SUMMARY Lithuania started following Community Directives that define corporate social responsibility for an employee after accession to the European Union. Therefore managers of organisations are supposed to pay more attention to staff management which aims not only at growth of labour productivity rates, but motivation of employees as well as ensuring of appropriate and positive working environment. Ability to manage organisational conflicts is the basis for managing conflicts in the national level. Everyone is a personality, however people depend on each other when they work together. They all have different political ideological beliefs, confess different religions, different background of education and social status of a family. Everyone has prejudice and a certain attitude towards value system. Everyone therefore is unique by its estimations and views and has a right to make mistakes and make their own decisions about good or evil. Moral maturity of businessmen affects not only economic indicators but intercommunication, attainment of goals of organisation as well as entire organisational environment. The paper aims at development of optimal model for solving conflicts within the organisation. The first part of the paper THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF CONFLICTS presents peculiarities of conflict management in organisations. A concept of conflict management, conflict causes and types as well as solution methods is provided based on scientific publications. This part also analyses empirical level of conflict examination in both Lithuanian and foreign organisations. The second part of the paper RESEARCH METHODOLOGY describes methods, aim and objectives of the research planned in local self administration and private organisations. Research sample and procedure of research organisation is also described. Research methods employed: questionnaire, interview and mathematical analysis (used to structure the results). The research proved hypotheses that were raised: • The manager of the organisation influence conflict management; • Proper method for conflict solution helps eliminate the conflict and improve management situation. The third part EMPIRICAL RESEARCH OF ORGANISATIONS, DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS presents structured analysis of research data and research assessment. The results from the private and public organisations are compared. Recommendations for improvement of conflict management process along with optimal conflict solution model are provided based on analysis of the research. Analysis of how different authors interpret the concept of conflict management was carried out in the paper. Such analysis enabled drafting more precise definition of conflict management concept. Causes, types and solution methods of conflicts were structured and peculiarities of conflict management in private and public organisations were explored. Causes of conflicts and solution methods that are most characteristic to these organisations were determined. Importance of conflict management along with its positive and negative effects on organisations and their employees was based on theory. A questionnaire was drafted and employees of both private and public organisations were questioned. Results of the research will help in further surveys of organisations and will allow analysing other peculiarities of organisational conflict management better. The research proved the hypotheses. Recommendations for improvement of conflict management process were provided. Based on the results of the research a new model for solving conflicts was developed. The paper consists of introduction, 3 parts and conclusion. The paper comprises of major part described in 60 pages, including 5 tables and 24 figures.
SUMMARY Lithuania started following Community Directives that define corporate social responsibility for an employee after accession to the European Union. Therefore managers of organisations are supposed to pay more attention to staff management which aims not only at growth of labour productivity rates, but motivation of employees as well as ensuring of appropriate and positive working environment. Ability to manage organisational conflicts is the basis for managing conflicts in the national level. Everyone is a personality, however people depend on each other when they work together. They all have different political ideological beliefs, confess different religions, different background of education and social status of a family. Everyone has prejudice and a certain attitude towards value system. Everyone therefore is unique by its estimations and views and has a right to make mistakes and make their own decisions about good or evil. Moral maturity of businessmen affects not only economic indicators but intercommunication, attainment of goals of organisation as well as entire organisational environment. The paper aims at development of optimal model for solving conflicts within the organisation. The first part of the paper THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF CONFLICTS presents peculiarities of conflict management in organisations. A concept of conflict management, conflict causes and types as well as solution methods is provided based on scientific publications. This part also analyses empirical level of conflict examination in both Lithuanian and foreign organisations. The second part of the paper RESEARCH METHODOLOGY describes methods, aim and objectives of the research planned in local self administration and private organisations. Research sample and procedure of research organisation is also described. Research methods employed: questionnaire, interview and mathematical analysis (used to structure the results). The research proved hypotheses that were raised: • The manager of the organisation influence conflict management; • Proper method for conflict solution helps eliminate the conflict and improve management situation. The third part EMPIRICAL RESEARCH OF ORGANISATIONS, DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF RESULTS presents structured analysis of research data and research assessment. The results from the private and public organisations are compared. Recommendations for improvement of conflict management process along with optimal conflict solution model are provided based on analysis of the research. Analysis of how different authors interpret the concept of conflict management was carried out in the paper. Such analysis enabled drafting more precise definition of conflict management concept. Causes, types and solution methods of conflicts were structured and peculiarities of conflict management in private and public organisations were explored. Causes of conflicts and solution methods that are most characteristic to these organisations were determined. Importance of conflict management along with its positive and negative effects on organisations and their employees was based on theory. A questionnaire was drafted and employees of both private and public organisations were questioned. Results of the research will help in further surveys of organisations and will allow analysing other peculiarities of organisational conflict management better. The research proved the hypotheses. Recommendations for improvement of conflict management process were provided. Based on the results of the research a new model for solving conflicts was developed. The paper consists of introduction, 3 parts and conclusion. The paper comprises of major part described in 60 pages, including 5 tables and 24 figures.
Abstract Author: Gosim Martin Onu Chukwu Title of Thesis: "Participatory evaluation: an action research intervention to improve training effectiveness" Background: The managers of Zenith Medical Centre, a Nigerian hospital, desired to experiment a change to a process of evaluation that could improve training effectiveness for all stakeholders. Concern about evaluating training for effectiveness is not new. The past 50 years have witnessed a growing number of evaluation methods developed by scholars and practitioners to provide human resource development (HRD) professionals with alternatives for measuring training outcomes. However, investigation on the uses of evaluation data to improve training outcomes from the perspectives of divergent stakeholders is limited. Participatory evaluation (PE) through action research (AR) intervention was particularly considered as a viable means of improving training effectiveness by increased use of evaluation data. Aims of the Investigation: The aims of the intervention were to deepen insight and understanding of PE from the perspectives of stakeholders, practically implement a change of the evaluation system and produce new knowledge for the action research community. Design/Methodology/Approach: The action research approach was used from a social constructionist perspective to engage training stakeholders in the organization as participants. This perspective required working in the participatory action research (PAR) mode. Therefore, the project followed a cyclical process model (CPM) of the AR iterative process of constructing, planning, acting and evaluating. The CPM model was to accommodate the quality principles for using theory to both guide issue diagnosis and reflection on the intervention. Data on participatory evaluation were generated through focus groups and one-on-one interviews and analyzed using template analysis. Findings: By identifying and discussing their stakes, contributions and inducements in training, participants were able to reflect on their own learning, gain insight into their own work situation by sharing experiences and these facilitated peer and management support. The results were deeper insight into training evaluation; change in behavior and perceptions; and the use of quality data to improve training design, delivery and participation. The participatory process also enabled participants to learn self-direction and self-management by becoming aware of discussing problems or issues of concern to them in the workplace, group coherence and social support. Profoundly, all levels of stakeholders tried actively to change their working conditions by participating in action research activities. Implications: The study has implications for research and practice in three perspectives: First-person implications of deepening the researcher's understanding and knowledge and providing professional development for his practice; second-person implications of deepening understanding and knowledge and providing improved day-to-day practice for the participants, practical solutions to the issue and organizational learning for the client; and third-person implication of providing specific knowledge for the wider action research community. Limitations: The research does not cover the political implications of the findings and opportunities they create for further research. It is limited to evaluation process while leaving out organizational decision making which is another factor affecting the utilization of evaluation data. Future studies should consider the question of what happens if the process of evaluation is right but the organizational politics or decision making structures hinders evaluation use. Word count: 50,881 (excluding appendices and references) Abstract: 503 Keywords: Action research; focus group; participatory action research; participatory evaluation
This technical note highlights some of the work the World Bank has recently conducted in support of the growth agenda outlined in the Europe 2020 strategy. The World Bank is actively supporting the new member states, as well as accession and neighborhood countries, in achieving the Europe 2020 targets of smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. The engagement consists of policy and program lending in these areas as well as analytical work. This note focuses on highlighting some of the Bank's analytical Europe 2020 work pertaining to raising employment rates and skills levels as well as to spur innovation and technology absorption. The technical note is structured as follows: section one provides the macroeconomic background, and highlights how the economies of the European Union (EU)-10 countries were steadily catching up with those of the EU-15 countries, but then the catching-up was interrupted by the onset of the global financial and economic crisis. Section two focuses on low employment rates in EU-10 countries, particularly among older and less-educated workers, women, and minority groups, in particular Roma, and highlights some key issues in the organization of labor markets and labor market related institutions. Section three focuses more specifically on skills development across the life cycle, with a brief discussion on selected policy areas: (1) expansion of early childhood development programs to universal coverage; (2) adopting ambitious, comprehensive approaches to schooling to support higher levels of generic skills for all; and (3) strengthening access to and efficiency of tertiary education through higher education financing reform and data collection as a basis for system steering. Section four focuses on innovation and technology absorption, highlighting how more and more efficient research and development (R&D) spending will boost economic growth in EU10 countries.
