставлення до виконання свого громадянського обов'язку, самостійність й наполегливість, самоаналіз, самоконтроль, самоорганізація, чесність, готовність відповідати за власні вчинки тощо. Висока громадянська відповідальність постає у вигляді активного, наповненого смислом і сенсом, життя, яке суб'єкт спрямовує на постійне вдосконалення себе як громадянина країни, виявляє соціальну самореалізацію через освіченість, суспільну спрямованість та громадянську позицію. Крім того, виокремлено передумови, що впливають на формування громадянської відповідальності особистості (громадянське суспільство, громадянська свідомість і самосвідомість). Загалом доведено, що існує пряма залежність між формами та організованостями громадянського суспільства і ступенем відповідальності населення за те, що відбувається у державі. Чим глибший вияв громадянськості має народ, тим дієвіша громадянська відповідальність кожного. Громадянська свідомість формується у громадянському суспільстві, являє собою властивий людині спосіб ставлення до об'єктивної дійсності і водночас є формою відображення реальності за допомогою об'єктивованого у слові суспільно виробленого знання, регулює активність людини та дає змогу передбачити результат своєї дії як усвідомлену мету. Громадянська самосвідомість особистості фокусується навколо процесів усвідомлення себе як носія громадянських цінностей та ставлення до себе як до суб'єкта цих вартостей. Процес самоусвідомлення здійснюється переважно на особистісному рівні виконання громадянських завдань та соціальних дій, а також під час взаємодії з іншими, у результаті чого й виникає усвідомлене ставлення особи до власних потреб і здібностей, потягів і мотивів поведінки, переживань і думок, дій і вчинків. З якими побутовими, економічними, соціальними та політичними настановленнями зріле покоління постає в очах молоді, з такими самими нащадки прийдуть до своїх дітей.Ключові слова: відповідальність, громадянськість, особистість, громадянська свідомість й самосвідомість, громадянська відповідальність та її психологічна структура, громадянське суспільство.
The present master thesis analyzes REDD+, a market-based climate mitigation instrument designed by the UNFCCC to reduce and prevent carbon dioxide emissions from tropical regions. The analysis presented hereafter aims at both understanding the preconditions for REDD+ to be implemented globally, and at examining the impacts of REDD+ on peoples' everyday lives in rural Indonesia. While scientific research about advantages, limitations and impacts of REDD+ is diverse and abundant, this thesis presents a novel approach to analyze REDD+ by using Henri Lefebvre's theory on "the production of space" as theoretical background. Bringing in Lefebvre's conceptualization of "space" as being actively produced by various actors across various scales, allows for an encompassing analysis of REDD+ from global to local scale, linking politicoeconomic dynamics with everyday micro-social processes. Literature review was chosen as a method to analyze processes at the global scale. To assess micro-social processes at the local scale, an ethnographic three-month field research was conducted at a REDD+ project site "Kalimantan Forest and Climate Partnership" in Central Kalimantan, Indonesia. Open participative observation, ethnographic interviews and focused interviews represent the pillars of the empirical data collection. Analysis of literature shows that tropical forest and peatland regions to be successfully inserted into a global carbon market, must at first undergo a discursive, scientific and technological transformation which turns them into abstract space: UNFCCC politics discursively evokes a spatial imagination of tropical regions of being exposed to a win-win-win-situation (local development, cost efficient climate protection, and nature conservation). Carbon arithmetic and remote sensing technology create quantifiable representations of tropical landscapes, marking them as so-called carbon sinks. These produced spaces then are given an exchange value by being converted into the fictitious commodity "CO2e". Hence tropical regions become tradable on the international carbon market which, in turn, justifies the international control of local peoples' daily use of these very same regions. Results from empirical data analysis show that REDD+ project implementation strongly impacts the way villagers produce their social space locally. Practical use, conception and perception of space are influenced and altered. While before, spatial practice was focused on cultivation and resource exploitation for daily income, it then was turned into project-compliant performance engaging all available local workforce for REDD+ ends. New concepts of space, propelled by both (inter)national carbon sequestration proponents and their opponents defending customary land rights, enter the local scene. In consequence, new discourses, new land use maps as well as new laws on customary land rights are imposed, giving power to those ones who introduced them. Prior to REDD+, (physical) space was primarily used and not conceived of, and hence ideas about space and its (customary) use were strictly bound to the body, thus remaining fluid and uncodified. Spatial perception changed insofar as villagers now hope for the restoration of the village's degraded forests. Those ones actively involved in the REDD+ project hope for convergence with "city culture" due to increased wealth and the village's internationalization. Still, there is distrust amongst local citizens and a major perception that REDD+ will not change the living conditions on the ground, just as any other project hasn't done before. The depicted changes in the local production of space eventually lead to accelerated rural class formation, an increased recurrence on local adat identity in a multiethnic village, and the marginalization of local people in the carbon trade profit, conceding them, if ever at all, an extremely small amount of carbon rights (400ha in a project region of 120.000ha). On a meta-level, the afore-mentioned results lead to the conclusion that REDD+ changes the relationship between man and nature at selective locations in rural tropical regions whereas global economic structures, and hence the societal relationship with nature, remain unchanged. Nature is turned into an abstract sign and prohibition of resource use is imposed. Responsibilities for climate protection are shifted from global North to global South, justifying the subordination of people's everyday life at REDD+ project sites to a carbon sequestration rationale. Nature itself is being fetishized, becoming a tradable good only if untouched, voided by human use and submitted to highly technologized and scientifically elaborate quantification. This all serving the goal to achieve a "frenetic mobilization of space" (Lefebvre) which now is extended from the city to nature, serving to buffer worldwide overaccumulation of capital. To conclude, this research has shown that i) REDD+ is a very powerful instrument both in the international arena by evoking hope for easy and cost-efficient climate protection to feed the global carbon economy with cheap CO2e-certificates, and in places of project implementation where it causes domination of peoples' daily land and resource use; ii) Despite of the REDD+ project's failure, Indonesia with its vast territory of tropical forests and peatlands will probably adhere to its REDD+ policy. Given the unclear situation of customary land rights throughout the country and the strong pressure of REDD+ projects on the codification of land rights, there is a real danger that local peoples' access to resources will be strongly limited, while at the same time giving them no secure access to carbon rights; iii) Lefebvre's theory of the "production of space" has proven to be fruitful for the analysis of socio-economic processes across scales. Theory use can be developed by further elaborating on Lefebvre's concept of "nature" and by applying additional concepts/theories to look at micro-social interaction from different viewpoints.