This thesis deals with the interactions between inflation targeting strategies and their institutional framework inemerging economies. More precisely, empirical investigations conducted in this thesis aim to study the role ofthe institutional framework in the conduct and efficiency of inflation targeting. To this end, we proceed in twosteps. First, we consider the institutional framework as exogenous to inflation targeting adoption and analyzewhether this framework has impacted macroeconomic performance of inflation targeting countries. Thus, afterlaying the conceptual background of inflation targeting and showing the importance of economic andinstitutional prerequisites in the choice of emerging countries of adopting this monetary policy strategy (chapter1), we show that some institutional conditions can strengthen the performance of inflation targeting countries interms of inflation level and volatility (chapter 2). Then, in a second step, we consider the institutionalframework as endogenous to inflation targeting and analyze the response of authorities to the adoption of thismonetary policy strategy. The first result that emerges is that the adoption of inflation targeting provides strongincentives to government for improving fiscal discipline, especially the collection of domestic tax revenue(chapter 3). Finally, we analyze the exchange rate policy of inflation targeting emerging economies and showthat the pursuit of two nominal targets, inflation and exchange rate, can be counterproductive in terms ofmacroeconomic performance, more particularly when this exchange rate management is motivated by financialstability considerations (chapitre 4). Hence the importance for inflation targeting candidates of conductingstructural reforms to increase financial development. ; La présente thèse analyse les interactions entre les stratégies de ciblage d'inflation et leur contexte institutionnelau sein des économies émergentes. Plus précisément, les investigations empiriques menées dans le cadre de cettethèse visent à étudier le rôle du cadre institutionnel dans la conduite et l'efficacité de cette stratégie de politiquemonétaire. Pour cela, nous procédons en deux étapes. Dans un premier temps, nous considérons le cadreinstitutionnel comme exogène à l'adoption du ciblage d'inflation et analysons dans quelle mesure ce cadre a pujouer un rôle dans les performances macroéconomiques des pays émergents cibleurs inflation. Ainsi, après avoirposé les bases conceptuelles du ciblage d'inflation et mis en évidence le rôle des pré-requis économiques etinstitutionnels dans le choix des économies émergentes d'adopter cette stratégie de politique monétaire (chapitre1), nous montrons qu'un certain nombre de conditions institutionnelles ont pu renforcer l'efficacité du ciblaged'inflation en termes de stabilité des prix (chapitre 2). Puis, dans un second temps, nous nous plaçons postadoptionet considérons le cadre institutionnel comme endogène à l'adoption du ciblage d'inflation. L'objectifvisé est alors d'analyser la réponse des autorités des économies émergentes à l'adoption de ce cadre de politiquemonétaire. Nous montrons ainsi que l'adoption du ciblage d'inflation exerce un effet disciplinant sur la conduitede la politique budgétaire, en incitant notamment le gouvernement à intensifier ses efforts de mobilisation desrecettes publiques (chapitre 3). Enfin, nous analysons la politique de change des pays émergents cibleursd'inflation et montrons que la poursuite simultanée d'une cible officielle d'inflation et d'une cible implicite dechange peut être contreproductive en termes de performances macroéconomiques, surtout lorsque cette gestiondu change est motivée par des considérations de stabilité financière (chapitre 4). D'où l'importance pour lespays émergents souhaitant adopter une stratégie de ciblage d'inflation de conduire en amont des réformesstructurelles visant à développer leur marché bancaire et financier.
The 2008 financial crisis opened the doors of green capitalism as a financially sound approach to saving the planet from the worst effects of the climate emergency. The emphasis on the role of finance in promoting "green growth" has permeated mainstream political, academic and business approaches to climate change adaptation and mitigation, assuming multiple forms - from the carbon markets of the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement, to the Environmental, Social and Governance taxonomy for "green" investments, to the proliferation of sustainable labels in several economic sectors. The present article offers a critical appraisal of one of the most prominent arguments that upholds the idea that it is possible and desirable to achieve sustainability and economic growth through finance: green bonds. Green bonds are debt instruments whose proceeds are earmarked to fund projects with supposedly environmental benefits. After some years in the background, they now occupy a central position in the green recovery narrative and political framework all over the world. Most of the academic literature tends to naturalize green bonds as an eminently technical solution to reconcile economic growth and environmental sustainability. Filling an epistemological gap, the present article leverages a world-ecology approach to embed the financial phenomenon of green bonds within the broader picture of the capitalist political economy and the expansion of its ecological frontier. In light of the ongoing experiences that the authors have been following in the Brazilian legal, financial and political context, the article unpacks and makes sense of green bonds as a tool in the hands of climate finance that reproduces global patterns of North-South uneven development and the shifting of ecological costs. To test the potential of the "interpretative framework" offered by a world-ecology approach, we mobilize it in the concrete case of green bonds issuances directed to fund the forestry sector in Brazil. Aware that the current phenomenon only represents a blip in comparison to the largeer temporal (the longue dureé) and spatial (the world system) scales usually deployed by world-ecology, we nonetheless discuss how the ideological, technical and power dynamics behind the issuance of green bonds unleash capital accumulation, produce a financialized and subordinated construction of nature, and entail an institutional arrangement. The article is organized around 3 main sections. After the introduction, section 1 describes green bonds as one of the most fashionable financial topics of the moment, and one that promotes a shift in discourses towards the need of actively building a "green economy". Although from a legal standpoint green bonds embody no significant difference from regular bonds, our focus is to describe the promises around them, the current (private) governance structure, and the trends in the issuance of these debt instruments both in the Global North and South, with a specific focus on the case of Brazil. In section 2, we look at the operations of green bonds emissions on the ground, i.e. taking as an example the context of green debt underpinning the Brazilian forestry sector. The analysis reveals how the emissions, made predominantly by large multinational companies actively present on the global market, feed off great efforts deployed by both the public and the private sector in constructing an image of the sector as a key player in the emergent "bioeconomy" and in the strengthening of Brazil's goals in the Paris Agreement. However, we describe how green bond revenues that are officially committed to the implementation of "sustainable management of forests" are associated with the expansion of the ecological frontier in the Brazilian territory, stretching the boundaries of the area dedicated to tree plantations and amplifying social and environmental tensions. The backstage of the emissions shows how capital accumulation through green bonds is associated with the co-production of nature for the purpose of accumulation, generating concerns that are often diluted or transformed into procedural requirements. Debt generated by the subscription of green bonds, we argue, is not only financial, but also social and ecological. In section 3, we put forward that for private accumulation to be successful, green bonds in the forestry sector demand an institutional arrangement that combines state support and private governance of debt in its financial, social and ecological dimensions. Rather than being the result of an idealized and spontaneous market, a set of institutional transformations have to be considered in order to comprehend the feasibility of green bonds in the Brazilian forestry sector. We thus describe the historic connection between forestry and the state, the endless public incentives to put nature to work, the functional adaptations of the Brazilian environmental legislation and the regulation concerning the demarcation, access and use of land. In this context, we argue that green bonds add yet a new institutional layer to the process of creating and validating specific forms of nature, through a governance structure that dilutes the tensions between the promise of environmental benefits and its concrete negative social and environmental impacts. We conclude the article by reassembling these findings as part of the capitalist world ecology "dialectical unity" of capital accumulation, co-production of nature and power. We suggest that the world-ecology approach allows us to grasp green bonds as a complex form that has so far been ignored in the relevant literature. As any other phenomenon of financialization, a green bond should not be understood in isolation from its material basis, since it is from that basis – and its social and environmental conditions and contradictions – that it appropriates value. As the example of the Brazilian forestry sector illuminates, the "greenness" of the financial debt inscribed in green bonds may come into existence at the expense of the social and environmental debt that underlie the forestry sector productive model. Hence, although the explicit inclusion of "environmental concerns" into financial considerations and project implementation has been praised as a step towards the recognition that finance has a material impact on the planet and that these externalities shall be accounted for, the article warns of the typical green arithmetic move put forward by green bonds. Green bonds inevitably co-produce nature and social relations, but in a very unequal way that emphasizes capital accumulation and that does not necessarily protect the environment (even when standards are introduced). Much to the contrary, green bonds may come into being at the expense of other ways of living ecologically, and by restoring injustices of the past and creating a regenerative future - in other words, by creating debt.
Programa Interdisciplinar de Doctorado en Migraciones Internacionales Contemporáneas ; Partiendo del enfoque de fases, del análisis de políticas públicas, y del institucionalismo sociológico, esta tesis se centra en la fase de actividades de la política de inmigración, realizadas por las ocho instituciones que forman la Generalitat de Catalunya, para conocer cuáles han sido las actividades y por qué se han realizado. Se asumen como actividades no sólo las ejecutivas sino las previas a la formulación pública de las mismas. En su conjunto: seminarios, publicaciones, servicios, planes, programas, actos parlamentarios, dictámenes, recomendaciones, normas jurídicas, etc. Todo ello en relación a la inmigración extranjera, tanto regular como irregular, comunitaria o extracomunitaria, que se ha asentado en Catalunya en los últimos 34 años. La metodología ha sido el análisis cualitativo del contenido de 179 documentos institucionales, y 29 entrevistas semiestructuradas, realizadas a expertos y a responsables administrativos y políticos. Se distinguen tres etapas de la política: 1977 – 1991, en la que se dan las primeras experiencias pioneras de diversos colectivos profesionales (educación, servicios sociales, sanidad, etc.) en defensa de la inclusión de toda la población, aun sin un marco legal claro que les permita actuar así; así como gran cantidad de actividades de debate, seminarios, y similares. 1992 – 1999, en la que destaca la creación de las primeras organizaciones e instrumentos especializados (Consejo Asesor, Comisión Interdepartamental, Plan de Inmigración). Y 2000 – 2010: de consolidación de la institucionalización, al ordenarse las competencias inmigratorias de la Generalitat y ayuntamientos a través del nuevo Estatut d'Autonomia de 2006 y la Llei d'Acollida de 2010. No es posible entender la política sin conocer el discurso o marco, que subyace en toda actividad social y pública. La tesis tiene en cuenta el pensamiento catalán sobre la inmigración, gestado a lo largo de todo el siglo XX, y que enfatiza la integración, entendiendo por esta la adhesión al sentimiento de identidad de país, el conocimiento de la lengua catalana, y la movilidad social. Junto con el discurso tradicional hay que considerar dos elementos del conjunto del Estado: la existencia de un estado de bienestar -nacido antes de la democracia-, y la legislación estatal de extranjería. Finalmente, al discurso se le añaden, contemporáneamente, la dimensión de igualdad entre extranjeros y catalanes, y el poso cultural que supone desarrollar actividades específicas, de respuesta a las nuevas problemáticas o necesidades que comporta la presencia de extranjeros: gestión de asuntos religiosos, mediación intercultural, aprendizaje de las lenguas de origen, etc. Si la política de inmigración de la Generalitat ha tenido un valor positivo, se debe a la voluntad de querer disponer de dicha política; de hacer las cosas de una determinada manera (extensión al todo el territorio, cogestión con los ayuntamientos, especialización, formación, aporte de recursos financieros, cierta coordinación con el Estado), y de realizarlas con la intención de alcanzar los objetivos de igualdad y cohesión. La política no ha respondido a un modelo, sino más bien a una voluntad y a un estilo de trabajo. Finalmente, para entender la defensa de la igualdad y la cohesión es fundamental analizar las actividades del Ejecutivo en interacción con el control del Parlamento y las reivindicaciones y movilizaciones sociales. ; Based on the approach to public policy as a cycle (Charles O. Jones), and sociological institutionalism, this thesis focuses on the sequence of immigration activities as part of the immigration policy carried out by the eight institutions that form a part of the Generalitat. It takes into account not only executive activities but also pre-formulation activities: encompassing seminars, publications, services, plans, programs, parliamentary acts, opinions, recommendations, and legal regulations. All of these related to foreign immigration, both regular and irregular, third-country as well as EU nationals, who have settled in Catalonia during the last 34 years. The methodology used was a qualitative analysis of the content of 179 institutional documents and 29 semi-structured interviews with experts, regional and central government staff and policy makers. Three stages of the policy can be distinguished: (i) 1977 - 1991 , in which the pioneering efforts of different professional groups (education, social services, health, housing, etc. ) in defence of the inclusion of the entire population were made, albeit without a clear legal framework enabling them to do so. This was done in addition to activities of discussion, seminars, etc. (ii) 1992 - 1999, which saw the creation of the first organisations and specialised instruments (Advisory Council, Interdepartmental Commission, Immigration Plan); (iii) 2000 - 2010: consolidation of institutional architecture, by ordering the immigration powers of the Generalitat and municipalities through the new Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the Act 10/2010, on reception for immigrants and returnees. It is not possible to understand the policies without knowing the framework, which underlies all social and public activity. This thesis takes into account Catalan thinking on immigration, developed through the XX century, which emphasises integration, in the sense of identity with Catalonia, knowledge of the Catalan language, and social mobility. Together with the traditional framework, two other elements must be taken into account: a system of welfare, created in Spain before the democracy, and the State regulations for foreigners. Contemporarily two other elements have been added to the framework: the dimension of equality between foreigners and Catalans, and the integration of diverse cultural backgrounds requiring various specific activities: management of religious affairs, intercultural mediation, learning the languages of origin, etc. If the immigration policy of the Generalitat has had a positive impact, it is based on the will to have such a policy; to do things in a certain way (extending to the whole territory, co-management with municipalities, specialisation, training, provision of financial resources, some coordination with the Central Government), and perform them with the intention of achieving the goals of equality and cohesion. The policy has not responded to a model, but rather to a will and a way of working. Finally, to understand the defence of equality and cohesion, it is fundamental to assess the activities of the Executive in interaction both with the control of Parliament, and the social movements and grievances.
Objetivos Concretar el papel que corresponde a la Prensa en una democracia, así como la legitimidad de los medios de comunicación para ejercer el control de la gestión del Gobierno y otras instituciones. Reseñar los conflictos, personales e institucionales, de la Prensa con determinados miembros de los Gobiernos presididos por Felipe González y con máximos dirigentes del PSOE, a lo largo de cuatro legislaturas: 1982-1993. Definir y concretar el concepto de contrapoder referido a la prensa, y sus límites: las funciones que el periodismo ejerce, su interés social y la libertad de expresión como uno de los más altos valores consagrados por la Constitución Española de 1978. Demostrar que la arrogancia de los dirigentes socialistas, consecuencia de las sucesivas victorias electorales por mayoría absoluta, produjo la aplicación del rodillo en sus relaciones con los grupos de oposición y agentes sociales, y fue una de las causas de la actitud beligerante de la Prensa frente al poder. Metodología La metodología responde al denominado análisis de contenido de piezas informativas o de opinión publicadas en prensa, que en su conjunto dan origen a un diagnóstico. Una muestra obtenida de forma aleatoria pero significativa, ordenada por temas (o conflictos en el caso del estudio), que dan cuenta de los hechos y de las opiniones expresadas por agentes sociales, líderes de opinión, o protagonistas de los hechos. La metodología, pues, se basa fundamentalmente en el vaciado de documentos de diversas fuentes, (con bibliografía específica relevante y estudios académicos) pero en especial del seguimiento de los principales diarios editados en Madrid durante la etapa objeto de estudio: ABC, Diario16 y El País. Tiene una especial relevancia en este trabajo el editorial, género de opinión con el que los diarios expresan su parecer sobre los acontecimientos que interesan a la opinión pública y que la nutren. Otro género de especial interés lo constituye el columnismo, pieza de opinión de firmas destacadas e influyentes. Conclusiones La Prensa, tras la censura informativa de la Dictadura franquista, tuvo plena conciencia del papel que le correspondía jugar en la democracia: defensa -sin complejos, censura ni autocensura-, de la libertad de expresión. La etapa de los sucesivos Gobiernos socialistas (1982-1993) constituye un apropiado banco de pruebas de las relaciones Prensa-Poder, que permite obtener un paradigma de las tensiones que no deben producirse en un sistema democrático. Las pretensiones de control político de la información tuvieron su justificación, fundamentalmente, en el intento de evitar que la crítica de los medios incidiera negativamente en el apoyo electoral. El Gobierno socialista promovió controles normativos contra la Prensa y leyes mordaza, tales como la reforma del Código Penal en el que se contemplaban penas de inhabilitación de los profesionales, y pretendió la creación de un grupo de prensa afín, por medio de la adjudicación de cabeceras de la cadena de Prensa del Movimiento. No fue solo la Prensa, sino "en la Prensa", donde se produjo el debate sobre la gestión del Gobierno socialista, en la que confluyeron opiniones y críticas de autores de las más diversas procedencias políticas, sociales y académicas. Doctoral Dissertation Summary: Objectives, Methodology and Conclusions Title: "Conflicts between the press and authorities under Socialist rule in Spain, 1982-1993" Doctoral Candidate: D. Felipe Hernández Lorca Department: E053 Information and Documentation Programme: 05302 Techniques and methods in information and documentation Objectives Define the role of the Press in a democracy as well as the legitimacy of the media in exercising control over the actions of the Government and other institutions. Describe the conflicts at both the personal and institutional level between the Press and certain members of the Felipe González administration in addition to other top officials in the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) during four consecutive terms in power (1982-1993). Define and detail the concept of counter-power with respect to the press and its limits, including the functions of journalism, its social value and the freedom of expression as one of the highest values enshrined in the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Demonstrate that the arrogance of the Socialist leaders, resulting from having won successive elections by absolute majority, led to a steamroller approach in relations with opposition groups and social partners and was indeed one of the causes of the belligerent attitude of the Press towards authorities. Methodology The methodology applied is in line with the content analysis approach to bits of information or opinion published in the press, which together give rise to a conclusion. The sample of information used has been obtained in a random yet significant manner and then sorted by themes (or conflicts in the case of this study) that account for the facts and opinions expressed by various social partners, opinion leaders or those directly involved in the events. The methodology is therefore based on extracting all pertinent information from documents from various sources (using a specific and relevant bibliography and academic studies) with a particular focus on the main newspapers published in Madrid during the period under study: ABC, Diario16 and El País. Editorials are particularly relevant in this study, for in this section newspapers express their views on the events that are of interest to and also feed public opinion. Columns, opinion pieces penned by prominent and influential figures, are also of special interest here. Conclusions Following the censorship of the news media that occurred during the Franco Dictatorship, the Press was acutely aware of the role it needed to play in the young Spanish democracy: unabashed defence, without censorship or self-censorship, of the freedom of expression. The phase of successive Socialist governments (1982-1993) provides an adequate testing ground for Press-Power relations and ultimately gives us a perfect example of the tensions that should not occur in a democratic system. The drive to politically control information was mainly justified as an attempt to prevent media criticism from negatively affecting electoral support. The Socialist government promoted regulatory control of the Press and gag laws, such as reforms to the Penal Code to include penalties of professional disqualification. Furthermore, the government tried to create a group of favourable media by awarding top positions within the "Prensa del Movimiento" . It was not only the Press, but also "within the Press", where the debate on the Socialist government's leadership arose and in which the opinions and criticisms of authors of highly diverse political, social and academic backgrounds converged.