Ist die Stadtbaugeschichte Berlins bereits in vielen Facetten untersucht worden, so standen die Randbezirke, insbesondere im ehemaligen Ostteil der Stadt, bisher nicht im Fokus bauhistorischer Analysen. Diese Arbeit lenkt den Blick erstmals auf zwei dieser Randbezirke, die 1920 gegründeten nordöstlichen Verwaltungsbezirke Weißensee und Pankow, die mit ihrer heterogenen Bebauung aus urbanen Stadträumen, kleinstädtischen Siedlungsgebieten und dörflichen Gemeinden noch heute in besonderer Weise die verschiedenen Suburbanisierungsphasen seit dem letzten Drittel des 19. Jahrhunderts an der Peripherie der stetig wachsenden Metropole Berlin erkennen lassen. Eingebettet in internationale städtebaulich-architektonische Diskurse des späten 19. und des 20. Jahrhunderts einerseits, wie auch in die politische, wirtschaftliche, soziale und bauplanerische Entwicklung der Gesamtstadt Berlin andererseits werden die urbanen Besonderheiten der Bezirke Weißensee und Pankow zwischen 1870 und 1970 erstmals zusammenhängend dargestellt. Dabei wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwiefern sich die Suburbanisierung im Spannungsfeld zwischen planmäßiger Stadterweiterung auf der einen und unkoordinierter, sogenannter wilder Siedlungstätigkeit auf der anderen Seite vollzog, vor dem Hintergrund einer hier seit den 1870er Jahren intensiv betriebenen Rieselwirtschaft, die eine großflächige Erschließung und Bebauung des Berliner Nordostraumes lange Zeit verhinderte. Erst mit der schrittweisen Aufhebung der Rieselfelder setzte ab den 1970er Jahren eine zweite Phase der Stadterweiterung im Nordosten Berlins ein, die, bis in die Gegenwart hineinreichend, ausblickend skizziert wird. Drei Aspekte stehen im Fokus der bauhistorischen Untersuchung zwischen 1870 und 1970. Zunächst werden bedeutende realisierte wie auch unrealisiert gebliebene Architekturbeispiele der Bezirke Weißensee und Pankow dokumentiert. Den Schwerpunkt bildet der Wohnungsbau, dessen Entwicklung nachvollzogen wird von der Entstehung erster Villenkolonien und Mietshausviertel Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts, über den sozialen Wohnungsbau der 1920er Jahre, die Bauplanungen im Zuge der Umgestaltung Berlins zur 'Welthauptstadt Germania' unter den Nationalsozialisten in den 1930er Jahren bis hin zum frühen industriellen Bauen der 1950er und 1960er Jahre im Rahmen des unter sozialistischen Vorzeichen stehenden Wiederaufbaus Ost-Berlins zur Hauptstadt der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Daneben werden auch im Untersuchungsgebiet entstandene Verwaltungseinrichtungen, Schulen, Sozial- und Gesundheitsbauten, Sport- und Unterhaltungsstätten sowie die Grundzüge der Grünplanung in einem Überblick zusammengetragen. Zweitens wirft die Untersuchung einen näheren Blick auf die Akteure, welche die Stadterweiterungen im Nordosten Berlins maßgeblich initiiert und durchgeführt haben. Die Strukturen und Kompetenzen der sich zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts in beiden Bezirken konstituierenden kommunalen Bauverwaltungen, die Bedeutung der lokalen Terraingesellschaften und Wohnungsbauunternehmen – wie die 1919 gegründete Pankower Heimstätten-Gesellschaft mbH – sowie biografische Hintergründe wichtiger hier tätiger, jedoch heute kaum mehr bekannter Architekten und Baubeamter – wie Gemeidebaurat Carl Fenten, Magistratsbaurat Reinhold Mittmann oder die Stadtbezirksarchitektin Ludmilla Herzenstein – werden herausgearbeitet. Drittens wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwiefern im polyzentralen Gefüge Berlins sich auch im Nordosten der Stadt städtebaulich-gesellschaftliche Zentren herausgebildet haben oder diese geplant wurden. Der Bogen spannt sich vom reformorientierten 'Kommunalen Forum' in Weißensee, das zu Beginn den 20. Jahrhunderts vor allem besserverdienende Bürger in die finanzschwache Berliner Vorortgemeinde locken sollte, bis hin zum bezirksüberspannenden und auf gleiche Versorgung aller Bevölkerungsschichten abzielenden, hierarchischen Konzept aus Stadtbezirks-, Wohnbezirks- und Wohnkomplexzentren der 1950er und 1960er Jahre, welches aufgrund mangelnder Ressourcen in der Bauwirtschaft der DDR über das Planungsstadium jedoch kaum hinauskam. Auf besondere bauliche Werte am nordöstlichen Berliner Stadtrand aufmerksam zu machen, dabei Kontinuitäten und Brüche der Baugeschichte der Bezirke Weißensee und Pankow über einen Zeitraum von 100 Jahren hinweg nachzuvollziehen, aber auch denkmalpflegerische Herausforderungen und strukturelle Probleme des Nordostraumes in Hinblick auf die in jüngster Zeit wieder stark wachsende Gesamtstadt Berlin aufzuzeigen ist das Anliegen dieser Arbeit. ; The urban history of Berlin has been subject of many investigations, but the peripheral districts, especially in the former East Berlin, have hitherto been neglected. For the first time, this thesis is drawing attention to two of these districts, Weißensee and Pankow. Both founded in 1920, they exhibit today a heterogeneous structure of urban, small-town and rural areas which is still reflecting the different suburbanisation phases of the constantly growing metropolis Berlin since the end of the 19th century. This work systematically reviews the urban development of Weißensee and Pankow between 1870 and 1970 with regard to Berlins political, economical, social and architectural evolution in the context of international urban and architectural discourses of the late 19th and the 20th century. The addressed question is how the suburbanisation took place under the conflicting influence of planned urban expansion, uncoordinated, so-called "wild" settlement and the widespread establishment of sewage farms which have been preventing large-scale urban development in the northeast of Berlin until the 1970s when their gradual abandonment triggered a still ongoing second phase of urban expansion. The architectural analysis deals with the following three aspects. Firstly, important realised and unrealised architectural examples of Weißensee and Pankow are documented. The main emphasis is placed on the development of residential constructions from the late 19th century' villa colonies and tenement areas, to the 1920s' social housing, the 1930s' national socialistic plannings to transform Berlin into the 'Welthauptstadt Germania', and the 1950s' and 1960s' early industrial housing constructions within the scope of the socialist reconstruction of East Berlin to the capital of the German Democratic Republic. In addition, notable administration buildings, schools, social and healthcare buildings, sports and entertainment facilities als well as the main features of urban green planning were collated. Secondly, light is shed on the structure and competences of significant protagonists who initiated and realized the urban expansion in the northeast of Berlin. This includes the municipal building authorities which have been constituted at the beginning of the 20th century and the local housing associations such as the 'Pankower Heimstätten-Gesellschaft mbH' founded in 1919. Also given is the biographical background of important, but nowadays little known architects and officials such as the government building officers Carl Fenten, Reinhold Mittmann and Ludmilla Herzenstein. Thirdly, this work examines to what extent urban social centres have been planned or realized and in doing so contributed to the polycentral structure of the city. Prominent examples for these centres are the reform-oriented 'Kommunale Forum' in Weißensee, which was created in the beginning of the 20th century to attract citizens with higher income to settle in the financially weak suburb of Berlin, as well as the hierarchical concept of 'Stadtbezirks-, Wohnbezirks- und Wohnkomplexzentren' in the 1950s an 1960s, which was designed to guarantee equal and adequate infrastructural supply for all citizens, but could not be realized due to a lack of resources in the GDR. In summary, the main objective of this thesis is to call attention to the architectural qualities of the northeastern outskirts of Berlin, to trace continuities and breaks in the building history of the city districts Weißensee and Pankow, to point out challenges concerning monument preservation and to discuss structural problems in the northeast with regard to Berlin's recent growth.