This thesis addresses and compares works of three artists; namely, Tseng Kwong Chi's East Meets West series, Nikki S. Lee's Projects series, and Ming Wong's After Chinatown. Having relocated from places in Asia, specifically Hong Kong, Korea, and Singapore, to countries in Europe and North America, the three artists all have chosen the medium of identity performance to consider issues surrounding the migration of subjectivities across borders. Despite sensing interrelatedness between physical migration and identity performance, this thesis does not intend to make overarching statements that connect the artists' personal backgrounds, oeuvres, and identity-performing practices. Rather, it grounds itself in the selected artworks, their critical reception, and relevant contextual information. In doing so, it attends to the potentiality of identity performance in responding to migration-related matters, such as migration as a historically traumatic and metaphorical concept to Asians in the United States, as well as the problematic post-migratory adoption of local social codes. There are three chapters in this thesis, each comprised of a comparison between the work of two artists to consider topics within the thesis. The first chapter contests the applicability of Jose Esteban Muñoz's theory of disidentification in interpreting the work of Tseng and Wong and, as supplementation, introduces the figure of the Asian migrant. The second chapter, which focuses on the work of Lee and Wong, discusses the possibility of expressing identitarian freedom via incorporating socially marginalized yet commoditized everyday symbols. The third chapter identifies commonality between the selected artworks of Tseng and Lee in terms of their expressions of passing into foreign stereotypes; it pits that commonality against the divergent critical receptions of the artists' works in order to comment on the evaluative criteria in the face of artworks that traverse national boundaries. The critical reception of the selected artworks has been placed at the center of the thesis, since it is not mere mediation of the experience of viewing but a crucial aspect to inspect when examining the artworks. Writings and interviews concerning the artworks exist in a dialectical relationship with the artworks. In many ways, they have inspired this thesis to address the artworks in certain ways, yet they are to be distinguished from the artworks because of their underlying differential ethics and ideologies. The reception is predominantly from the United States due to the ostensibly American subject matters of the artworks. As the artworks are considered only in relation to (vis-à-vis in tandem with) the reception in this thesis, the artworks can be then examined with a lens that attends to complexities outside the national frame of reference. In this way among others, the thesis attests to the border-defying interests of the artworks.
This guide accompanies the following article: Christine V. Wood, 'The Sociologies of Knowledge, Science, and Intellectuals: Distinctive Traditions and Overlapping Perspectives', Sociology Compass 4/10 (2010): 909–923, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2010.00328.x.It offers a list of texts that one could use in developing a course in the sociology of scientific knowledge, in the sociology of knowledge in general, or in a more specialized course on the field of scholarly production, experts and intellectuals, and the social organization of the academic profession and research sciences.Author's introductionFew review and teaching materials exist that collect the diverse research exploring the social and institutional context in which scholarly and scientific ideas are generated, legitimated, and diffused. By zeroing in on the social 'field' or 'arena' of scholarly production, which may include the sciences, humanities, and social sciences, sociologists are better able to delineate the distinct analytic traditions that have emerged in studying various orderings of certified knowledge – whether philosophical, humanistic, social scientific, or scientific – and their producers. Despite obvious overlaps, the sociologies of knowledge, science, and intellectuals owe their origins as sociological sub‐fields to distinctive theoretical and even methodological traditions. Considering intellectuals and experts as social groups working in specific social contexts, institutions, and making different kinds of claims to knowledge is different from studying the gestation of ideas and their content, whether these ideas are values, beliefs, assumptions, or scientific and academic theories. Within the sociology of knowledge, studies of the production of academic knowledge is a separate body of literature from studies of social cognition, collective memory, or the internalization of norms and values, and so some distinctions are necessary. In some sense, the sociology of knowledge as a grand project that could subsume the study of scientific knowledge and the study of intellectuals as a social class or group and of the academic professions. But many scholars draw boundaries between the sociologies of knowledge and science, owing to the empirical distinctions between an area of inquiry that subsumes the study of broad orderings of knowledge and a field that focuses on the distinct status and situation of natural and hard science in modern life – its content, institutional contexts, organization, normative structures, political conflicts, and applications. Depending on their research interests, scholars have drawn boundaries within the sub‐fields of science studies, for instance by delineating between the 'political' sociology of science and the 'historical' sociology of science, or by focusing on the interactions between political and social movements and science and academia. Depending on the interests of the professor and the degree of specialization of a course, this guide offers a list of texts that one could use in developing a course in the sociology of scientific knowledge, in the sociology of knowledge in general, or in a more specialized course on the field of scholarly production, experts and intellectuals, and the social organization of the academic profession and research sciences.Author recommendsFollowing a chronology of sociological work on knowledge, science, and intellectuals, from the classical, 19th‐Century theory of Karl Marx and Max Weber through the early and mid‐20th‐Century is to trace a neat trajectory of sociological theory in its various incarnations – foundational, functionalist, structural, institutional, political, historical, and cultural. Many classical essays in the sociology of knowledge and science are dispersed among larger texts devoted to the essays of key sociological thinkers. Within the sociology of knowledge or science, numerous volumes exist that detail foundational and specialized approaches in the field.For a primer in the modern sociologist's treatment of science as a social institution, an excellent collection is Robert Merton's The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, a compendium of essays from the thinker on science in modern societies, with attention paid to scientific institutions as they developed from the 17th‐Century through the 20th‐Centuries. What is most remarkable about Merton's collection of essays is that it sets the framework for many core themes that would later be elaborated by sociologists on questions of science, including the relationship of science to other institutions and conflicts among scientists over the prioritization of some programs of research and discovery over others. In a thesis that explored the 'interdependence' of science and other institutional spheres in seventeenth century England, where modern science was just beginning, Merton explored the 'interdependence' of science and other institutional spheres, occupational, religious, economic, and militaristic. Aside from this essentially 'macro' view of science, Merton also wrote on the 'Normative Structures of Science', where he discussed a conflict between the governing ethos of science and the attitudes of others across institutional and social spheres. He wrote that a tenet in science is that all scientists should in their research ignore all considerations other than the advance of knowledge, the justification being that consideration of the practical or social uses of the knowledge increases the possibility for bias and error. Merton claimed that this attitude had furnished a basis of revolt against science – once the applications of the science are discovered, those authorities or groups who disapprove of that application will turn their antipathy toward the science itself. Finally, in an essay on 'Priorities in Scientific Discovery', Merton laid the groundwork for the 'functionalist' perspective of science. He argued that science operates with governing norms of priority and originality, which places pressure on scientists to assert their claims as original. When science as an institution is working efficiently, those who have best fulfilled their roles as scientists will have made genuinely original contributions to the common stock of knowledge, and are afforded rightful esteem and recognition. The focus on the judgment of originality and credibility in science has sparked a wave of new scholarship, which I outline in the course syllabus and essay.Given the status of 'science and technology studies' as an ever expanding interdisciplinary field, several recent volumes collect contemporary essays in the social studies of science. A notable volume that contains diverse theoretical and methodological writings in the social studies of science is the Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, edited by Edward J. Hackett, Olga Amsterdamska, Michael Lynch, and Judy Wajcman (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007). Emphases on the political dimensions of scientific knowledge production are currently receiving a great deal of attention, with diverse research exploring the politics of nuclear proliferation, environmental justice movements, and the politics of gender and sexual difference in scientific and medical research. The New Political Sociology of Science: Institutions, Networks, and Power, edited by Scott Frickel and Kelly Moore, provides a good introduction (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006). Other edited volumes are useful as introductory texts to core essays and readings in the sociology of knowledge. A nice volume that contains overlapping research in the sociologies of knowledge and science is Society & Knowledge: Contemporary Perspectives in the Sociology of Knowledge & Science, edited by Volker Meja and Nico Stehr (Transaction Publishers, 2005).Sample syllabusSince the sociologies of knowledge and science are such broad areas of research, the sample syllabus takes into account analysis of knowledge production in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities as well as the study of intellectuals as a group. For those that find the focus broad, recommended readings allow those with more interest in science and technology studies or in the study of expert communities to zero‐in on specific bodies of literature. This course could be framed broadly as a course on the social contexts of knowledge production – science, knowledge, and modern research and academic vocations. A basic goal of the class is to encourage students to think more reflexively about science and about their own work as social scientists, while also to promote ongoing research on the ever changing social contexts of the academic professions and knowledge production in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities.This 10 week outline introduces theoretical texts and some exemplary case studies.Week 1: Introduction:This session is an introduction to the sociological study of knowledge production, science, and intellectuals as a group. The class should discuss short pieces as foundational texts, which may include Gramsci's essay writing on intellectuals in Selections from the Prison Notebooks (New York: International Publishers, 1971); excerpts from Karl Mannheim's Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1985), particularly those portions that deal with the social function of the intellectual and the 'classless intellectual'; Max Weber's essay 'Science as a Vocation' (Pp. 129–156 in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, edited by H. Gerth and C. W. Mills, New York: Oxford University Press, 1958); and some more contemporary piece, perhaps Merton's essay 'Paradigm for the Sociology of Knowledge', a clarifying, comprehensive essay on the myriad topics that could be subsumed under the sociology of knowledge (in The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973). Given the breadth of Merton's essay, which does not deal exclusively with scholarly and scientific knowledge, class discussion should devote attention to the distinctions among approaches that deal with intellectuals as a group, the social contexts of science, and the content of ideas.Week 2: Classical foundations:The second week should involve a more detailed emphasis on theoretical foundations in the sociology of knowledge and science. Though Weber's essay on 'Science as a Vocation' has been introduced in the first week, the discussion should center more intensely on how the classical scholars handled questions about knowledge and intellectuals. Using Merton's essay to frame the classical theorists' take on science and knowledge, a comparison of the perspectives of Marx and Weber on knowledge and intellectuals should make for a lively discussion. Excerpts from Marx's The German Ideology provide a good introduction to Marx's views on the way the content of ideas are linked to material life. In Marx's critique of the writings in political economy of his day, he argues that the content, form, and method of the writing on utilitarianism from the prominent bourgeois thinkers of the day were linked to concrete social and economic developments in Europe. To contrast Marx's take that the content of political and economic writing reflected social and economic developments, Weber provides a more nuanced analysis of how the class interests of intellectuals influences the content of their ideas in his writing on how certain types of intellectuals influenced the ideological and ethical doctrines of major world religions, by advocating ideas that conformed to but were not directly influenced by their occupational class interests. Important to this discussion is to compare and contrast Marx and Weber and the extent to which each sees social class as shaping ideas.Weeks 3–4: Social structure, function, and institutions:The next several sessions deal with the various approaches to science and technology, knowledge, and intellectuals to emerge in the middle of the 20th‐Century. The first set of discussions should be on social structure and function – essentially, in discussion how sociologists' have understood the influence of social structure on knowledge production and how scholars have theorized on the function or 'role' of scientists and intellectuals in the promotion of the social order. Again, Robert Merton provides a touchstone example of a 'functionalist' perspective on science, and a good example is his essay on 'Priorities of Scientific Discovery' (The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973). An exemplary text and enjoyable read is Florian Znaniecki's Social Role of the Man of Knowledge (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, [1940] 1986). C. Wright Mills's Sociology and Pragmatism: The Higher Learning in America is an exemplary and oft‐overlooked text on the growth of pragmatism and modern American sociology, a model of research design and a prescient analysis of how occupational and economic conditions, the changing demographic of the American university, and the content and function of elective curricula influenced the development of new areas of research in philosophy and the growth of modern sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969). This text could also be used to discuss the importance of institutional conditions in shaping academic disciplines and knowledge production. Key texts on the importance of institutions as portals and venues of intellectual activity and the social importance of scientists and intellectuals as institutional and bureaucratic actors include Lewis Coser's Men of Ideas: A Sociologist's View (New York: Free Press, 1965) and Edward Shils's (1972) collection of essays, The Intellectuals and the Powers, and Other Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).Weeks 5–6: Politics and reflexivity:Alvin W. Gouldner's The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology is a good introduction to a reflexive approach to knowledge production in the social sciences (New York: Avon, 1970). Gouldner analyzed the 'presuppositions' of two generations of social theorists, comparing the early 20th‐Century sociological preoccupations with social order with the more conflict‐laden approaches of the New Left generation. The book makes a rather convincing case about how scholars' relations to resources and politics form the subtext of social theory. Other examples of the 'politics' of knowledge production and the social situation of the observer or abound, particularly in feminist theory, beginning with Dorothy Smith's now‐dated essay 'Women's Perspective as a Radical Critique of Sociology' (Pp. 21–34 in The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader: Intellectual and Political Controversies, edited by S. Harding, New York: Routledge, 2004). A good way to trace the intellectual trajectory of feminist critiques of science and knowledge is by assigning selections from The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader. These texts will provide something of an antidote or contrast to the social structural or 'functional' perspectives. Also fitting for these discussion are a couple of texts that revived the analyses of the influence of intellectuals' social class position on the content of ideas. Erik Olin Wright (1978) focused on intellectuals in late capitalism and György Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi (1979) analyzed the social position of intellectuals under Eastern European state socialism, in both cases melding political sociology with the sociology of knowledge. Discussions of the texts featured in these 2 weeks should provoke students to discuss whether the main imperative of the sociology of knowledge – the analysis of the social and material, or at least contextual, backdrop to knowledge claims – is in itself reflexive.Weeks 7–8: Fields, new institutional analysis, social movements, and networks:Among the most popular recent approaches in the sociology of knowledge are field analysis, network analysis, and new institutional approaches. Each of these could be said to be in some sense 'macro' as the focus is on how broader contexts and relationships influence the content and flow of ideas. Bourdieu's Homo Academicus is a study of the relationships of status among French university professors and includes rigorous analyses of scholars' career and family backgrounds as well as the relationships of academic disciplines to authorities in the university and the state (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988). Examples of how institutional conditions shape the development, structure, and composition of academic disciplines and departments have emerged in recent years, the most notable examples being Charles Camic's essay (published in 1995 in Social Research) on how local institutional conditions and interdisciplinary interaction influenced the development of distinct analytic traditions in three early sociology departments and Mario Small's essay (published in 1999 in Theory and Society) on how local institutional factors influenced differences in the content and structure of new African‐American studies programs. Excellent examples of the influence that social movements and collective action have on the formation of new academic disciplines include Fabio Rojas's From Black Power to Black Studies: How a Radical Social Movement Became an Academic Discipline (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007) and Scott Frickel's Chemical Consequences: Environmental Mutagens, Scientist Activism, and the Rise of Genetic Toxicology (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004). Finally, Randall Collins's mammoth The Sociology of Philosophies: A Global Theory of Intellectual Change outlines a vast network analysis of philosophical production across historical periods (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000). The book is big, and an idea is to have students read the theoretical sections that explain the logic of a network analysis of philosophical production, and then to have students select individual chapters to read and present to the class.Week 9: Culture and micro‐sociological analysis:With the rise in importance of the sociology of culture in recent years, interested scholars have applied some of the research techniques developed in culture studies to analyze knowledge production. An exemplary study in this area is Karin Knorr‐Cetina's Epistemic Culture: How the Sciences Make Knowledge, which is a micro‐sociological account of how scientists in high‐energy particle physics and molecular biology labs conduct their research (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999). If students are interested in the contexts of scientific knowledge production and laboratory life, students might compare Knorr‐Cetina's analysis with earlier studies of the interactions of actors and artifacts in science labs, beginning with the work of Bruno Latour, perhaps starting with Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987).Week 10: Using approaches in the sociology of science to analyze other kinds of knowledge production:At the 'cutting edge' of research in the sociology of knowledge are attempts by scholars to adapt, or utilize, the theories and methods developed in science studies to analyze knowledge production in the social sciences and humanities. A good essay that draws on the work of Knorr‐Cetina is Gregoire Mallard's 'Interpreters of the Literary Canon and their Technical Instruments: The Case of Balzac Criticism', published in the American Sociological Review in 2005. A more recent example examines how social science and humanities professors evaluate knowledge, borrowing from research in the social studies of science on consensus, evaluation, and credibility: Michele Lamont's How Professors Think: Inside the Curious World of Academic Judgment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009). Students should assess how convincingly a research area that originated in social studies of science, like studies of how knowledge is prioritized and judged as 'original' or the use of technical instruments in the humanities, applies to knowledge contexts outside of the hard sciences.Focus questions
In what ways can the methods and theories of the sociology of science be adapted to analyze knowledge production in other areas, including the humanities and the social sciences? What sorts of processes and knowledge claims are specific to science? What makes an analysis reflexive? Is analyzing the material or institutional conditions that shape ideas or scientific production inherently critical or reflexive? Among the more recently popularized theoretical and methodological approaches to intellectual life, like Bourdieu's 'field' analysis of the French university and Collins's network analysis of philosophy, which is likely to be most transposable across diverse scientific and academic settings?