Esta tesis doctoral abordó la televisión infantil y educativa Novasur, una iniciativa gestionada por el Consejo Nacional de Televisión, desarrollada entre el año 2000 y 2017. Hoy, bajo el nombre de CNTV infantil, produce contenidos que son distribuidos a todo el país por más de 50 canales de televisión y a través de su plataforma digital, que entrega contenidos mediante streaming y dispone de una videoteca con más de 2000 videos. Esta investigación consideró un aspecto poco estudiado: la oferta de Novasur en tanto televisión infantil pública. Estudiar la televisión hoy supuso considerar las complejidades propias del avance de la tecnología y cómo ella afecta diferentes ámbitos. En Chile, la implementación de la televisión digital ofrece incluir a nuevos actores, mejorar la calidad de las emisiones y otorgar, por primera vez, un espacio a una señal pública cultural, educativa e infantil. Por otro lado, la convergencia ya ha cambiado, quizás para siempre, la relación de las audiencias con los medios. El objetivo de este estudio fue caracterizar la oferta de la plataforma digital Novasur respecto de su línea editorial, desde los estándares de calidad y el enfoque de derechos de la infancia en el contexto de implementación de la televisión digital y la convergencia. Para caracterizar los audiovisuales se utilizó una metodología cualitativa con un mix de técnicas: un análisis de contenido sobre 2.264 programas de la plataforma online, considerando la procedencia, vinculación curricular, género, técnica audiovisual, tema y público. Respecto de los protagonistas, se consideró su edad, género, diversidad territorial, pertenencia a pueblos originarios, condición de migrantes y de discapacidad. Se realizó además un análisis de contenido cualitativo a 24 series que fueron estudiadas respecto de su calidad. Finalmente, se realizaron entrevistas a catorce profesionales latinoamericanos de cinco países, con experiencia en los canales infantiles, la gestión pública, los festivales audiovisuales y la educomunicación. Los resultados muestran que la plataforma Novasur dispone de una pluralidad de contenidos. La mayoría de los programas son protagonizados por niños y niñas de ambos géneros que provienen de localidades de todo el país e incipientemente, se han incluido como personajes protagónicos a niños habitualmente excluidos de la televisión abierta: como los pertenecientes a pueblos originarios, en condición de migrantes o con alguna discapacidad. Se trata de audiovisuales de alta calidad, que permiten a los niños contar sus propias historias. Los entrevistados concordaron en la importancia de contar con recursos adecuados y con la voluntad del Estado –transversal a los sectores políticos y a largo plazo– para desarrollar audiovisuales de primer nivel, innovadores y convergentes. Se concluyó que la plataforma Novasur es un buen repositorio, representa a infancias diversas, si bien aún quedan grupos por incluir. Es posible potenciar la plataforma con espacios destinados a la participación de las audiencias, si se garantiza la continuidad del financiamiento. La colaboración continental y las coproducciones regionales profundizan en las identidades de las infancias con sello local y latinoamericano y serán un aporte para el canal público infantil actualmente en discusión. ; This doctoral thesis describes children's and educational television Novasur, a public initiative managed by the Consejo Nacional de Televisión, developed between 2000 and 2017. Today, under the name of Children's CNTV, it produces audiovisual content distributed through more than 50 television channels and its own digital platform: delivering content via streaming and having a video library with more than 2000 entries. This research considers an understudied aspect: Novasur's television public offer for children. The study of television today must consider the complexities of the constantly evolving technology and how it affects different areas. In Chile, the implementation of digital television promises to include new actors, to improve the quality of broadcast, and to provide, for the first time, space for a cultural, educational and children's public signal. On the other hand, convergence has changed, perhaps forever, the relationship between audiences and media. The objective of this study was to characterize the offer of the Novasur digital platform regarding its editorial line, based on quality standards and with a focus on Children's Rights in the context of the implementation of digital television and convergence. A qualitative methodology with a mix of techniques was used to characterize audiovisuals: a content analysis on 2264 programs on the online platform, considering the origin, curricular link, audiovisual technique, theme, and target audience. Regarding the protagonists, their age, gender, territorial diversity, ethnic groups, migrant status, and disability were considered. In addition, a qualitative content analysis was performed on 24 series that were studied for quality criteria. Finally, fourteen interviews were conducted to Latin American professionals from five countries, with experience in managing children's channels, public administration, audiovisual festivals, and media literacy. The results show that the Novasur platform has diversity of content. Most of the programs are led by boys and girls of both genders and they come from all over the country. Also, incipiently, children usually excluded from television such as minorities, children with different ethnic backgrounds, migrants and people with disabilities are lead characters. These high-quality audiovisuals allow children to tell their own stories. Interviewed professionals agreed on the importance of having adequate financial resources and the support of the State -transversal to the political sectors and in the long term– to develop high quality, innovative and convergent audiovisuals. It is concluded that the Novasur platform is a good repository: it represents diverse childhoods, although there are still groups to include such as LGBT children and others. It is possible to enhance the platform with spaces intended for audience participation if the continuity of financing is guaranteed. Continental collaboration and regional co-productions are a strength, as they present a local and Latin American child´s identities and will be a contribution to a public channel aimed to children, currently under discussion.