The efficient and equitable use of urban road space considered as a public good and a scarce resource, leads to giving priority to sustainable transport modes (walking, cycling and public transport). Private vehicle sees its space reduced due to its negative externalities (space consumption, in addition to pollution, noise, accidents, barrier effect, etc.). This trend is international and has been applied progressively since the last decades (with the time lag and graduation conditioned by the prevailing type of local urban planning). It still does not have a methodological formulation that brings the scientific support: decisions are made on the political ground or based on "road/street supply models", which do not always have technical background. This thesis develops the conceptual and methodological bases of an alternative mobility management instrument called " Road Space Retribution Charge by Congestion Costs". We obtain the quantity (supply) of urban road space currently used by the private vehicle that must be transferred to sustainable transport modes using principles of transportation microeconomics. In a similar way but a century ago, Pigou formulated a tax to internalize the traffic congestion externalities. The restriction of space to vehicular traffic entails increases in travel times for the private vehicle, but even so it can favor the global mobility of the city: alternative modes enjoy more space for exclusive use and increase their commercial speed and their modal share, while the remaining traffic can be reassigned in the network more efficiently. The social welfare improves and the disincentive in the use of the private vehicle is similar to the Pigouvian tax. The methodological development is applied to the historic center of Santiago de Cali (Colombia), resulting in that a hybrid scheme of "Reallocation of the Use of Road Space" and "Traffic Management and Control" is the most appropriate for the internalization of externalities due to congestion. The results of the practical application suggest that the social benefits of the desirable scenario with respect to the baseline scenario include a 26% reduction in polluting emissions and an increase of 52 percentage points in the participation of sustainable transport modes in the use of urban road space. The research carried out finds general application in cities or parts of them that intend to humanize and recover part of the space currently occupied by the wheeled traffic of private vehicles. It can also be used to decide to implement urban projects such as " super-blocks" (restriction of access and through traffic in few contiguous blocks) or in embodiments of " tactical urbanism" such as the new post-pandemic Covid19 " normality". Future research should link the methodology developed here with the " Macroscopic Fundamental Diagram" of urban traffic (relationship between traffic flow and density at the zone level), it could include other positive environmental and social effects, improvements in the simulation model, and a systemization for the generation of " packages" of street sections and their continuity at the zone / neighborhood level. ; El uso eficiente y equitativo del espacio viario urbano considerado como un bien público y un recurso escaso conlleva a otorgar prioridad a los modos de transporte sostenible (caminar, bicicleta y transporte público) en detrimento del vehículo particular por sus externalidades negativas (consumo de espacio, además de contaminación, ruido, accidentes, efecto barrera, etc.). Esta tendencia es internacional y se aplica progresivamente desde los últimos decenios (con el decalaje temporal y graduación condicionados por el tipo de urbanismo local imperante), pero aún no cuenta con una formulación metodológica que le dé soporte científico: las decisiones se toman en el terreno político o basadas en "modelos de oferta vial", que no siempre gozan de un respaldo técnico. Esta tesis desarrolla las bases conceptuales y metodológicas de un instrumento alternativo de gestión de la movilidad denominado "Retribución de Espacio Viario según Costes Sociales de Congestión". A partir de los principios de la microeconomía aplicada al transporte, se obtiene la cantidad (oferta) de espacio viario urbano actualmente usado por el vehículo privado que debe ser transferido a los modos de transporte sostenible, de forma similar a la tarifa o tasa internalizadora de externalidades de congestión formulada por Pigou hace un siglo. La restricción del espacio al tránsito vehicular conlleva aumentos de los tiempos de viaje para el vehículo particular, pero aun así puede favorecer la movilidad global de la ciudad: los modos alternativos gozan de más espacio de uso exclusivo y aumentan su velocidad comercial y su cuota de participación, mientras que el tránsito remanente puede reasignarse en la red de forma más eficiente. El bienestar social mejora y el desincentivo en el uso del vehículo particular es similar a la tarifa. El desarrollo metodológico se aplica al centro histórico de Santiago de Cali (Colombia), resultando que un esquema híbrido de "Redistribución del Uso del Espacio Viario" y "Gestión y Control del Tráfico" es el más adecuado para la internalización de externalidades por congestión. Los resultados de la aplicación práctica sugieren que los beneficios sociales del escenario deseable con respecto al escenario base, incluyen una reducción del 26% en las emisiones contaminantes y un incremento de 52 puntos porcentuales en la participación de los modos de transporte sostenible en el uso del espacio viario urbano. La investigación desarrollada es de aplicación general a ciudades o parte de ellas que pretendan humanizar y recuperar parte del espacio hoy en día ocupado por el tránsito rodado de vehículos particulares. También puede usarse para decidir implantar proyectos urbanos como las "súper-manzanas" (restricción del acceso y tránsito de paso en unidades de pocas manzanas contiguas) o en plasmaciones de "urbanismo táctico" como la nueva normalidad post-pandemia de la Covid19. La investigación futura debería enlazar la metodología aquí desarrollada con el "Diagrama Fundamental Macroscópico" del tránsito urbano (relación entre flujo y densidad vehicular a nivel de zona), podría incluir otros efectos positivos ambientales y sociales, mejoras en el modelo de simulación y una sistematización para la generación de "paquetes" de secciones de calles y su continuidad a nivel de zona/barrio. ; Postprint (published version)
Under embargo until: 18.06.2021 ; This study examines comprehensive school reforms in Norway and the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) in the period from around 1954 to 1979 from a comparative-historical perspective. In both cases, great educational expansions took place during this period. However, in Norway, the expansion was connected to a prolongation of comprehensive schooling from seven to nine years and to the abolition of grading in lower secondary schooling, while in Germany multi-tiered parallel schooling from grade five persisted despite attempts at reform. The study examines potential reasons for this difference in historical outcomes. In doing so, it sheds light not only on the dynamics of school politics, but also contributes to the general understanding of the different cleavage structures and balances of power of the two societies. The results and arguments of the study can be summarized in three steps. Firstly, it places the post-war reforms of primary and lower secondary schooling in the context of the long-term institutional development of the two countries' school systems. It explores the history of comprehensive and other structural reforms, as well as the history of school political debates about state-church conflicts, centralization, language or women's access to education. It is shown that the Norwegian trend towards comprehensivization dates back well into the 19th century, as does the German trend towards hierarchical differentiation of school types. This indicates that feedback effects of previous reforms play a role in both cases. At the same time, there are also great similarities between the two cases. In both Norway and Prussia/Rhineland-Westphalia, recurring debates led to reform phases of educational expansion, during which liberal and later social democratic reformers propagated comprehensive schooling, while many conservatives – especially in Germany, and less militantly also in Norway – opposed it. The post-war reform phase shaped the school system significantly in both cases and left important legacies, so it can be considered a particularly relevant critical juncture. Furthermore, in the second half of the 1970s there was a political trend reversal in both cases, forcing social democratic governments to relinquish their most far-reaching reform ideas. Despite a certain amount of path dependence, the development was open to the extent that more similar school political compromises could have come about if actors had made different choices. Secondly, the thesis offers a detailed, comparative analysis of the material power resources and of the ideology and degree of ideological