This is a compact review and analysis of the state of equality law in South Africa . Specific reference is made to what has been called "remedial" or "restitutionary" equality. From the analysis it appears that current equality law shows certain imbalances that are difficult to reconcile with the provisions of the Constitution. To point out shortcomings in equality law which is well intended to resolve the burning problems of inequality, can easily be misunderstood in the contemporary circumstances as a reactionary resistance against a necessary process of a justifiable drive for equality. Such is certainly not the purpose of this review. The intention is however to argue the position that striving for equality must be a balanced process in order to ensure that the boundaries of equality themselves are not transgressed, since that would contradict the very essence of equality. In the first section the constitutional provisions on equality are briefly described. It is noted that the Constitution does not establish "a right to equality", but that it consistently deals with equality as a value. The wording of section 9 does however justify a term such as "the equality right." Next the approach of the judiciary to equality, in which the analytical steps of interpretation that were developed by the Constitutional Court are set out, is reviewed with special mention of the role that has been allocated to the value of human dignity in the interpretation and application of equality rights. In the third section an answer is sought to the question what "equality" means. As opposed to the choice of equality jurisprudence in the USA for a formal notion of equality, the South African courts operate with the concept of substantive equality. It is in this context that mention is made of "remedial or restitutionary equality". Equality is given a meaning which implies action. This is supported partly by the wording of sections 1 and 9(2) of the Constitution, but not by the formulation of sections 7(1), 9(1), 36(1) or 39(1). The only constitutional provision which imparts meaning directly to the notion of equality, is section 9(2), providing that "equality includes the full and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms." This gives meaning to equality as a value, to the equality rights and to equality as a description in the Constitution of the nature of the society that is being striven for. The complexity and multi-faceted nature of equality does not allow for a simplistic approach to its meaning. The boundary between equality and inequality is quite sharp and the mobilization of equality for the achievement of political, ideological or pragmatic goals can readily lead to inequality and injustice. Against this background the most important pieces of equality legislation, the Employment Equity Act, 1998 and the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act, 4 of 2000, are discussed. These Acts were adopted "to promote the achievement of equality, legislative and other measures designed to protect or advance persons, or categories of persons, disadvantaged by unfair discrimination" in terms of section 9(2) of the Constitution. Both however contain provisions that go beyond the scope of the Constitution by e.g. the addition of grounds upon which unfair discrimination is prohibited and by excluding affirmative action measures from the meaning of unfair discrimination. The Constitution can not be interpreted in a manner that would allow unfair discrimination for any purpose. The legislation however seem to disregard the possibility of affirmative action becoming discriminatory in itself. This resonates with the view that "substantive equality" allows for measures "that favour relatively disadvantaged groups at the expense of those who are relatively well off". It is however submitted that not the current ideology behind affirmative action, nor one's preferred understanding of equality or the analytical model that is being used, can determine what the justifiable content of equality law should be: the question is rather what may be justified in law, specifically under the Constitution. The form in which elements of the equality legislation are cast, viz. guidelines for its application and illustrative lists of unfair practices, harbours the danger that uncareful interpreters of the law could be seduced to give precedence to the legislation above the Constitution. This would result in a persecutory application of equality law in terms of examples in stead of the constructive and principled approach required by the Constitution. The equality laws also attempt to extend the list of grounds contained in section 9(3) of the Constitution upon which discrimination is presumed to be unfair by the addition of HIV status, family responsibility, political opinion, socio-economic status, nationality and family status. The constitutionality of amending section 9(3) in this manner by means of ordinary legislation is suspect, especially if it is considered that differentiation which is justifiable under the Constitution may be rendered unfair discrimination under ordinary legislation. It is concluded that an emphasis on only the restitutionary element causes a conceptual tension to occur within the multi-faceted notion of equality. This can not be explained only in terms of the distinction between formal and substantive equality, since an over-emphasis of restitution will inevitably bring about imbalances in the outcome of equality actions, i.e. within the framework of striving for substantive equality. Some commentators, courts and the legislature tend to attempt to improve on the Constitution insofar as the achievement of equality is concerned. It is submitted that such attempts are unnecessary, since the Constitution makes sufficient provision for the restitutionary process while the balance of a comprehensive notion of equality is maintained in the form of equality as core value. The limitation of the concept of equality to restitutionary equality will unjustifiably impoverish and partially neutralize the constitutional text. Lessons must in this regard be learnt from the pre-constitutional errors of positivistic legal interpretation.
The religious minorities have been part of Modern Iraq since it was founded in 1921 and they can be distinguished from the majority by their customs, traditions, beliefs and histories. Moreover, historically, Iraq (and Iraqi Kurdistan) has been the cradle of most of the religious minorities in the region. Iraqi religious minorities such as Jews, Christian, Yazidis, Sabean-Mandaean, and Kākāʾi are considered the oldest communities of Iraq history. They are considered to be, in some ways, the indigenous groups of Iraq. Republican Iraq underwent a period of immense socio-political change which impacted significantly on religious minorities in particular. Over time they, and the newer religious minorities like the Bahaʾi, began to face severe discrimination, which led to their being considered inferior to the majority. This, in turn, led to occasional extreme persecution and forced displacement campaigns often undertaken by the successive Iraqi governments and subsequently by the (Muslim) majority. This study focuses on social, political and historical factors pertaining to the lives of Iraqi religious minorities, and attempts to uncover the sequence of events that led to the current phenomenon of religious minorities fleeing their home countries in order to preserve their traditions. This study is based on an analytical and descriptive method and should be considered a historical research of events in the light of available archival documents, legal sources and press articles. This dissertation is divided into ten chapters. In first and second chapters the methodological and theoretical framework applied is discussed, as well as an overview of the concept of "minority" as well as definitions of religious minorities in Iraq. Chapter three and four deal with the contextualization of the historical and socio-political frameworks that inform the background of this dissertation which relates religious minorities with their backgrounds in the period of Monarchical Iraq (1920-1958). Chapter five discusses the religious minorities during the first republic of Iraq 1958-1963. This era is significant in that it was a time of unprecedented change, one which formed the interim between the Monarchical Era and the era of the nationalists. Furthermore, the first republic is significant because it constitutes a kind of 'golden age' for all Iraqi minorities. Chapters six, seven and eight are the main focus of this dissertation. They are primarily concerned with the second republican era, which is the period of the two ʿĀrifs (1963-1968). This particular era was one of conflict which saw the emergence of subsidiary identities. Chapter six examines the rise of sectarianism and confessionalism in Iraq. Chapter seven engages with the scattered religious minorities (SRM), under the republican eras after 1963 up to the present time. This chapter introduces the situation of three scattered religious minorities throughout Iraq: the Jews, Bahaʾi, and Sabean-Mandaeans. In chapter eight, the focus shifts to the geographically-concentrated religious minorities (GCRM). This chapter deals with three religious minorities: the Kākāʾi, Christians and Yazidis, all of whom dwell in the so-called Disputed Territories, a region which is disputed by the two parties involved in the conflict in Iraq: The Central Government of Iraq (CGI) and the Kurdish Movement. Chapter nine and ten discuss the prospective dimensions of political developments in Iraq in relation to religious minorities after 1968. In chapter nine, the impact of change in the legislation pertaining to the rights of religious minorities is examined, as well as judicial rights in the Iraqi courts, with a focus on the Law of Civil Status No.65/1972 in particular. The final chapter traces socio-political developments within the religious minorities, beginning with the last Farhūd of the Jews. This period saw re-forging the case of the Iraqi Christians, the renewed controversy over Yazidi Identity among disparate Kurdish political and religious movements, and ongoing demographic change brought about by forced Islamisation in Yazidi areas. The Sabean-Mandaean minority also experienced a period of transition; their status weakened, their welfare deteriorating from that of an organized minority to one whose existence and religious identity were threatened. In the case of the Kākāʾis, this period shows their situation is in the transmission from domestic conflict to distinctive religious identity. whereas pressure on the Bahai (whose religion had been previously banned) was relaxed somewhat, allowing them a cautions sense of new-found freedom. In the conclusion, the hypotheses of this thesis are revisited to investigate what implications the research findings may have beyond the immediate historical and socio-political context of Iraqi religious minorities. Religious minorities have endured much persecution in Monarchical Iraq and thus, it is from Monarchical Iraq that this research begins before proceeding to explore the case of the minorities in Republican Iraq. The policies of discrimination in Iraq assumed many forms such as enactments and laws or governmental or administrative acts that led to division and discrimination. Although these policies of discrimination affected all segments of Iraqi society, it was particularly detrimental to religious minorities that were already suffering at the hands of the majorities. They faced an unequalled degree of religious stigmatization and discrimination. This has created a form of shared collective memory which consists of a prevailing sense of alienation, social inequality and detrimental stereotypes that is shared by all non-Muslim minorities in Iraq. It is noteworthy that, although there was discrimination of religious minorities in Iraq, the nature of such discrimination was highly dependent on the political situation. This is because various Iraqi governments viewed the religious minorities differently and also dealt with them as such. Importantly, as this study illustrates, the religious minorities were not only affected by political currents but also by social and religious currents within Iraq. No radical change occurred in the thought and inclinations of the dominating powers, nor did such change occur within national movements which were in the position to influence both the ruling system and the state institutions. Besides, religious and sectarian belonging became a means upon which these powers relied to consolidate their power. No current or influential political party in Iraq to date has succeeded in establishing a nation state, nor has it succeeded in integrating the Iraqi communities to achieve equality in a manner which maintains the ethnic, religious and cultural variety within the country. Rather, policies of sectarianism have kept the religious minorities away from actual political participation in state institutions and in government. Such marginalization and political dysfunction could have been avoided if representation had been assured by virtue of population (i.e. the quota system) and not by political affiliation. However, as the historical eras show, the deep-rooted nature of such divisions and the lack of mutual trust between the different communities have led to the current long-endured conflict, which in turn has virtually fragmented all communities within Iraq. Against this historical backdrop of division and inequality, the sectarian and confessional issue quickly emerged in post Baʿthist Iraq. Indeed, all the unprecedented developments currently taking place in Iraq are tentativeness the result of the actions or the inaction of past regimes in Iraq. The various religious minorities in Iraq suffered systematic acts of oppression and extermination in different periods as follows. The ongoing oppression of the Jews ended with their exile from Iraq after two bouts of violent dispossession and killing referred to as the First Farhūd (1941-1952) and the Second Farhūd (1968-1973). Similarly, Christians were subjected to ongoing oppression and persecution. This began with a massacre which took place in 1933 and it continued until a second persecution after the coup of 1963. Their situation was not to improve in all of this time, 2003 when they were harshly targeted and eliminated from Iraq. The Yazidi also suffered, between 1935 and 1946 in particular and again after 1963. Their regions were divided between the province of Kurdistan and the central government of Iraq from 1991-2003. They were systematically targeted by Islamic groups, the most recent example of which is ISIS' invasion of Sinjar and the Plain of Nineveh and the act of genocide which they carried out against the Yazidi. Other minorities such as the Sabean-Mandaean, Bahaʾi, Kākāʾi and others have suffered a similar fate and are currently fleeing Iraq.
It is need to make comparison of the architectural heritage of European countries and the USSR that in the first half of the twentieth century belonged to states with totalitarian political regimes, to establish the main tendencies in their architecture − the common features and differences − and to find out the reasons for their appearance. This time, beginning in the 1920s, marked the emergence of totalitarian regimes in European life as a reaction on the political turmoil that took place in a number of countries after the First World War. The war led to a major political, economic and cultural crisis, in the background of which there was a change of political regimes. A wave of formation of reactionary parties was sweeping through Europe, and Spain, Italy, Portugal and Germany formed a system of government which was based on a one-party system that led by the leader. For these countries it was characterized by rigorous control from the top of power absolutely in all aspects of life − the economy on the basis of private property and market relations, a policy of categorical non-perception of other political forces and movements, culture, which reflected in various forms the idea of creating a social consciousness on the basis of feeling the exclusivity of the nation, and therefore the priority right to resolve the fate of other peoples. What distinguished the Soviet political system from European political regimes? First, the idea of democracy in the form of local councils of people's deputies (the authorities from below, from the people - upwards) was absorbed by the party system, formed on the principle "on the contrary", as a command system (from the helmsman to the people). Therefore, in the process of perfection, it turned into a conglomerate in which the legislative branch of power became a puppet and completely dependent on the main party component of the system of government [1, 2]. Second, there was no private property in the USSR. Land and other natural resources, all means of production belonged to the state, were at the disposal and under the strict control of the authorities. Thirdly, public consciousness was formed in the spirit of patriotism, love for national culture, faith in the bright future, which would determine the party leadership (which meant the transfer of responsibility for its own fate to the representatives of the authorities) and friendly relations with other peoples. The public consciousness forming