unity of the protagonists, consenters and antagonists of comprehensive school reforms. It is shown that the distribution of material power resources is relevant, for example in the sense that reform protagonists in Norway were somewhat stronger with regard to their membership numbers, election results and organizational unity. However, it also becomes clear that material power resources and interests are not the whole story. Ideology must be considered as an important additional factor. The analysis shows that actors were divided ideologically along a left/right-axis in both cases, indicating that conflicts over comprehensive schooling are an expression of the class cleavage. There are similarities between the ideologies of the major collective actors; for example, the main argument of reform protagonists was in both cases their quest for social equality and justice, while reform antagonists valued academic standards, selection based on competitive achievement and parental rights. At the same time, the arguments, which became hegemonic in the two cases, differ greatly. In Norway, the idea that parallel schooling, tracking and ability grouping contribute to an unacceptable reproduction of inequality became hegemonic. Teaching all students in the same classes, independent of their background and abilities, was also justified with the need to create a spirit of cooperation and to foster joy in learning. Even some representatives of the Norwegian Conservative Party consented to this kind of thinking and the party remained split over school politics, at least until the 1970s. In Germany, on the other hand, the hegemonic ideological argument was that learning is facilitated by supposedly homogenous ability groups and that students should therefore be divided into school types which are in accordance with their biological endowments. In particular, the legitimacy of the Gymnasium as the school type of high-achievers and future elites remained high. Several leading social democrats in NRW were influenced by this thinking and did not support comprehensive school reforms wholeheartedly, so the German Social Democratic Party was split on the issue. Finally, the thesis emphasizes the importance of the unequal cleavage structures of Norway and NRW/Germany for the different cross-class coalitions, which came about in school politics. It spells out how the rural-urban cleavage, the center-periphery cleavage, the statechurch cleavage, the communist-socialist cleavage and the gender cleavage came to expression in school political debates in the two cases and how these affected the outcomes of attempts at comprehensive school reform. In the Norwegian case, the rural-urban and centerperiphery cleavages manifested themselves in emotional debates about centralization, Christian education and language. The state-church cleavage also played a role in debates about Christian private schooling and about the Christian preamble of the school law. The gender cleavage came to expression for example in debates about coeducation and equal curricula for boys and girls. Overall, the Labor Party mostly succeeded in handling these cleavages in a way which at least did not sabotage and sometimes even strengthened its comprehensive school reforms. In particular, it formed an alliance with the rural population, with the primary school teachers and with the women's movement. However, potential alliances between the political center and the Conservative Party were weakened by disagreements over these issues. In the case of NRW, on the other hand, the state-church cleavage was a major obstacle for the social democrats and their liberal allies. The Catholic rural population was integrated in a broad cross-class coalition under the umbrella of the Christian Democratic Union, for example over issues such as denominational schooling, Catholic private schooling and the centralization of "dwarf schools" so a potential reform alliance with the social democrats was out of the question. The state-church cleavage also split the teachers' organizations and the women's movement. Primary and lower secondary school teachers were split into social democratic and Christian currents, which made it easier for Gymnasium teachers to dominate politically. Catholic women's and teachers' organizations played an important role in Catholic private schooling for girls and stood in opposition to liberal and leftwing parts of the women's movement with regard to topics such as coeducation, equal curricula for the sexes and comprehensive schooling. The gender cleavage therefore did not weaken the internal unity of the Christian democrats and their allies. Finally, the communist-socialist cleavage played an important role in NRW. Antagonists employed anti-communist arguments against comprehensive schooling regularly. The prevalence of anti-communism deepened the internal splits of the social democrats and the teachers' organizations and thus weakened them considerably.
-Exchange Rate Dynamics under Financial Market FrictionsThis paper extends Dornbusch's overshooting model by proposing "generalized interest parity condition", which assumes sluggish adjustment on the asset market. The exchange rate model under the generalized interest parity condition is able to reproduce the delayed overshooting of nominal exchange rates and the hump-shaped response to monetary shocks of both nominal and real exchange rates.-Electoral Cycle of Exchange Rate in KoreaThis paper empirically investigates the real exchange rate behavior around elections in Korea. We find that the real exchange rate depreciates more before the elections but there is no clear pattern found after the elections. Interestingly, this result is the opposite of the electoral cycle found in Latin American countries. To explain this results we should consider the difference between economic backgrounds of Korea and Latin American countries.-Exchange Rate Regime, Capital Market Openness and Monetary Policy; The Trilemma in KoreaThis paper tests the trilemma proposition by performing an empirical study of Korea. Korea has distinct periods of all combinations of exchange rate regime and capital market openness in trilemma: pegged exchange rate regime under capital controls, pegged exchange rate regime under free capital mobility, and floating exchange rate regime under free capital mobility. We check whether monetary autonomy exists in each of the three different combinations. We find that monetary autonomy existed over the periods with capital controls and the periods with floating exchange rate regime. For the periods with the pegged exchange rate regime and free capital mobility, monetary autonomy was limited. In addition, we identify that just before the financial crisis the government pursued autonomic monetary policy under pegged exchange rate regime and free capital mobility, thereby defying the trilemma. ; -Les dynamiques du taux de change en présence de frictions sur les marchés financiers.Cette analyse est une extension du modéle du surajustement « Overshooting » de Dornbusch. Il s'éloigne du modéle de base en faisant l'hypothèse que les marchés financiers ne s'ajustent pas instantanément, « generalised interest parity condition ». Le modele de taux de change sous cette hypothèse, reproduit le surajustement retarde du taux de change nominal. Notre modele arrive aussi a capturer la variation en forme de bosse du taux de change reel et suite a un choc monetaire.-Électorale Cycle de taux de change en CoréeCe papier analyse empiriquement les variations du taux de change reel en Coree du Sud, a l'approche des elections et un peu apres de celles-ci. Nous remarquons que le taux de change baisse juste avant les election mais nous n'avons pu deceler de tendance nette apres. Ce resultat est a l'oppose de celui trouve lors de l'étude des cycles électorales en Amérique latine. Nous expliquons cette divergence par des différences dans la structure économique entre la Corée du Sud et les pays d'Amerique latine-Le régime de change, l'ouverture des marchés de la capitale et de la politique monétaire; Le trilemme en CoréeCet article teste la proposition trilemme en effectuant une étude empirique de Corée. La Corée possède périodes distinctes de toutes les combinaisons de régime de taux de change et l'ouverture du marché des capitaux dans le trilemme: rattaché au régime de taux de change sous le contrôle des capitaux, rattaché au régime de taux de change sous libre circulation des capitaux et des taux de change flottant régime en vertu libre circulation des capitaux. Nous vérifions si l'autonomie monétaire existe dans chacune des trois combinaisons différentes. Nous constatons que l'autonomie monétaire existé au cours des périodes où les contrôles de capitaux et les périodes de régime de taux de change flottant. Pour les périodes avec le régime de parité fixe et libre circulation des capitaux, l'autonomie monétaire a été limitée. En outre, nous identifions que, juste avant la crise financière, le gouvernement a poursuivi la politique monétaire autonome sous le régime de taux de change arrimé et libre circulation des capitaux, défiant ainsi le trilemme.