the direction of the development of culture was a consequence of the embodiment of the state-ideological essence of social life to thinking of the society, which was programmed by the leadership of the state. The means of architecture that are under the influence of state ideology, the specifics of the economic system, the formed psychology of society and social consciousness, forms an artificial environment of human being, which, on the one hand, reflects socio-political processes, on the other, creates an environment that educates a person in a certain the corresponding direction. Under totalitarian systems, both sides are pushing for a person stronger in the direction desired by the ruling power, limiting its freedom is felt stronger than in a democratic political system. Consequently, the first half of the twentieth century was marked both in Europe and in the Soviet Union by the creation of totalitarian regimes, which were clearly reflected in the formation of the architectural environment. So whether the common features in the political-economic system, political events and the development of the culture of European states and the USSR influenced onto architecture, its form and style? Have any cardinal differences been observed? When were they, what caused their appearance? Where did the causal link between the political-economic system and architecture look? An overview of the architectural and urban heritage has shown that for all European countries, where reactionary regimes were established, the following was typical: giantomania in the size of objects that were prestigious for the authorities and the state; style building based on national, ancient traditions; purism, asceticism, lapidary and, at the same time, simplicity and monumental forms; axial symmetry of city-building ensembles; moderate, but accurate, in the main places of use of state symbols; application of additional decorative symbols emphasizing the connection with the ancient past: figures of a physically strong man, a bull, horses, more often in the form of sculptures, less often − bas-relief; monotonous interpretation of the wall − without cavities or with identical cutouts, which served as a monumental background for a separate sculpture, emphasizing its symbolic meaning. The rationalism of architectural forms was manifested in the purity and concordance of the plan, the architectonics of the building, which brightly and precisely helped to focus the viewer's attention and emphasized the value of a single symbol. The simplicity of the formation of European functionalism, which was combined with the symmetry of the architectural-spatial composition and the neoclassical manifestations of the warrant, the great-power symbols and monumental forms, as well as expensive materials, created a special direction of the open-mindedness of the state-ideological content of architecture. By such means, the architecture articulated outside clearly demonstrative and ideological reference to an absolutely indisputable order in the state, based on conquering the authorities, carrying the order to other peoples and deciding their fate at the discretion of this power. Before the war, the Soviet Union embarked on a path of rebirth and creative rethinking of the classical heritage. Withdrew from the tendencies of the spread of constructivist industrial forms in the urban environment, Soviet architecture moved through the formation of the Russian empire. Thanks to the desire to glorify the existing system of government at that time, the USSR chose the classic principles in architecture: the classical perimeter building of quarters and the symmetrical structure of the facades were revived; the mandatory formation of the main city center on the basis of the axis of symmetry and the main buildings with towers and spikes in completion, with many state symbols, which looked like an explicit selection of decorative forms and details. In the postwar period, state symbols that had to remind of the role of the Soviet state in the life of the people and to demonstrate the differences between Soviet architecture and the architecture of the Russian Empire, began to appear anywhere. The unlimited number of that symbolism simply shouted about the ideological purpose, but at the same time it reduced its value. In addition to such obsessive use of symbolism, the psychological effect was enhanced by other decorative elements that performed an additional auxiliary function. It is a variety of symbols of fertility, labor, a bright future that awaits the people in the form of justice, equality, peaceful life, and well-being. The combination of a heavy order with a richly decorated facade created in the architecture of a fairy tale about a strong, reliable, mighty state, which promised protection and happiness to its people. An unlikely architectural form and style that did not correspond to real situations (repressions in the country and arms race among the states) formed a decorative screen that covered the real state-ideological content of the formed urban environment. Consequently, the architectural and urban heritage frankly reflected the true manifestations of the state-ideological goal of countries with totalitarian political regimes. The architectural legacy of European states significantly differed from that of the USSR by the fact that European states frankly proclaimed the ambition of their own political programs, and the Soviet state with the help of architectural means created an idyll of peacefulness and a bright future.
Since 1996 the French rural development policy has defined Rural Revitalization Zones (ZRR) in which the enterprises of less than 50 employees are eligible for tax exemptions. The fiscal exemptions are of great scale in the ZRR (30% of gross salary for the wages below 1.5 minimum wage) and they potentially apply to 10.7% of below 50 employees enterprises. Until now, the impact of the device on the economy has only be analysed in descriptive studies. In this paper, a measure of the causal impact of the exemptions in ZRR is suggested. A feature in the implementation of the device allows to use a well known econometric method in the evaluation of public policies. The enterprises located in the ZRR are the only one which can benefit from the exemptions. Moreover these zones have been defined using precise population density and demographics criteria. A Regression Discontinuity Design is therefore well suited to the evaluation the policy. It allows disentangling the impact of the ZRR implementation on firm and jobs creation from the background characteristics in the ZRR. Our results show that the tax exemptions neither have any significant impact on employment nor on firms creation in disadvantaged rural zones. ; A partir de 1996, la politique de développement rural française définit des zones de revitalisation rurale (ZRR) : les entreprises de moins de 50 salariés peuvent y bénéficier d'exonérations de charges à condition (entre autres) d'augmenter leur effectif salarié. Ces zones regroupent des territoires ruraux en difficultés : faible densité démographique, handicap structurel sur le plan socio-économique. Les exonérations fiscales en ZRR sont de grande ampleur (30 % du salaire brut pour des salaires compris entre 1 et 1,5 fois le Smic) et concernent potentiellement une part non négligeable des entreprises puisque 10,7 % de celles de moins de 50 salariés y sont situées. Jusqu'à présent, l'effet du dispositif sur l'économie a essentiellement été l'objet d'études descriptives. Seule l'analyse de Lofredi (2007) tente de mettre en évidence l'effet causal de la mise en place de la mesure sur l'emploi et la création d'établissements. Une particularité du dispositif permet de tester l'effet causal des exonérations en ZRR en s'appuyant sur une méthode désormais largement utilisée pour étudier l'effet de politiques publiques. Il s'agit de remarquer que les ZRR ont été définies à partir de critères précis de densité et de démographie et que seules les entreprises situées en ZRR sont éligibles aux exonérations de charges. Une approche par "discontinuité de la régression" permet alors de dissocier l'effet de la mesure sur l'emploi et la création d'entreprises du rôle des caractéristiques propres aux ZRR. Les résultats tendent à confirmer les conclusions de Lofredi (2007) à partir d'une méthode différente. Ce dispositif d'exonération fiscale n'aurait d'effet significatif ni sur l emploi, ni sur la création d'établissements dans les zones rurales défavorisées. L'existence de restrictions fortes quant à l'accès aux exonérations pour les entreprises ainsi que la particularité du contexte rural dans lequel la mesure a été mise en place pourraient expliquer l'échec de la mesure.