Como alternativa al modelo hegemónico en la región, Cuba aboga por mantener una sociedad inclusiva y justa con la mejor calidad de vida posible para todos, en un difícil contexto político. El artículo pretende una reflexión crítica sobre aportes y limitaciones en realizaciones teóricas y prácticas de la última década, resultado del trabajo continuado de un grupo de investigación que articula ciencia, formación y extensión como respuesta a problemas, objetivos y proyectos, en la construcción de un cuerpo teórico que sirve de base metodológica a la evaluación y propuesta de soluciones innovadoras. Partiendo del marco teórico y los antecedentes desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX, se presentan y discuten algunas experiencias y retos futuros. Se destacan las fortalezas del modelo cubano como el sentido de comunidad, solidaridad, organización social, resiliencia, iniciativa, creatividad, desarrollo humano, capital científico, y la presencia de un Estado que vela por la justicia y equidad. Los retos fundamentales se refieren a la urgente aprobación de la política y la ley que guíe el desarrollo del hábitat urbano bajo la gestión integrada de una institución única, un mejor aprovechamiento del capital científico técnico en ese campo y evitar la estratificación de la ciudad. Partiendo del marco teórico y los antecedentes desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX, se presentan y discuten algunas experiencias y retos futuros. Se destacan las fortalezas del modelo cubano como el sentido de comunidad, solidaridad, organización social, resiliencia, iniciativa, creatividad, desarrollo humano, capital científico, y la presencia un estado que vela por la justicia y equidad. Los retos fundamentales se refieren a la urgente aprobación de la política y la ley que guíe el desarrollo del hábitat urbano bajo la gestión integrada de una institución única, un mejor aprovechamiento del capital científico técnico en ese campo y evitar la estratificación de la ciudad. ; Como alternativa ao modelo hegemônico na região, Cuba defende a manutenção de uma sociedade inclusiva e justa com a melhor qualidade de vida possível para todos, em um contexto político difícil. O artigo busca uma reflexão crítica sobre as contribuições e limitações das conquistas teóricas e práticas da última década, fruto do trabalho contínuo de um grupo de pesquisa que articula ciência, formação e extensão como resposta a problemas, objectivos e projectos, na construção de um corpo teórico que serve de base metodológica para a avaliação e proposta de soluções inovadoras. Partindo do referencial teórico e dos antecedentes da segunda metade do século XX, experiências e desafios futuros são apresentados e discutidos. Destacam-se os pontos fortes do modelo cubano, como sentido de comunidade, solidariedade, organização social, resiliência, iniciativa, criatividade, desenvolvimento humano, capital científico e a presença de um Estado que zela pela justiça e equidade. Os desafios fundamentais referem-se à aprovação urgente da política e da Lei que orienta o desenvolvimento do habitat urbano sob a gestão integrada de uma única instituição, um melhor aproveitamento do capital técnico-científico nesta área e evitando a estratificação da cidade. Partindo do referencial teórico e dos antecedentes da segunda metade do século XX, experiências e desafios futuros são apresentados e discutidos. Destacam-se os pontos fortes do modelo cubano, como sentido de comunidade, solidariedade, organização social, resiliência, iniciativa, criatividade, desenvolvimento humano, capital científico e a presença de um Estado que zela pela justiça e equidade. Os desafios fundamentais referem-se à aprovação urgente da política e da Lei que orienta o desenvolvimento do habitat urbano sob a gestão integrada de uma única instituição, um melhor aproveitamento do capital técnico-científico nesta área e evitando a estratificação da cidade. ; As an alternative to the hegemonic model in the region, Cuba advocates maintaining and inclusive and just society with the best possible quality of life for all, in a difficult political context. The article seeks a critical reflection on contributions and limitations in the theoretical and practical achievements of the last decade, as a result of the continuous work of a research group that articulates science, training and extension in response to problems, objectives and projects, in the construction of a theoretical body that serves as a methodological basis for the evaluation and proposal of innovative solutions. Starting from the theoretical framework and the antecedents from the second half of the 20th century, some experiences and future challenges are presented and discussed. The strengths of the Cuban model stand out, such as the sense of community, solidarity, social organization, resilience, initiative, creativity, human development, scientific capital, and the presence of a state that watches over justice and equity. The fundamental challenges refer to the urgent approval of the policy and the law that guides the development of the urban habitat under the integrated management of a single institution, a better use of technical scientific capital in this field and avoiding the stratification of the city. Starting from the theoretical framework and the background since the second half of the XX Century, experiences and future challenges are presented and discussed. Some strengths of the Cuban model are remarked, like the sense of community, solidarity, social organization, resilience, initiative, creativity, human development, scientific capital, and the presence of a state that ensures justice and equity. The main challenges are referred to the urgent approval of the policy and law to guide the development of the urban habitat under the integrated manage of a single institution, a better use of technical scientific capital in this field and to avoid stratification of the city.
[eng] This thesis explores feminist identities within the so-called "third generation" of Nigerian writers. The focus is on the analysis of representations of (anti)romantic relationships and episodes of "forced intimacy" in three novels set in Nigeria during a time span which ranges from its independence, in 1960, to the 2010s: Daughters Who Walk This Path (2012), by Yejide Kilanko; Under the Udala Trees (2015), by Chinelo Okparanta; and Stay with Me (2017) by Ayọ̀bámi Adébáyọ̀. The three novels which constitute the corpus of the thesis address intimate and romantic relationships, family matters, motherhood, and social roles affecting the female protagonists. Such female characters will be introduced as having to conform to pre-established feminine and heterosexual models of performativity as part of what are referred to as Nigerian traditional practices. Against this background, the thesis establishes a parallelism between personal relationships described in the novels and the social and political evolution of Nigeria as a nation. Through the analysis of the affective and socio-cultural evolution of the protagonists of the three novels object of study, I seek to explore the self-fulfillment of these women as intimately associated with the deconstruction of the myth of the nation, and more specifically with the ideal of a nation built through a collective sacrifice which prompts the consolidation of traditions. In this context, the thesis demonstrates that there is a direct association between demystified representations of the nation and a disillusionment with the romantic ideals of the couples featuring in the novels under study. As a result, this thesis advocates for the existence of a model of "postromantic" evolution which transcends the performativity linked to romanticization. Such evolution will be introduced as affecting both the personal sphere, when it comes to affective relationships, and the public sphere, in what concerns the collective construction of a nation. ; [spa] Esta tesis doctoral explora identidades feministas de la llamada "Tercera Generación" de novelistas de Nigeria. La tesis se centra en el análisis de las representaciones de relaciones (anti)románticas y de episodios de "intimidad forzosa" (forced intimacy) en tres novelas ambientadas en Nigeria durante un periodo que fluctúa entre su independencia, en 1960, y la segunda década del siglo XXI: Daughters Who Walk This Path (2012), de Yejide Kilanko; Under the Udala Trees (2015), de Chinelo Okparanta; y Stay with Me (2017) de Ayọ̀bámi Adébáyọ̀. Las novelas que constituyen el corpus de la tesis discuten las relaciones de pareja, de familia, la maternidad, y los roles sociales de las protagonistas femeninas a partir de modelos pre-establecidos de performatividad, es decir, en un contexto en el que se espera que estas mujeres cumplan con un papel ajustado a modelos tradicionales de feminidad y heterosexualidad. Para ello, la tesis establece un paralelismo entre las relaciones personales descritas en las novelas y la evolución social y política de Nigeria como nación. Mediante el análisis de la evolución afectiva y socio-cultural de las protagonistas de las tres novelas objeto de estudio, se pretende explorar que la autorealización de estas mujeres está íntimamente relacionada con la deconstrucción del mito de la nación, y más específicamente del ideal de una nación construida a partir del sacrificio colectivo, y el mantenimiento de las tradiciones. En este contexto, la tesis demuestra que existe una relación directa entre representaciones desmitificadas de la nación y la desilusión con los ideales románticos de las parejas en las novelas. Como resultado, esta tesis aboga por la existencia de un modelo de evolución "postromántica" que trasciende la performatividad ligada a la romantización, y que aplica tanto a la esfera personal, en las relacionas afectivas, como a la esfera pública, en lo que concierne a la construcción colectiva de una nación. ; [cat] Aquesta tesi doctoral explora identitats feministes de l'anomenada "Tercera Generació" de novel·listes de Nigèria. La tesi es centra en l'anàlisi de les representacions de relacions (anti)romàntiques i d'episodis del que anomenaré "intimitat forçosa" (forced intimacy) dins tres novel·les ambientades a Nigèria durant un període que fluctua entre la seva independència, en 1960, i la segona dècada del segle XXI: Daughters Who Walk This Path (2012), de Yejide Kilanko; Under the Udala Trees (2015), de Chinelo Okparanta; i Stay with Me (2017) de Ayọ̀bámi Adébáyọ̀. Les novel·les que constitueixen el corpus de la tesi discuteixen les relacions de parella, de família, la maternitat, i els rols socials de les protagonistes femenines a partir de models pre-establerts de performativitat, és a dir, dins un context en el qual s'espera que aquestes dones compleixin amb un paper ajustat als models tradicionals de feminitat i heterosexualitat. Per això, la tesi estableix un paral·lelisme entre les relacions personals descrites a les novel·les i l'evolució social i política de Nigèria com a nació. A través de l'anàlisi de l'evolució afectiva i socio-cultural de les protagonistes de les tres novel·les objecte d'estudi, es pretén explorar que l'autorealització d'aquestes dones està íntimament relacionada amb la de-construcció del mite de la nació, i més específicament de l'ideal d'una nació construïda a partir del sacrifici col·lectiu i el manteniment de las tradicions. Dins aquest context, la tesi demostra que existeix una relació directa entre representacions desmitificades de la nació i la desil·lusió amb els ideals romàntics de les parelles d'aquestes novel·les. Com a resultat, aquesta tesi advoca per l'existència d'un model d'evolució "postromàntica" que transcendeix la performativitat lligada a la romantizació, i que aplica tant a l'esfera personal, a les relacions afectives, com a l'esfera pública, dins el que respecta a la construcció col·lectiva d'una nació.