Since 1996 the French rural development policy has defined Rural Revitalization Zones (ZRR) in which the enterprises of less than 50 employees are eligible for tax exemptions. The fiscal exemptions are of great scale in the ZRR (30% of gross salary for the wages below 1.5 minimum wage) and they potentially apply to 10.7% of below 50 employees enterprises. Until now, the impact of the device on the economy has only be analysed in descriptive studies. In this paper, a measure of the causal impact of the exemptions in ZRR is suggested. A feature in the implementation of the device allows to use a well known econometric method in the evaluation of public policies. The enterprises located in the ZRR are the only one which can benefit from the exemptions. Moreover these zones have been defined using precise population density and demographics criteria. A Regression Discontinuity Design is therefore well suited to the evaluation the policy. It allows disentangling the impact of the ZRR implementation on firm and jobs creation from the background characteristics in the ZRR. Our results show that the tax exemptions neither have any significant impact on employment nor on firms creation in disadvantaged rural zones. ; A partir de 1996, la politique de développement rural française définit des zones de revitalisation rurale (ZRR) : les entreprises de moins de 50 salariés peuvent y bénéficier d'exonérations de charges à condition (entre autres) d'augmenter leur effectif salarié. Ces zones regroupent des territoires ruraux en difficultés : faible densité démographique, handicap structurel sur le plan socio-économique. Les exonérations fiscales en ZRR sont de grande ampleur (30 % du salaire brut pour des salaires compris entre 1 et 1,5 fois le Smic) et concernent potentiellement une part non négligeable des entreprises puisque 10,7 % de celles de moins de 50 salariés y sont situées. Jusqu'à présent, l'effet du dispositif sur l'économie a essentiellement été l'objet d'études descriptives. Seule l'analyse de Lofredi (2007) tente de mettre en évidence l'effet causal de la mise en place de la mesure sur l'emploi et la création d'établissements. Une particularité du dispositif permet de tester l'effet causal des exonérations en ZRR en s'appuyant sur une méthode désormais largement utilisée pour étudier l'effet de politiques publiques. Il s'agit de remarquer que les ZRR ont été définies à partir de critères précis de densité et de démographie et que seules les entreprises situées en ZRR sont éligibles aux exonérations de charges. Une approche par "discontinuité de la régression" permet alors de dissocier l'effet de la mesure sur l'emploi et la création d'entreprises du rôle des caractéristiques propres aux ZRR. Les résultats tendent à confirmer les conclusions de Lofredi (2007) à partir d'une méthode différente. Ce dispositif d'exonération fiscale n'aurait d'effet significatif ni sur l emploi, ni sur la création d'établissements dans les zones rurales défavorisées. L'existence de restrictions fortes quant à l'accès aux exonérations pour les entreprises ainsi que la particularité du contexte rural dans lequel la mesure a été mise en place pourraient expliquer l'échec de la mesure.
Since 1996 the French rural development policy has defined Rural Revitalization Zones (ZRR) in which the enterprises of less than 50 employees are eligible for tax exemptions. The fiscal exemptions are of great scale in the ZRR (30% of gross salary for the wages below 1.5 minimum wage) and they potentially apply to 10.7% of below 50 employees enterprises. Until now, the impact of the device on the economy has only be analysed in descriptive studies. In this paper, a measure of the causal impact of the exemptions in ZRR is suggested. A feature in the implementation of the device allows to use a well known econometric method in the evaluation of public policies. The enterprises located in the ZRR are the only one which can benefit from the exemptions. Moreover these zones have been defined using precise population density and demographics criteria. A Regression Discontinuity Design is therefore well suited to the evaluation the policy. It allows disentangling the impact of the ZRR implementation on firm and jobs creation from the background characteristics in the ZRR. Our results show that the tax exemptions neither have any significant impact on employment nor on firms creation in disadvantaged rural zones. ; A partir de 1996, la politique de développement rural française définit des zones de revitalisation rurale (ZRR) : les entreprises de moins de 50 salariés peuvent y bénéficier d'exonérations de charges à condition (entre autres) d'augmenter leur effectif salarié. Ces zones regroupent des territoires ruraux en difficultés : faible densité démographique, handicap structurel sur le plan socio-économique. Les exonérations fiscales en ZRR sont de grande ampleur (30 % du salaire brut pour des salaires compris entre 1 et 1,5 fois le Smic) et concernent potentiellement une part non négligeable des entreprises puisque 10,7 % de celles de moins de 50 salariés y sont situées. Jusqu'à présent, l'effet du dispositif sur l'économie a essentiellement été l'objet d'études descriptives. Seule l'analyse de Lofredi (2007) tente de mettre en évidence l'effet causal de la mise en place de la mesure sur l'emploi et la création d'établissements. Une particularité du dispositif permet de tester l'effet causal des exonérations en ZRR en s'appuyant sur une méthode désormais largement utilisée pour étudier l'effet de politiques publiques. Il s'agit de remarquer que les ZRR ont été définies à partir de critères précis de densité et de démographie et que seules les entreprises situées en ZRR sont éligibles aux exonérations de charges. Une approche par "discontinuité de la régression" permet alors de dissocier l'effet de la mesure sur l'emploi et la création d'entreprises du rôle des caractéristiques propres aux ZRR. Les résultats tendent à confirmer les conclusions de Lofredi (2007) à partir d'une méthode différente. Ce dispositif d'exonération fiscale n'aurait d'effet significatif ni sur l emploi, ni sur la création d'établissements dans les zones rurales défavorisées. L'existence de restrictions fortes quant à l'accès aux exonérations pour les entreprises ainsi que la particularité du contexte rural dans lequel la mesure a été mise en place pourraient expliquer l'échec de la mesure.
In: Zhang , Y 2013 , ' Entrepreneurship development in China : a multilevel approach ' , Doctor of Philosophy , Industrial Engineering and Innovation Sciences , Eindhoven . https://doi.org/10.6100/IR748517
Studies of entrepreneurship focus on one of three areas: entrepreneurship as an engine to drive national economic growth, CE as an instrument to facilitate corporate performance, and individual EI as the source of entrepreneurial behavior. There has been rapid development and corporate catching-up in emerging economies, such as BRIC, but there are few studies of entrepreneurship in this environment. In the context of China, the largest emerging country in the world, this dissertation addresses the research question: How does entrepreneurship develop in China at the national, corporate, and individual levels? Entrepreneurship has played a significant role in China's rapid growth; Huang (2010) presented evidence for this. However, China's entrepreneurship development cannot be isolated from its transitional environment, which has involved political and economic reforms. To explore entrepreneurship development in the recent economic transition stage, in chapter 2, I first asked: what stage has entrepreneurship in China reached? To answer this question, one must select the transitional pillars that are important in the context of Chinese reform. As explained in Chapter 2, I chose four: GDP per capita to reflect the standard of living and poverty reduction, educational resources to reflect reform in the national institutional system (the heavy investment in higher education), FDI to reflect the open economy, and the unemployment rate to reflect the consequences of reform in state-owned sectors. Before evaluating the impact of these four factors on entrepreneurial activities in China, I discussed the Chinese entrepreneurship environment, beginning at the start of the economic reform at the end of the 1970s. I then showed the evolution of entrepreneurial development, with its lower-case-v shape. GDP per capita increased from 1996 (the year that private entrepreneurship was formally acknowledged) to 2008. This corresponds to China's economic transition: from the factor-driven phase to a transitional stage between the factor-driven and efficiency-driven phases, and then to the efficiency-driven stage. Taking this into account, I focused on the most recent transition stage (the efficiency-driven stage) and analyzed the impact of economic transition (in terms of the four pillars) on entrepreneurship development. The results reveal the positive impact of China's economic transition on entrepreneurship development. Typically, GDP per capita has a significant inverted-U-shaped impact on entrepreneurship, which reflects the government's focus on state sectors and urban infrastructure since 2007 (to reduce the marginal rate of increase in self-employment). Educational resources and economic openness are positively related to entrepreneurship (and have a positive interactive impact economic growth), corresponding to GEM's report (GEM Global Report, 2008), which states that Chinese entrepreneurs are likely to be highly educated. Unemployment has a positive push effect and a negative interactive effect on GDP per capita, demonstrating that China's entrepreneurship had developed (by 2008) into a transitional phase between necessity-based and opportunity-based. Unemployed people are likely to prefer wage employment to self-employment, which is consistent with the efficiency-driven development stage of that time. This study contributes to empirical studies on the relationship between the economic-development stage and entrepreneurship development. It provides another view of entrepreneurship development in a transitional economy. Moreover, this study contributes to the debate on the Beijing consensus versus the Washington consensus. In terms of the former, this study indicates that entrepreneurship development in China is government-led and owes much to the governmental initiation of institutional transition. However, the results suggest that the ex ante dimensions of entrepreneurship development correspond to the requirements of the Washington consensus (at least in terms of economic openness). Hence, I take a middle position in this lively debate: I believe that China's development is driven by both scenarios. At the political level, which I argue is the framework level, China follows the Beijing consensus, because it has long-term political decision-making (by a single political party) and experimentation-based policy development (defined by Deng Xiaoping). At the micro level however, economic development is driven by the Washington consensus. China is trying to build up a formal institutional framework that supports private property rights, economic openness, financial reforms, macroeconomic stability, and political liberalization. There is a contradiction between the political liberalization defined by the Washington consensus and the current situation in China. However, I still argue that, as a result of the government's proactive behavior, quiet progress is being made on every disputed issue (including liberalization). Chapter 2 investigated Chinese entrepreneurship development at the macro level. I explored corporate entrepreneurial development and its impact on corporate catching-up. The catching-up concept originated in the economics field at the national level. The investigation of corporate catching-up, especially for emerging countries, is challenging because there is a theoretical deficit. National catching-up theory indicates that innovation is essential for catching-up and social advance is a necessary precondition for catching-up (Abramovitz, 1986). I assumed that similar arguments would apply to corporate catching-up, and I wanted to explore the underlying mechanism. I used CE theory, resource-based theory, dynamic-capability theory, and network theory to explain my corporate catching-up framework. I tested the framework in chapter 3 with a case study of Huawei Technologies Co., Ltd. The results show that social capability helps a firm to acquire social capital, diffuse technology and knowledge, improve its social status, address resource gaps, and explore opportunities. Moreover, the results indicate that catching-up firms are similar to entrepreneurial firms in terms of growth-orientation, innovation, and alertness. CE strategies, particularly collaboration-based networks, facilitate corporate catching-up. Huawei's growth indicates that networking improves social capability and allows a company to exploit and explore new technologies and new opportunities. I also made peripheral findings. For instance, the integration of the three network layers is an overall approach for corporate catching-up. This is because of the structural, relational, and cognitive social capital gained from networks for knowledge acquisition, transfer, sharing, and creation internally and externally. Structurally, a sparse interfirm network with increased network composition and strong ties can coexist with a cohesive intrafirm network. This facilitates external opportunity exploration and internal opportunity exploitation. Moreover, the industrial-district network provides a snapshot of intrafirm and interfirm networks in a particular location. Theoretically, this work supports corporate catching-up theory, enriches social network theory, and provides support for the aggregation of strategic alliances, M&As and corporate venturing in an open-innovation paradigm. This study provides empirical evidence for the process by which people exploit opportunities within existing organizations (Shane, 2012). Practically, this work has many strategic implications for latecomer catching-up firms. Chapters 2 and 3 presented a partial picture of China's entrepreneurship development. Chapter 2 indicated that China's entrepreneurship is moving from necessity-based to opportunity-based, and higher education now plays a role. Chapter 3 showed that corporate catching-up is closely associated with individual EI and behavior. Any entrepreneurial behavior can be traced down to the individual level. Krueger (1993) indicates that intentionality is a predictor of entrepreneurial behavior. Therefore, it is important to understand the determinants of EI endogenously and exogenously. Given the results of chapters 2 and 3 and the observation that the emerging generation of entrepreneurs has more education, I predicted that there would be several influential factors. These are the perceived desirability, the perceived feasibility, and the entrepreneurship cognition developed through education or exposure to entrepreneurial activity. Therefore, chapter 4 aimed to identify the role of education in shaping individual entrepreneurial intention. It indirectly contributes to the discussion about whether entrepreneurs are born or made. I used a conceptual framework (Fig. 4.1) based on Ajzen's TPB and Shapero's EEM. The data were collected via a survey of ten Chinese universities. The results show that education is the major source of entrepreneurship knowledge and has a significant positive impact on EI. However, exposure to entrepreneurial activity has a negative impact on EI in China. More interestingly, the results show that males and students with technological backgrounds have higher EI than females and those without this background. These results are strengthened by the moderate impact of entrepreneurship education, which indicates that such education is more likely to have positive consequences for technological universities and majors than for other universities and majors. This work makes contributions in two areas. (1) By adapting the TPB (Ajzen, 1991) and the EEM (Shapero & Sokol, 1982), this study contributes theoretically by integrating the two streams of theory. I have shown the role of entrepreneurial knowledge in the EI model and compared the impact of different variables on EI. (2) This study contributes to empirical knowledge by providing supporting evidence. Entrepreneurship research should focus (Mitchell et al., 2007) on person, situation, cognition, and motivation. This study provides evidence for the source of individual entrepreneurial cognition in the Chinese context. Shane and Venkataraman (2000) argue that entrepreneurship should be seen as a process and not as the embodiment of a type of person. Following this, I argue that in terms of opportunity identification, evaluation, and exploitation this process is important not only at the individual level but also at the corporate and national levels. Recently, Shane (2012) has claimed that existing studies of entrepreneurship do not provide a sufficient understanding of how the context influences the identification and exploitation of opportunities. However, we do have a better understanding of the process by which people exploit opportunities within existing organizations. I have provided evidence for and insight into this topic in the context of emerging and transitional economies. Regarding the process perspective of entrepreneurship (Shane, 2012), the three core chapters of this dissertation loop as a reciprocal process between (1) the EI-formation process, which can be the ex ante step of identifying and exploiting high-potential opportunities (Chapter 4), (2) the process of identifying and exploiting catching-up opportunities in existing organizations (Chapter 3), and (3) the process of understanding the impact of institutions and corporate characteristics on entrepreneurship (Chapter 2). This loop can be explained as follows: first, process (2) cannot work without process (1), because corporate identification and exploration are carried out by individuals. Secondly, process (1) depends on process (2), because process (2) involves actors in process (1). The relationship between process (3) and process (2) is similar, meaning that if process (3) at the national level is entrepreneur-friendly, the development of process (2) is facilitated, and this leads to more efficient entrepreneurial progress. Meanwhile, process (2) helps to drive process (3) at an aggregate level.
